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Recognizing and nurturing artisanal mining as a viable livelihood
ARTICLE IN PRESS Resources Policy 34 (2009) 24–31
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Recognizing and nurturing artisanal mining as a viable livelihood Petra Tschakert Department of Geography and Alliance for Earth Sciences, Engineering, and Development in Africa (AESEDA), Pennsylvania State University, 315 Walker Building, University Park, PA 16802-5011, USA
a r t i c l e in f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history: Received 7 February 2008 Received in revised form 3 May 2008 Accepted 4 May 2008
Much of the discourse and literature on artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in sub-Saharan Africa has inherently prescriptive recommendations on how the sector should develop. Devaluation, misrecognition, and criminalization of artisanal, largely illegal miners hamper their participation not only in environmental and political decision-making but also in negotiating potential alternative livelihoods. This article addresses the following three questions: (a) what are the pull and push factors in Ghana’s artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector?; (b) what concrete livelihood options exist for unregistered miners when regularization is impeded and undermined?; and (c) in the absence of promising alternative livelihoods, how can the ASM sector be re-imagined to allow poor men and women miners to flourish as recognized and valued members of their society? The findings suggest that as long as currently illegal miners have some expectation that they will legitimately acquire even small parcels of land for gold extraction, they are very unlikely to commit to any of the fashionable, yet shortlived alternative livelihood options that are introduced by external agencies. What Ghana’s ASM sector needs is more success stories that demonstrate that small operators can and want to be good environmental stewards, and that they can flourish as recognized and valued citizens. & 2008 Published by Elsevier Ltd.
JEL classification: L72 Q32 Keywords: Artisanal and small-scale mining Recognition Flourishing Alternative livelihoods Ghana
Introduction Much of the discourse and literature on artisanal and smallscale mining (ASM) in sub-Saharan Africa, as in other parts of the Global South, has inherently prescriptive recommendations on how the sector should develop. The voices of the miners themselves have been essentially excluded in such deliberations. For the most part, this is due to the fact that many small operators work without an official license and, hence, are not recognized as legitimate partners at the negotiation table, lacking entitlement to participation and fair treatment. Yet, with more than 100 million people engaged in this industry around the world, directly or indirectly depending on it for their living (Veiga and Baker, 2004), and a current gold price of 4900$ per ounce, the highest in history, the time is ripe to acknowledge the views of those who have been operating largely at the margin of the gold business and examine their understanding of artisanal mining as a respected and viable livelihood. In Ghana, an estimated 300 000 to 500 000 men, women, and children are involved in ASM, accounting for more than 60% of the country’s total mining labor force (Hilson and Potter, 2003; Carson et al., 2005; Ryan, 2006). As is the case in many other countries in the Global South, ASM is largely but not exclusively a poverty-
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driven activity. It involves rudimentary techniques of mineral extraction, highly manual processes, hazardous working conditions, and frequently negative human and environmental health impacts (Hilson, 2002). It certainly has the potential to contribute to poverty reduction. Yet, it often perpetuates rather than diminishes poverty through high sensitivity to physical hazards, accidents, and lack of knowledge about more efficient, safer, and environmentally friendly techniques. These factors tend to keep miners trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty and vulnerability (Heemskerk, 2005; Sinding, 2005), which undercuts the sector’s image as a viable livelihood. The large majority of Ghana’s artisanal miners (485%) dig for gold without an official license (Carson et al., 2005). In other words, they work illegally. These miners are locally known as galamsey operators, a term that originated from the phrase ‘gather and sell’ (Rambaud et al., 2000). Due to their encroachment on concession land most of which has been leased to national and multinational corporations by the Ghanaian Government, the use of highly toxic mercury in the gold extraction process, and the social disruption that results from the temporary and migratory nature of their work, these miners have been increasingly marginalized and even criminalized. Carson et al. (2005), in their study on mitigating conflict in Ghana’s gold mining industry, investigate illegal artisanal mining as one of seven conflict flashpoints in the sector. In the public media and policy discourses, galamsey miners are usually portrayed as ‘threat’, ‘problem’, ‘headache’, ‘challenge’, and ‘menace’ (Palmer and
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Sackey, 2004; Ryan, 2006; Mining News, 2006; General News Ghana Web, 2006; Regional News Ghana Web, 2006; PeaceFM Online, 2007). This anti-galamsey discourse is in stark contrast to the state’s formal policy to support ASM as a catalyst for poverty reduction and sustainable development as well as its attempts to regularize the sector (Tschakert and Singha, 2007). Moreover, the state officially purchases galamsey gold, via agents licensed through the Precious Mineral Marketing Corporation, and the total ASM sector in Ghana has contributed roughly US$460 million to the national economy since 1989 (Carson et al., 2005). Tschakert and Singha (2007) contend that researchers have also played a substantial role in perpetuating the image of galamsey as reckless polluters, especially with respect to mercury, although existing data are inconclusive and the culprits often unclear. This has led to what the authors refer to as ‘contaminated identities’ of the miners themselves rather than the natural environments in which they work. Some assert that galamsey mining is not an entirely povertydriven effort, as often argued, but instead a highly lucrative undertaking that is propagated by a small group of gold buyers, mercury dealers, and businessmen, often supported by affluent and influential politicians and other players outside of the actual mining areas (Smit, personal communication, 2007; Nyame, personal communication, 2008). Following this line of argument, it seems that any efforts to address the struggles and livelihood needs of the small operators and to nurture the sector in order to reduce poverty are essentially misguided as they are likely to benefit a small economic elite rather than the most disadvantaged men and women miners. More optimistically, Owusu-Korateng (personal communication, 2006), the Director of the Wassa Association of Communities Affected by Mining (WACAM), maintains that small-scale gold mining in Ghana still has the chance to pursue a just and holistic development path where equal distribution of benefits of growth enhances the livelihoods of the most disadvantaged. It can be argued that devaluation, misrecognition, and criminalization hamper the participation of galamsey not only in environmental and political decision-making but also in negotiating potential alternative livelihoods. In other words, miners often have no say in what is recommended for the sector and for substitute income-generating activities. The three critical questions that this article addresses are: (a) what are the pull and push factors in Ghana’s ASM sector?; (b) what concrete livelihood options exist for galamsey miners when regularization and formalization of artisanal operators are impeded and undermined?; and (c) in the absence of promising alternative livelihoods, how can the ASM sector be re-imagined to allow poor men and women miners to flourish as recognized and valued members of their society? From a theoretical perspective, this article draws upon the notion of capabilities for flourishing societies and a radical reimagination of recognition, as discussed in the context of social justice, to reassess the viability of Ghana’s ASM sector. I illustrate why reversing misrecognition and exclusion that dominate present debates is essential if the ultimate goal is to encourage agency and flourishing of currently ostracized men and women miners for a more just and sustainable future.
Alternative livelihoods for Ghana’s artisanal miners In an attempt to address the links between ASM as an incomegenerating activity for both individuals and the Ghanaian state, poverty reduction, environmental preservation, and conflict resolution, recent national and international initiatives have
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promoted community development programs that run parallel to and may eventually replace ASM as a livelihood (Mime, 2002; Aryee, 2004). Such programs usually promote mushroom and snail farming, rose gardens, batik making, the raising of silkworms, fish farming, palm oil production, and grasscutter rearing for bush meat commercialization. Despite their appeal at first glance, these options have been criticized as ‘fashionable drop-in projects’ (Aubynn, 2004) that are predominantly designed for export markets rather than domestic job opportunities. They may scratch the surface of the current galamsey impasse, but they are unlikely to foster sustainable livelihoods and enhance people’s resilience (Tschakert, 2009). There appears to be a disjuncture between the various substitute strategies proposed and the basic needs of small-scale, largely unregistered operators. This reflects the fact that the main driving forces of Ghana’s ASM sector remain poorly understood. Complaints that the government does not provide real possibilities to make a living outside of illegal mining are on the rise. Current debates with respect to the sustainability of the sector, time and again, fail to critically ‘unpack’ the reasons that make people become engaged in the galamsey sector and that make them persist in a high-risk and criminalized environment. While recent terminology that portrays miners and mining communities as ‘stakeholders’ rather than ‘target groups’ (Aryee, 2006) is a step in the right direction, miners continue to feel excluded. They essentially view such alternative livelihoods as impractical schemes designed in fancy and remote offices. The Ghanaian Minerals Commission, the main administrative body responsible for large- and small-scale mining in the country, uses an integrative framework for sustainability in georesource extraction and management, as proposed by Hodge (IISD, 2002). Yet, its primary focus is on risk management and decision-making in the large-scale industry (Aryee, 2003). What is largely absent in these sustainability debates is a critical investigation of the linkages between risk perceptions, risk mitigation, and options for alternative livelihood strategies that satisfy local rather than export needs. While half of those employed in Ghana’s ASM sector are women, one of the highest rates in Africa (Hilson and Potter, 2003), their fate has been grossly overlooked by research and development programs (Owusu-Korateng, 2004). Women typically work as panners, carriers, and processors as well as jewelry makers, cooks, and other service providers (including prostitutes) in and around mining sites. In their dual role as workers and family providers, women are considered critical for community cohesiveness and key agents in facilitating positive change (Hinton et al., 2003). Hence, efforts to improve their livelihoods, in and outside of mining, seem to be particularly timely. Recently, the Ministry of Manpower, Youth and Employment in Ghana included small-scale mining in the National Youth Employment Programme (NYEP), mainly as a response to the urgent need to provide viable options for young miners who lack interest in snail or silk farming or any other of the ‘exotic’ livelihood programs. The program has ten different modules, including urban agriculture, teaching, community protection, and national volunteers. The special program called ‘Youth in Mines’ is a novelty within this national initiative. It seeks to enable ASM operators to be recognized by the Minerals Commission and to receive training to restore the environment after mining operations. After successful completion of a 6-month training course coupled with a monthly allowance of US$45, the ministry provides registration and machines to get the young miners started (Times, 2007). Most miners wish to continue working in the sector, despite its increasingly negative image, since it has been a livelihood occupation for several generations.
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Research methods Drawing upon the notion of ‘sympathetic imagining’ (Nussbaum, 2006), this part of a 2-year study with Ghanaian galamsey operators, both men and women, attempted to understand what the miners themselves saw as major pull and push factors for engaging in admittedly illegal operations as well as what they considered as viable alternative livelihoods. The research was conducted in August and September 2006 in the southwestern part of the country (Fig. 1) and involved four master’s students from the Regional Institute for Population Studies (RIPS) at the University of Ghana. Two galamsey sites in the Kumasi Basin were selected with the help of officials from Small-Scale Mining District Offices who were familiar with local artisanal operations. The first site was a deep alluvial site along the Offin River and next to Dunkwa-on-Offin in the Upper Denkyira District, Central Region. This site was located on the concession of Dunkwa Continental Goldfields, a corporation that has not been operational since 1999. In 2006, the site owner did not have an official license to the land. The other study site was a hard rock area next to Bogoso in the Wassa West District, Western Region. This second site was located on the northeastern edge of the concession of Bogoso Gold Limited (now Golden Star Resources). The corporation is actively exploring and exploiting its land and has repeatedly come into conflict with infringing galamseyers. Two methods were used for this part of the study. After having identified major risks, potential threats to their lives, and possible solutions (in Tschakert and Singha, 2007), five groups of men and women miners, respectively, were asked to discuss and evaluate alternative livelihood options. Groups varied from five to eleven participants in size, ranging from 18 to 46 years in age. Participants first listed all alternative income-generating options that would be accessible to them on large index cards (either through words or drawings) and then ranked these options in order of their preference, by group consensus. Finally, the miners evaluated both the income and the hazard potential associated with each livelihood option, relative to their galamsey work. This assessment was done with pebbles (3 ¼ similarly profitable/ hazardous; 2 ¼ slightly less; 1 ¼ considerably less; 4 ¼ slightly
more; and 5 ¼ considerably more). Fig. 2 depicts the process of one group’s ranking and scoring activity, with income scores to the left and (uncompleted) hazard scores to the right. The second method used was semi-structured interviews conducted at the two sites with operators who could not or did not want
∗ Gold Bearing
Bolgatanga
Areas
wa
ψ Diamondiferous Areas
Tamale
Study sites
N
Sunyani Kumasi Ho
Dunkwa Bogoso
Koforidua Accra Cape Coast Takoradi
Fig. 1. Map of Ghana showing gold bearing and diamondiferous areas where small-scale mining activities thrive, including the two study sites (after Amankwah and Anim-Sackey, 2003).
Fig. 2. Participatory ranking and scoring of alternative livelihood options by one group of male galamsey miners; scores for income are to the left and scores for work hazards (incomplete) to the right. Source: Fieldwork, August 2006.
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total time in the ASM sector ranged from 2.5 to 23 years. Clearly, their main reason for being active galamsey miners was the need for cash. Some cited the lack of employment opportunities elsewhere and the loss of a previous job as major push factors. The younger operators (o25 years of age) reported 0.1–6 years on the same site and 2–7 years as total time spent in the sector. Their main reason for getting involved in galamsey work was also need for money but, in contrast to the older gang members, they mentioned school drop-outs and lack of family support, either because of deceased or divorced parents, as equally important push factors. Both groups agreed that the lure of fast money, economic independence, and the potential to accumulate capital for starting a trading business were the most important pull factors. Older men also stated the opportunity of providing for themselves as well as for their wife and children while the younger participants cited being able to pay school fees as a major incentive. Despite these compelling pull and push factors, the miners also alluded to a range of problems associated with their work in the ASM sector. The large majority of these concerns related to health, followed by financial and social problems, and finally issues of safety and the environment (Fig. 3). Several participants, both
to participate in the group activity. This included 17 male miners (10 from the site next to Dunkwa and 7 from the site next to Bogoso). Due to the fact that nearly all women from the two sites had already participated in the ranking and scoring, only two additional female miners could be identified for the semi-structured interviews. Their responses are reflected in the general discussion of women’s needs in the sector. The questions asked in the semi-structured interviews covered basic demographic parameters such as age, education, and place of origin as well as time spent in mining, main reasons for being in the sector, main problems, anticipated length of future involvement, advantages of other jobs, knowledge and attractiveness of promoted alternative livelihoods (snails, mushrooms, grasscutters, etc.), and preferred employment for their children.
What miners want: pull and push factors in the ASM sector Despite the fact that artisanal mining is a largely migratory activity, the large majority of those interviewed had been at their site for some significant amount of time. Among older men (X25 years of age), this period varied from 0.1 to 8 years while their
Severe coughing when mercury in mouth
Extreme heat in pit and shaft
Inhale mercury vapor
Water-borne diseases from standing in water
Cuts from shovels
Mercury
Causes sickness
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Red eyes caused by muddy water
Water-related problems
Falling when site is slippery
Waist pains
Dirty appearance
Heavy loads carried on neck and chest
Dust Low or no yields
Bodily pains
Rainy season is lean time
Uncertainty
What to eat?
Health Get weak easily
Food Poor pay from supervisor
No education
Pit collapses and kills
Poor quality Main problems
$ coming in
Cheating by gold buyers
Always purchase drugs to reduce body pain
Safety Load falls and kills Environment
Rise in water tables flooding shafts + ghettos
Conflicts Economics
No guaranteed future
Struggle over land between miners and corporations
$ going out Bribe soldiers Expensive prospecting
Equipment is difficult to come by Electricity is costly
Water from underground water table kills
Money for excavator
Teased as being too old
Tension with site owner and wife
Fights
No discipline Fights among gangs
Fines when one fights
Inadequate money for pumps Fig. 3. Aggregated mental model of major problems in the ASM sector, as discussed by men and women miners; the width of the borders reflects the number of responses.
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of-reach option of footballer (soccer player), one of the most highly paid jobs in Ghana. It is worth noting that not a single miner suggested any of the ‘exotic’ alternative livelihood options that are currently promoted by the governments, NGOs, and research groups. While half of all interviewees has heard about snail and mushroom farming and grasscutter rearing, only three actually knew a person that had switched from mining to one of these occupations. Yet, most stated that they would be willing to try, under the condition that start-up capital was provided. Those who were most skeptical about these unorthodox income-generating activities referred to low profits and bad losses of those who had taken the risk as major disincentives. In contrast, driving a taxi, welding, carpentry, tailoring, and poultry farming were much appreciated, not necessarily because of high profits but because of the regular income and the permanency associated with the jobs. This was particularly true for older miners. Other positive aspects included having an occupation that was recognized and valued by society, being part of a family business, better food and health, and spiritual protection. As for the women, alternative job opportunities are exceedingly dire (Fig. 5). The option that seemed most appealing to the women miners was cocoa farming, although it was considered as hazardous as mining, mainly because of potential snakebites. Also, as most women do not own property in Ghana, cocoa farming was understood as wage labor on a cocoa farm. Teaching, dressmaking, hairdressing and trading with underwear also seemed attractive, although the income is similar or less than that of mining. While various types of petty trading (food, earrings, plastic buckets, umbrellas, cell phone accessories, and cosmetics) essentially exhaust the realistic job opportunities for these female miners, given their low level or lack of formal education, other professions such as nurse, newscaster/journalist, and teacher embodied a distressing castle-in-the-sky-mentality as most of these young women will likely be denied any better future. Only one of the two additional women interviewed claimed to have heard about batik making, although both expressed interest, envisioning stable incomes and, by implication, a secured future.
- Risk Score
- Higher than mining
women and younger men, complained about bodily pains from carrying heavy loads of gold-bearing rocks and sediments while older miners cited the high temperatures in underground shafts as most problematic. The latter also stressed the safety hazards associated with their sites, especially the risk of dying due to collapsing sediments. Additional problems encompassed struggles over land, fights between gangs, cheating by gold buyers, coughing from mercury inhalation, and bribing soldiers. Despite these serious concerns, most miners, especially the younger ones, expressed interest to stay on the site as long as possible. The older men, in contrast, wished to leave ASM within a month or two, or at least as soon as they would have sufficient capital to start their own business. Out of a total of 19 miners that were interviewed, including the two women, only one could envision his children as galamsey. The main arguments against such a future were the multiple physical and health risks that characterize the ASM sector, its perceived non-permanence, especially after increasing conflicts with large-scale corporations and state security forces, and the bad attitudes the miners associated with their own work, such as stealing. Equally, if not more discouraging was what the miners perceived as a lack of respect from society for their supposedly irresponsible behavior, high rates of school drop-out, and poor understanding of the English language. Hence, what other jobs could galamsey operators reasonably envision for themselves? The favorite option among both younger and older men was taxi driver, followed by poultry farming, trading with shoes and clothes, car fitting, oil palm tapping, masonry, and carpentry. In the eyes of the o25-year group, cocoa farming was also held in high esteem. Fig. 4 illustrates that no single alternative livelihood that the men envisioned was more hazardous than galamsey mining (risk score p3) although taxi driving and operating a chain saw was perceived as equally risky. Roughly half of all other employment options were ranked as more lucrative than mining and the other half as less lucrative. Although three income-generating activities were cited as significantly more profitable, only the younger ones believed in cocoa farming as a viable livelihood. All other ideas were mentioned by just one participant, including the seemingly out-
3.5 Largest bubble = 4 groups of men Smallest bubble = 1 group of men
Chain saw operator
Taxi driver
Engineering
3.0
Corn mill operator Sorghum farming
2.5
Welding
Cold store
Fitting
Electrician
Pepper farming Painting
2.0
Yam+maize farming Masonry
Footballer
Wiring
Cocoa farming Poultry farming
1.5
Oil palm
Lower than mining
Carpentry Sprayer Trading (spare parts)
1.0
Plumber Fish farming
Drug sale (clothes)
0.5 Pig farming Tennis player 0.0
0
1 Lower than mining
2
Construction Tailoring Bakery Kente weaving Sheep rearing
3 - Income Score
4
5 - Higher than mining
6
Fig. 4. Income and hazard scores for alternative livelihood options available to men miners, as indicated through participatory ranking.
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- Risk Score
- Higher than mining
P. Tschakert / Resources Policy 34 (2009) 24–31
3.5
Large bubble = both women's groups
Cocoa farming
Small bubble = one women's group 3
Trading (umbrella, cosmetics) 2.5 Food seller 2
Hairdresser Dressmaker Trading (underwear)
1.5 Lower than mining
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Nurse Bar operator
Teaching
1 Trading\ (earrings)
0.5
Trading (provisions) Sale plastic buckets
Trading (cell phone accessoires)
Newscaster/ journalist
0 0
1
2
Lower than mining
3 - Income Score
4
5
6
- Higher than mining
Fig. 5. Income and hazard scores for alternative livelihood options available to women miners, as indicated through participatory ranking.
Capabilities, flourishing, and re-imagination of recognition While the results from the interviews and the ranking and scoring activities with men and women miners at two galamsey sites in southwestern Ghana are by no means representative for the entire ASM sector in the country, they surprisingly well match the findings from an earlier study conducted by Mime Consult (2002). This study, involving three mining communities, also suggests that alternative livelihood options and local market opportunities that would be attractive to miners are awfully sparse. The substitute professions most commonly cited by miners in the Mime Consult survey are almost identical to those encountered in this study (carpentry, driving, and tailoring for men and hairdressing and food trading for women). What has changed considerably since the 2002 study is the pressure on galamsey miners to vacate their sites on corporate concession lands and seek a living elsewhere. This pressure stems from both large-scale companies and the state and culminated in ‘Operation Flush-Out’ in the fall of 2006. A detailed description of governmental ‘fights’ against illegal mining is provided in Hilson et al. (2007). The seven sustainable development principles that B.N.A. Aryee, Chief Executive of Ghana’s Minerals Commission, had laid out for the mining sector in 2004 seem to have become even more out of reach for those involved in ASM. These principles include effective processes of engagement; improvement of people’s wellbeing; long-term assurance of environmental integrity; economic viability of operations; social acceptance of traditional and nonmarket activities in mining communities; institutional arrangements and governance; and integration and continuous learning (Aryee, 2004). It could be argued that today’s ASM activities are much more investment-oriented than a decade ago (Nyame, personal communication, 2008). Yet, the large majority of men and women engaged in galamsey operations are still predominantly driven into the sector by poverty rather than by business speculations. Hence, the key question is what elements would be necessary to create an environment in which those at the margin, those who
have been repeatedly criminalized and ostracized in the public discourse, can pursue a viable livelihood in the profession of their choosing. Carney (1998, p. 4) defines a sustainable livelihood as ‘capabilities, assets (y) and activities required for a means of living’ that ‘can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base’. For most galamsey interviewed, this ideal profession is neither fish farming nor grasscutter rearing nor snail farming, but mining, although without the stigma and the multiple impediments that characterize it today. Most galamsey operators wish to be employed by large-scale gold mining companies. Yet, few openings are available for a largely untrained labor force. The findings from this study suggest that most miners prefer galamsey work over less risky activities such as poultry farming, taxi driving, masonry, construction work, petty trading, and cocoa farming, not out of conviction but of necessity. At least compared to employment in large mining companies, these other professions do not require special skills or advanced educational backgrounds. Providing attractive options and well-being within the ASM sector would require committed efforts to raise its profile and to nurture it as a respectable sector that merits constructive engagement (Tschakert and Singha, 2007). This, in turn, would necessitate a radical re-imagination of recognition of thousands of currently misrecognized men and women. Sen (1985) argues that the ability to achieve valuable ‘functionings’, such as activities like eating or states of existence (e.g. being free from disease and oppression) constitute the core element of well-being. His argument hinges upon a person’s or a group’s possibilities to be able to have combinations of different desirable functionings from which they can choose. He offers five basic concepts and freedoms that may advance the general capability of people, including political freedoms, economic facilities, social opportunities, transparency guarantees, and protective security (Sen, 1999). Given a criminal stigma from the anti-galamsey discourse in Ghana, such freedoms are rather poorly developed.
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Expanding on Sen’s work, Nussbaum (1999) proposes a capability approach that focuses on individual agency and flourishing. In her basic ‘capability set’, she lists the following ten fundamental elements: (1) normal length of life; (2) bodily health as linked to nourishment, physical health, and shelter; (3) bodily integrity which embraces free movement and security against assault; (4) imagination, creative thought, and freedom of expression; (5) the right to live emotions; (6) practical reasoning and the right to determine one’s notion of a good life; (7) affiliation and social bases for self-respect and non-humiliation; (8) the right to play; (9) political and material control over one’s environment; and (10) concern for other species. This list is not meant to be prescriptive but rather a tool for assessing the multiple dimensions of functioning and flourishing in a healthy society. Again, in the context of galamsey mining in Ghana, many of these basic capabilities are not met, reinforcing Olson’s (2001) argument that problems of economic inequality and cultural disrespect are tightly linked to each other. What, then, are the processes that are needed to encourage and sustain a flourishing ASM sector in Ghana? In recent debates on social and environmental justice, recognition and participation emerge as key ingredients. Young (1990) and Fraser (1998, 2000), two social theorists, as well as others (Honneth, 2001; Taylor, 1994; Schlosberg, 2004), have identified the lack of recognition, often expressed as devaluation and disfranchisement, as harmful and constraining to people as it prevents them from participating in decision-making processes. Young (1990) stresses that recognition is not just a ‘thing’ to be distributed, but a relationship, a social norm embedded in social practice. Put simply, if one is not recognized, he or she cannot participate; by the same token, without participation there is no recognition. Consequently, institutional exclusion and a social culture of misrecognition undermine democratic and participatory decision-making processes. Fraser (2000), in particular, advocates conceptualizing people’s struggles for recognition as to better combine them with struggles of distribution in environmental and social justice claims. Furthermore, to counteract social subordination, as well as other practices and institutionalized cultural norms that devalue and deny a certain group of people the status of a full partner in social interactions, Fraser (2006) stresses the need for parity-fostering alternatives. She argues that, in a period of neoliberal hegemony, a radical re-imagination and the revival of egalitarian projects of redistribution and politics of recognition define the new understanding of justice, equality, and democracy in the 21st century. How would such parity-fostering alternatives look like for Ghana’s ASM sector? From a research perspective, this implies recognizing men and women galamsey as research partners, not as outlaws—as equals who are entitled to a spot in the participatory arena (Tschakert and Singha, 2007). From a policy perspective, this requires first and foremost long-term partnerships that value different types of knowledge, participatory schemes for environmental monitoring, and a political commitment to make unused concession lands available to unregistered miners through a simplified registration process. The latter is currently witnessed on Dunkwa Continental Goldfields (Hilson et al., 2007). Carson et al. (2005) further recommend building stakeholder capacity and training of local environmental NGOs and community members and including small-scale mining issues into policy agendas.
Conclusion This article has examined the pull and push factors that make men and women become engaged and persist in Ghana’s artisanal gold mining sector. The large majority of these miners operate
without an official license in a high-risk, exclusionary, and criminalizing environment. Yet, most see mining as an incomegenerating activity that best meets their needs for cash, sustaining families, and saving money for starting their own business. Only few are knowledgeable of and interested in alternative livelihood options that are promoted by outside agencies. Such options, usually in the form of projects, include snail, fish, and mushroom farming, grasscutter rearing, and batik making. Other incomegenerating activities that would be available to unregistered galamsey miners are often less lucrative (plumbing, car fitting, petty trading), require start-up funds or access to land (poultry and cocoa farming, taxi driving, bar operator), or are simply beyond the reach of a group with a relatively low educational level (nursing, teaching). The options are particularly sparse for women. In the absence of truly promising substitute occupations to galamsey mining, this article examined the necessary ingredients for flourishing and viable livelihoods within the ASM sector. Recognition of a so far largely criminalized group of men and women and their participation in decision-making processes constitute the heart of a parity-fostering approach. Efforts to expand the small-scale mining sector through the ceding of land that is temporarily unused by large-scale companies and simplified registration processes are particularly appealing to galamsey operators. As long as there is some expectation that they will legitimately acquire even small parcels of land for gold extraction, miners are very unlikely to commit to any of the ‘fashionable’, short-lived alternative livelihood options. One small step towards sustainability may be the recent attempts by the Small-Scale Mining Office of the Minerals Commission in Dunkwa-on-Offin to encourage previously illegal miners to seek official registration on the now obsolete concession of Dunkwa Continental Goldfields. What Ghana’s ASM sector needs is more of these success stories. It needs compelling accounts that demonstrate that small operators can and want to be good environmental stewards and that they can flourish as recognized and valued citizens.
Acknowledgements The author gratefully acknowledges a Wilson Research Initiation Grant through the College of Earth and Mineral Sciences at the Pennsylvania State University and vital contributions of team members Raymond Tutu, Jones Adjei, Doris Ottie-Boakye, and Iddrisu Mutaru Goro (Regional Institute for Population Studies, University of Ghana). The author thanks Nicole Laliberte for her help with data analysis and visualization. Also much appreciated is the assistance that Mike Appiah, Koffie Tetteh, and Clemence Adzormahe from the Minerals Commission in Ghana provided in the selection of research partners. Special thanks go to the men and women miners who granted access to their sites, participated in the study, and shared with us invaluable insights about galamsey mining in Ghana. References Amankwah, R.K., Anim-Sackey, C., 2003. Strategies for sustainable development of the small-scale gold and diamond mining industry in Ghana. Resources Policy 29, 131–138. Aryee, B.N.A., 2003. Small-scale mining in Ghana as a sustainable development activity: its development and a review of the contemporary issues and challenges. In: Hilson, G.M. (Ed.), The Socio-Economic Impacts of Artisanal and Small-Scale Mining in Developing Countries. A.A. Balkema Publishers, Lisse, The Netherlands, pp. 379–418. Aryee, B.N.A., 2004. Mining and sustainable development. In: Minerals Commission and Chamber of Mines. Corporate Social Responsibility in Ghana:
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Extending the Frontiers of Sustainable Development. Conference Proceedings, Western University College Tarkwa, Ghana, September 2–4, 2004. Aryee, J., 2006. Introduction: The mines corporate social responsibility towards sustainable alternative livelihood to affected communities in the Ghana mines sector, Meeting in Kumasi, Ghana, August 2, 2006. Aubynn, T., 2004. Enhancing opportunities in the mining communities: the ALP factor. In: Minerals Commission and Chamber of Mines. Corporate Social Responsibility in Ghana: Extending the Frontiers of Sustainable Development. Conference Proceedings, Western University College Tarkwa, Ghana, September 2–4, 2004. Carney, D. (Ed.), 1998. Sustainable Rural Livelihoods: What Contribution can we Make? Department for International Development, London, UK. Carson, M., Cottrell, S., Dickman, J., Gummerson, E., Lee, T., Miao, Y., Teranishi, N., Tully, C., Uregian, C., 2005. Managing Mineral Resources Through Public– Private Partnerships: Mitigating Conflict in Ghanaian Gold Mining. Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton, NJ. Fraser, N., 1998. Social justice in the age of identity politics: redistribution, recognition and participation. In: The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, vol. 19. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City, UT. Fraser, N., 2000. Rethinking recognition. New Left Review May/June, 107–120. Fraser, N., 2006. Introduction: The radical imagination between redistribution and recognition. In: N. Fraser. Mapping the Radical Imagination. URL: /http:// www.newschool.edu/GF/polsci/faculty/fraser/S. General News, 2006. ‘‘Galamsey’’—now a major challenge to mining companies. September 14. Heemskerk, M., 2005. Collecting data in artisanal and small-scale mining communities: measuring progress towards more sustainable livelihoods. Natural Resources Forum 29, 82–87. Hilson, G., 2002. Small-scale mining and its socio-economic impact in developing countries. Natural Resources Forum 26, 3–13. Hilson, G., Potter, C., 2003. Why is illegal gold mining activity so ubiquitous throughout rural Ghana? African Development Revue 15 (2), 237–270. Hilson, G., Yakovleva, N., Banchirigah, S.M., 2007. ‘To move or not to move’: reflections on the resettlement of artisanal miners in the Western Region of Ghana. African Affairs 106 (424), 413–436. Hinton, J.J., Veiga, M.M., Beinhoff, C., 2003. Women, mercury and artisanal gold mining: risk communication and mitigation. Journal de Physique IV France 107, 617–620. Honneth, A., 2001. Recognition or redistribution? Changing perspectives on the moral order of society. Theory, Culture, and Nature 18 (203), 43–55. International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), 2002. Seven questions to sustainability: How to assess the contribution of mining and minerals activities. Task 2 Work Group, Mining, Minerals and Sustainable Development (MMSD) North America. International Institute for Sustainable Development, Winnipeg, Canada.
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Mime Consult Ltd., 2002. Poverty eradication and sustainable livelihoods: focusing on artisanal mining communities. Ghana. Final Report. Prepared for UNDP/ UNDESA, RAF 99/023. Accra, Ghana. Mining News, 2006. Small-scale mines. The Ghana Chamber of Mines 2 (2), June, p. 6. Nussbaum, M.C., 1999. Sex and Social Justice. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Nussbaum, M.C., 2006. Frontiers of Justice: Disability, Nationality, Species Membership. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Olson, K., 2001. Distributive justice and the politics of difference. Critical Horizons 2 (1), 5–32. Owusu-Korateng, H., 2004. Environment, water and health impacts on women due to mining: the case of Wassa West and Adansi West Districts of Ghana. Third International Women and Mining Conference in India, October 1–9, 2004. Palmer, K., Sackey, S., 2004. Illegal mining a threat in Ghana. Ghana Web 10 October. PeaceFM Online, 2007. Galamsey operators re-surface. 20 April. Rambaud, A., Casellas, C., O.Sackey, S., Ankrah, N.-A., Potin-Gautier, M., Tellier, S., Bannerman, W., Babut, M., 2000. US/GHA/99/128—Assistance in Assessing and Reducing Mercury Pollution Emanating from Artisanal Gold Mining in Ghana—Phase I: Part I—General Introduction and Assessment of Human Health. UNIDO. Regional News, 2006. Illegal mining destroying farmslands in Talensi-Nab-Dam District, Friday, November 10. Ryan, O., 2006. Ghana gold diggers pose headache for mining firms. Reuters May 20. Schlosberg, D., 2004. Reconceiving environmental justice: global movements and political theories. Environmental Politics 13 (3), 517–540. Sen, A., 1985. Commodities and Capabilities. North-Holland, Amsterdam. Sen, A., 1999. Development as Freedom. Anchor Books, New York. Sinding, K., 2005. The dynamics of artisanal and small-scale mining reform. Natural Resources Forum 29 (3), 243–252. Taylor, C., 1994. In: Gutman, A. (Ed.), Multiculturalism. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. Times, 2007. ‘‘Galamsey’’ to be part of NYEP. 18 April. Tschakert, P., 2009. Digging deep for justice: a radical re-imagination of the artisanal gold mining sector in Ghana. Antipode, in press. Tschakert, P., Singha, K., 2007. Contaminated identities: mercury and marginalization in Ghana’s artisanal mining sector. Geoforum 38, 1304–1321. Veiga, M.M., Baker, R., 2004. Protocols for Environmental and Health Assessment of Mercury Released by Artisanal and Small Scale Miners, report to the Global Mercury project: removal of barriers to introduction of cleaner artisanal gold mining and extraction technologies, GEF/UNDP/UNIDO, 170p. Available: /http://www.globalmercury.orgS. Young, I.M., 1990. Justice and the Politics of Difference. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ.
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Recognizing and nurturing artisanal mining as a viable livelihood Petra Tschakert Department of Geography and Alliance for Earth Sciences, Engineering, and Development in Africa (AESEDA), Pennsylvania State University, 315 Walker Building, University Park, PA 16802-5011, USA
a r t i c l e in f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history: Received 7 February 2008 Received in revised form 3 May 2008 Accepted 4 May 2008
Much of the discourse and literature on artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) in sub-Saharan Africa has inherently prescriptive recommendations on how the sector should develop. Devaluation, misrecognition, and criminalization of artisanal, largely illegal miners hamper their participation not only in environmental and political decision-making but also in negotiating potential alternative livelihoods. This article addresses the following three questions: (a) what are the pull and push factors in Ghana’s artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) sector?; (b) what concrete livelihood options exist for unregistered miners when regularization is impeded and undermined?; and (c) in the absence of promising alternative livelihoods, how can the ASM sector be re-imagined to allow poor men and women miners to flourish as recognized and valued members of their society? The findings suggest that as long as currently illegal miners have some expectation that they will legitimately acquire even small parcels of land for gold extraction, they are very unlikely to commit to any of the fashionable, yet shortlived alternative livelihood options that are introduced by external agencies. What Ghana’s ASM sector needs is more success stories that demonstrate that small operators can and want to be good environmental stewards, and that they can flourish as recognized and valued citizens. & 2008 Published by Elsevier Ltd.
JEL classification: L72 Q32 Keywords: Artisanal and small-scale mining Recognition Flourishing Alternative livelihoods Ghana
Introduction Much of the discourse and literature on artisanal and smallscale mining (ASM) in sub-Saharan Africa, as in other parts of the Global South, has inherently prescriptive recommendations on how the sector should develop. The voices of the miners themselves have been essentially excluded in such deliberations. For the most part, this is due to the fact that many small operators work without an official license and, hence, are not recognized as legitimate partners at the negotiation table, lacking entitlement to participation and fair treatment. Yet, with more than 100 million people engaged in this industry around the world, directly or indirectly depending on it for their living (Veiga and Baker, 2004), and a current gold price of 4900$ per ounce, the highest in history, the time is ripe to acknowledge the views of those who have been operating largely at the margin of the gold business and examine their understanding of artisanal mining as a respected and viable livelihood. In Ghana, an estimated 300 000 to 500 000 men, women, and children are involved in ASM, accounting for more than 60% of the country’s total mining labor force (Hilson and Potter, 2003; Carson et al., 2005; Ryan, 2006). As is the case in many other countries in the Global South, ASM is largely but not exclusively a poverty-
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driven activity. It involves rudimentary techniques of mineral extraction, highly manual processes, hazardous working conditions, and frequently negative human and environmental health impacts (Hilson, 2002). It certainly has the potential to contribute to poverty reduction. Yet, it often perpetuates rather than diminishes poverty through high sensitivity to physical hazards, accidents, and lack of knowledge about more efficient, safer, and environmentally friendly techniques. These factors tend to keep miners trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty and vulnerability (Heemskerk, 2005; Sinding, 2005), which undercuts the sector’s image as a viable livelihood. The large majority of Ghana’s artisanal miners (485%) dig for gold without an official license (Carson et al., 2005). In other words, they work illegally. These miners are locally known as galamsey operators, a term that originated from the phrase ‘gather and sell’ (Rambaud et al., 2000). Due to their encroachment on concession land most of which has been leased to national and multinational corporations by the Ghanaian Government, the use of highly toxic mercury in the gold extraction process, and the social disruption that results from the temporary and migratory nature of their work, these miners have been increasingly marginalized and even criminalized. Carson et al. (2005), in their study on mitigating conflict in Ghana’s gold mining industry, investigate illegal artisanal mining as one of seven conflict flashpoints in the sector. In the public media and policy discourses, galamsey miners are usually portrayed as ‘threat’, ‘problem’, ‘headache’, ‘challenge’, and ‘menace’ (Palmer and
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Sackey, 2004; Ryan, 2006; Mining News, 2006; General News Ghana Web, 2006; Regional News Ghana Web, 2006; PeaceFM Online, 2007). This anti-galamsey discourse is in stark contrast to the state’s formal policy to support ASM as a catalyst for poverty reduction and sustainable development as well as its attempts to regularize the sector (Tschakert and Singha, 2007). Moreover, the state officially purchases galamsey gold, via agents licensed through the Precious Mineral Marketing Corporation, and the total ASM sector in Ghana has contributed roughly US$460 million to the national economy since 1989 (Carson et al., 2005). Tschakert and Singha (2007) contend that researchers have also played a substantial role in perpetuating the image of galamsey as reckless polluters, especially with respect to mercury, although existing data are inconclusive and the culprits often unclear. This has led to what the authors refer to as ‘contaminated identities’ of the miners themselves rather than the natural environments in which they work. Some assert that galamsey mining is not an entirely povertydriven effort, as often argued, but instead a highly lucrative undertaking that is propagated by a small group of gold buyers, mercury dealers, and businessmen, often supported by affluent and influential politicians and other players outside of the actual mining areas (Smit, personal communication, 2007; Nyame, personal communication, 2008). Following this line of argument, it seems that any efforts to address the struggles and livelihood needs of the small operators and to nurture the sector in order to reduce poverty are essentially misguided as they are likely to benefit a small economic elite rather than the most disadvantaged men and women miners. More optimistically, Owusu-Korateng (personal communication, 2006), the Director of the Wassa Association of Communities Affected by Mining (WACAM), maintains that small-scale gold mining in Ghana still has the chance to pursue a just and holistic development path where equal distribution of benefits of growth enhances the livelihoods of the most disadvantaged. It can be argued that devaluation, misrecognition, and criminalization hamper the participation of galamsey not only in environmental and political decision-making but also in negotiating potential alternative livelihoods. In other words, miners often have no say in what is recommended for the sector and for substitute income-generating activities. The three critical questions that this article addresses are: (a) what are the pull and push factors in Ghana’s ASM sector?; (b) what concrete livelihood options exist for galamsey miners when regularization and formalization of artisanal operators are impeded and undermined?; and (c) in the absence of promising alternative livelihoods, how can the ASM sector be re-imagined to allow poor men and women miners to flourish as recognized and valued members of their society? From a theoretical perspective, this article draws upon the notion of capabilities for flourishing societies and a radical reimagination of recognition, as discussed in the context of social justice, to reassess the viability of Ghana’s ASM sector. I illustrate why reversing misrecognition and exclusion that dominate present debates is essential if the ultimate goal is to encourage agency and flourishing of currently ostracized men and women miners for a more just and sustainable future.
Alternative livelihoods for Ghana’s artisanal miners In an attempt to address the links between ASM as an incomegenerating activity for both individuals and the Ghanaian state, poverty reduction, environmental preservation, and conflict resolution, recent national and international initiatives have
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promoted community development programs that run parallel to and may eventually replace ASM as a livelihood (Mime, 2002; Aryee, 2004). Such programs usually promote mushroom and snail farming, rose gardens, batik making, the raising of silkworms, fish farming, palm oil production, and grasscutter rearing for bush meat commercialization. Despite their appeal at first glance, these options have been criticized as ‘fashionable drop-in projects’ (Aubynn, 2004) that are predominantly designed for export markets rather than domestic job opportunities. They may scratch the surface of the current galamsey impasse, but they are unlikely to foster sustainable livelihoods and enhance people’s resilience (Tschakert, 2009). There appears to be a disjuncture between the various substitute strategies proposed and the basic needs of small-scale, largely unregistered operators. This reflects the fact that the main driving forces of Ghana’s ASM sector remain poorly understood. Complaints that the government does not provide real possibilities to make a living outside of illegal mining are on the rise. Current debates with respect to the sustainability of the sector, time and again, fail to critically ‘unpack’ the reasons that make people become engaged in the galamsey sector and that make them persist in a high-risk and criminalized environment. While recent terminology that portrays miners and mining communities as ‘stakeholders’ rather than ‘target groups’ (Aryee, 2006) is a step in the right direction, miners continue to feel excluded. They essentially view such alternative livelihoods as impractical schemes designed in fancy and remote offices. The Ghanaian Minerals Commission, the main administrative body responsible for large- and small-scale mining in the country, uses an integrative framework for sustainability in georesource extraction and management, as proposed by Hodge (IISD, 2002). Yet, its primary focus is on risk management and decision-making in the large-scale industry (Aryee, 2003). What is largely absent in these sustainability debates is a critical investigation of the linkages between risk perceptions, risk mitigation, and options for alternative livelihood strategies that satisfy local rather than export needs. While half of those employed in Ghana’s ASM sector are women, one of the highest rates in Africa (Hilson and Potter, 2003), their fate has been grossly overlooked by research and development programs (Owusu-Korateng, 2004). Women typically work as panners, carriers, and processors as well as jewelry makers, cooks, and other service providers (including prostitutes) in and around mining sites. In their dual role as workers and family providers, women are considered critical for community cohesiveness and key agents in facilitating positive change (Hinton et al., 2003). Hence, efforts to improve their livelihoods, in and outside of mining, seem to be particularly timely. Recently, the Ministry of Manpower, Youth and Employment in Ghana included small-scale mining in the National Youth Employment Programme (NYEP), mainly as a response to the urgent need to provide viable options for young miners who lack interest in snail or silk farming or any other of the ‘exotic’ livelihood programs. The program has ten different modules, including urban agriculture, teaching, community protection, and national volunteers. The special program called ‘Youth in Mines’ is a novelty within this national initiative. It seeks to enable ASM operators to be recognized by the Minerals Commission and to receive training to restore the environment after mining operations. After successful completion of a 6-month training course coupled with a monthly allowance of US$45, the ministry provides registration and machines to get the young miners started (Times, 2007). Most miners wish to continue working in the sector, despite its increasingly negative image, since it has been a livelihood occupation for several generations.
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Research methods Drawing upon the notion of ‘sympathetic imagining’ (Nussbaum, 2006), this part of a 2-year study with Ghanaian galamsey operators, both men and women, attempted to understand what the miners themselves saw as major pull and push factors for engaging in admittedly illegal operations as well as what they considered as viable alternative livelihoods. The research was conducted in August and September 2006 in the southwestern part of the country (Fig. 1) and involved four master’s students from the Regional Institute for Population Studies (RIPS) at the University of Ghana. Two galamsey sites in the Kumasi Basin were selected with the help of officials from Small-Scale Mining District Offices who were familiar with local artisanal operations. The first site was a deep alluvial site along the Offin River and next to Dunkwa-on-Offin in the Upper Denkyira District, Central Region. This site was located on the concession of Dunkwa Continental Goldfields, a corporation that has not been operational since 1999. In 2006, the site owner did not have an official license to the land. The other study site was a hard rock area next to Bogoso in the Wassa West District, Western Region. This second site was located on the northeastern edge of the concession of Bogoso Gold Limited (now Golden Star Resources). The corporation is actively exploring and exploiting its land and has repeatedly come into conflict with infringing galamseyers. Two methods were used for this part of the study. After having identified major risks, potential threats to their lives, and possible solutions (in Tschakert and Singha, 2007), five groups of men and women miners, respectively, were asked to discuss and evaluate alternative livelihood options. Groups varied from five to eleven participants in size, ranging from 18 to 46 years in age. Participants first listed all alternative income-generating options that would be accessible to them on large index cards (either through words or drawings) and then ranked these options in order of their preference, by group consensus. Finally, the miners evaluated both the income and the hazard potential associated with each livelihood option, relative to their galamsey work. This assessment was done with pebbles (3 ¼ similarly profitable/ hazardous; 2 ¼ slightly less; 1 ¼ considerably less; 4 ¼ slightly
more; and 5 ¼ considerably more). Fig. 2 depicts the process of one group’s ranking and scoring activity, with income scores to the left and (uncompleted) hazard scores to the right. The second method used was semi-structured interviews conducted at the two sites with operators who could not or did not want
∗ Gold Bearing
Bolgatanga
Areas
wa
ψ Diamondiferous Areas
Tamale
Study sites
N
Sunyani Kumasi Ho
Dunkwa Bogoso
Koforidua Accra Cape Coast Takoradi
Fig. 1. Map of Ghana showing gold bearing and diamondiferous areas where small-scale mining activities thrive, including the two study sites (after Amankwah and Anim-Sackey, 2003).
Fig. 2. Participatory ranking and scoring of alternative livelihood options by one group of male galamsey miners; scores for income are to the left and scores for work hazards (incomplete) to the right. Source: Fieldwork, August 2006.
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total time in the ASM sector ranged from 2.5 to 23 years. Clearly, their main reason for being active galamsey miners was the need for cash. Some cited the lack of employment opportunities elsewhere and the loss of a previous job as major push factors. The younger operators (o25 years of age) reported 0.1–6 years on the same site and 2–7 years as total time spent in the sector. Their main reason for getting involved in galamsey work was also need for money but, in contrast to the older gang members, they mentioned school drop-outs and lack of family support, either because of deceased or divorced parents, as equally important push factors. Both groups agreed that the lure of fast money, economic independence, and the potential to accumulate capital for starting a trading business were the most important pull factors. Older men also stated the opportunity of providing for themselves as well as for their wife and children while the younger participants cited being able to pay school fees as a major incentive. Despite these compelling pull and push factors, the miners also alluded to a range of problems associated with their work in the ASM sector. The large majority of these concerns related to health, followed by financial and social problems, and finally issues of safety and the environment (Fig. 3). Several participants, both
to participate in the group activity. This included 17 male miners (10 from the site next to Dunkwa and 7 from the site next to Bogoso). Due to the fact that nearly all women from the two sites had already participated in the ranking and scoring, only two additional female miners could be identified for the semi-structured interviews. Their responses are reflected in the general discussion of women’s needs in the sector. The questions asked in the semi-structured interviews covered basic demographic parameters such as age, education, and place of origin as well as time spent in mining, main reasons for being in the sector, main problems, anticipated length of future involvement, advantages of other jobs, knowledge and attractiveness of promoted alternative livelihoods (snails, mushrooms, grasscutters, etc.), and preferred employment for their children.
What miners want: pull and push factors in the ASM sector Despite the fact that artisanal mining is a largely migratory activity, the large majority of those interviewed had been at their site for some significant amount of time. Among older men (X25 years of age), this period varied from 0.1 to 8 years while their
Severe coughing when mercury in mouth
Extreme heat in pit and shaft
Inhale mercury vapor
Water-borne diseases from standing in water
Cuts from shovels
Mercury
Causes sickness
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Red eyes caused by muddy water
Water-related problems
Falling when site is slippery
Waist pains
Dirty appearance
Heavy loads carried on neck and chest
Dust Low or no yields
Bodily pains
Rainy season is lean time
Uncertainty
What to eat?
Health Get weak easily
Food Poor pay from supervisor
No education
Pit collapses and kills
Poor quality Main problems
$ coming in
Cheating by gold buyers
Always purchase drugs to reduce body pain
Safety Load falls and kills Environment
Rise in water tables flooding shafts + ghettos
Conflicts Economics
No guaranteed future
Struggle over land between miners and corporations
$ going out Bribe soldiers Expensive prospecting
Equipment is difficult to come by Electricity is costly
Water from underground water table kills
Money for excavator
Teased as being too old
Tension with site owner and wife
Fights
No discipline Fights among gangs
Fines when one fights
Inadequate money for pumps Fig. 3. Aggregated mental model of major problems in the ASM sector, as discussed by men and women miners; the width of the borders reflects the number of responses.
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of-reach option of footballer (soccer player), one of the most highly paid jobs in Ghana. It is worth noting that not a single miner suggested any of the ‘exotic’ alternative livelihood options that are currently promoted by the governments, NGOs, and research groups. While half of all interviewees has heard about snail and mushroom farming and grasscutter rearing, only three actually knew a person that had switched from mining to one of these occupations. Yet, most stated that they would be willing to try, under the condition that start-up capital was provided. Those who were most skeptical about these unorthodox income-generating activities referred to low profits and bad losses of those who had taken the risk as major disincentives. In contrast, driving a taxi, welding, carpentry, tailoring, and poultry farming were much appreciated, not necessarily because of high profits but because of the regular income and the permanency associated with the jobs. This was particularly true for older miners. Other positive aspects included having an occupation that was recognized and valued by society, being part of a family business, better food and health, and spiritual protection. As for the women, alternative job opportunities are exceedingly dire (Fig. 5). The option that seemed most appealing to the women miners was cocoa farming, although it was considered as hazardous as mining, mainly because of potential snakebites. Also, as most women do not own property in Ghana, cocoa farming was understood as wage labor on a cocoa farm. Teaching, dressmaking, hairdressing and trading with underwear also seemed attractive, although the income is similar or less than that of mining. While various types of petty trading (food, earrings, plastic buckets, umbrellas, cell phone accessories, and cosmetics) essentially exhaust the realistic job opportunities for these female miners, given their low level or lack of formal education, other professions such as nurse, newscaster/journalist, and teacher embodied a distressing castle-in-the-sky-mentality as most of these young women will likely be denied any better future. Only one of the two additional women interviewed claimed to have heard about batik making, although both expressed interest, envisioning stable incomes and, by implication, a secured future.
- Risk Score
- Higher than mining
women and younger men, complained about bodily pains from carrying heavy loads of gold-bearing rocks and sediments while older miners cited the high temperatures in underground shafts as most problematic. The latter also stressed the safety hazards associated with their sites, especially the risk of dying due to collapsing sediments. Additional problems encompassed struggles over land, fights between gangs, cheating by gold buyers, coughing from mercury inhalation, and bribing soldiers. Despite these serious concerns, most miners, especially the younger ones, expressed interest to stay on the site as long as possible. The older men, in contrast, wished to leave ASM within a month or two, or at least as soon as they would have sufficient capital to start their own business. Out of a total of 19 miners that were interviewed, including the two women, only one could envision his children as galamsey. The main arguments against such a future were the multiple physical and health risks that characterize the ASM sector, its perceived non-permanence, especially after increasing conflicts with large-scale corporations and state security forces, and the bad attitudes the miners associated with their own work, such as stealing. Equally, if not more discouraging was what the miners perceived as a lack of respect from society for their supposedly irresponsible behavior, high rates of school drop-out, and poor understanding of the English language. Hence, what other jobs could galamsey operators reasonably envision for themselves? The favorite option among both younger and older men was taxi driver, followed by poultry farming, trading with shoes and clothes, car fitting, oil palm tapping, masonry, and carpentry. In the eyes of the o25-year group, cocoa farming was also held in high esteem. Fig. 4 illustrates that no single alternative livelihood that the men envisioned was more hazardous than galamsey mining (risk score p3) although taxi driving and operating a chain saw was perceived as equally risky. Roughly half of all other employment options were ranked as more lucrative than mining and the other half as less lucrative. Although three income-generating activities were cited as significantly more profitable, only the younger ones believed in cocoa farming as a viable livelihood. All other ideas were mentioned by just one participant, including the seemingly out-
3.5 Largest bubble = 4 groups of men Smallest bubble = 1 group of men
Chain saw operator
Taxi driver
Engineering
3.0
Corn mill operator Sorghum farming
2.5
Welding
Cold store
Fitting
Electrician
Pepper farming Painting
2.0
Yam+maize farming Masonry
Footballer
Wiring
Cocoa farming Poultry farming
1.5
Oil palm
Lower than mining
Carpentry Sprayer Trading (spare parts)
1.0
Plumber Fish farming
Drug sale (clothes)
0.5 Pig farming Tennis player 0.0
0
1 Lower than mining
2
Construction Tailoring Bakery Kente weaving Sheep rearing
3 - Income Score
4
5 - Higher than mining
6
Fig. 4. Income and hazard scores for alternative livelihood options available to men miners, as indicated through participatory ranking.
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- Risk Score
- Higher than mining
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3.5
Large bubble = both women's groups
Cocoa farming
Small bubble = one women's group 3
Trading (umbrella, cosmetics) 2.5 Food seller 2
Hairdresser Dressmaker Trading (underwear)
1.5 Lower than mining
29
Nurse Bar operator
Teaching
1 Trading\ (earrings)
0.5
Trading (provisions) Sale plastic buckets
Trading (cell phone accessoires)
Newscaster/ journalist
0 0
1
2
Lower than mining
3 - Income Score
4
5
6
- Higher than mining
Fig. 5. Income and hazard scores for alternative livelihood options available to women miners, as indicated through participatory ranking.
Capabilities, flourishing, and re-imagination of recognition While the results from the interviews and the ranking and scoring activities with men and women miners at two galamsey sites in southwestern Ghana are by no means representative for the entire ASM sector in the country, they surprisingly well match the findings from an earlier study conducted by Mime Consult (2002). This study, involving three mining communities, also suggests that alternative livelihood options and local market opportunities that would be attractive to miners are awfully sparse. The substitute professions most commonly cited by miners in the Mime Consult survey are almost identical to those encountered in this study (carpentry, driving, and tailoring for men and hairdressing and food trading for women). What has changed considerably since the 2002 study is the pressure on galamsey miners to vacate their sites on corporate concession lands and seek a living elsewhere. This pressure stems from both large-scale companies and the state and culminated in ‘Operation Flush-Out’ in the fall of 2006. A detailed description of governmental ‘fights’ against illegal mining is provided in Hilson et al. (2007). The seven sustainable development principles that B.N.A. Aryee, Chief Executive of Ghana’s Minerals Commission, had laid out for the mining sector in 2004 seem to have become even more out of reach for those involved in ASM. These principles include effective processes of engagement; improvement of people’s wellbeing; long-term assurance of environmental integrity; economic viability of operations; social acceptance of traditional and nonmarket activities in mining communities; institutional arrangements and governance; and integration and continuous learning (Aryee, 2004). It could be argued that today’s ASM activities are much more investment-oriented than a decade ago (Nyame, personal communication, 2008). Yet, the large majority of men and women engaged in galamsey operations are still predominantly driven into the sector by poverty rather than by business speculations. Hence, the key question is what elements would be necessary to create an environment in which those at the margin, those who
have been repeatedly criminalized and ostracized in the public discourse, can pursue a viable livelihood in the profession of their choosing. Carney (1998, p. 4) defines a sustainable livelihood as ‘capabilities, assets (y) and activities required for a means of living’ that ‘can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base’. For most galamsey interviewed, this ideal profession is neither fish farming nor grasscutter rearing nor snail farming, but mining, although without the stigma and the multiple impediments that characterize it today. Most galamsey operators wish to be employed by large-scale gold mining companies. Yet, few openings are available for a largely untrained labor force. The findings from this study suggest that most miners prefer galamsey work over less risky activities such as poultry farming, taxi driving, masonry, construction work, petty trading, and cocoa farming, not out of conviction but of necessity. At least compared to employment in large mining companies, these other professions do not require special skills or advanced educational backgrounds. Providing attractive options and well-being within the ASM sector would require committed efforts to raise its profile and to nurture it as a respectable sector that merits constructive engagement (Tschakert and Singha, 2007). This, in turn, would necessitate a radical re-imagination of recognition of thousands of currently misrecognized men and women. Sen (1985) argues that the ability to achieve valuable ‘functionings’, such as activities like eating or states of existence (e.g. being free from disease and oppression) constitute the core element of well-being. His argument hinges upon a person’s or a group’s possibilities to be able to have combinations of different desirable functionings from which they can choose. He offers five basic concepts and freedoms that may advance the general capability of people, including political freedoms, economic facilities, social opportunities, transparency guarantees, and protective security (Sen, 1999). Given a criminal stigma from the anti-galamsey discourse in Ghana, such freedoms are rather poorly developed.
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Expanding on Sen’s work, Nussbaum (1999) proposes a capability approach that focuses on individual agency and flourishing. In her basic ‘capability set’, she lists the following ten fundamental elements: (1) normal length of life; (2) bodily health as linked to nourishment, physical health, and shelter; (3) bodily integrity which embraces free movement and security against assault; (4) imagination, creative thought, and freedom of expression; (5) the right to live emotions; (6) practical reasoning and the right to determine one’s notion of a good life; (7) affiliation and social bases for self-respect and non-humiliation; (8) the right to play; (9) political and material control over one’s environment; and (10) concern for other species. This list is not meant to be prescriptive but rather a tool for assessing the multiple dimensions of functioning and flourishing in a healthy society. Again, in the context of galamsey mining in Ghana, many of these basic capabilities are not met, reinforcing Olson’s (2001) argument that problems of economic inequality and cultural disrespect are tightly linked to each other. What, then, are the processes that are needed to encourage and sustain a flourishing ASM sector in Ghana? In recent debates on social and environmental justice, recognition and participation emerge as key ingredients. Young (1990) and Fraser (1998, 2000), two social theorists, as well as others (Honneth, 2001; Taylor, 1994; Schlosberg, 2004), have identified the lack of recognition, often expressed as devaluation and disfranchisement, as harmful and constraining to people as it prevents them from participating in decision-making processes. Young (1990) stresses that recognition is not just a ‘thing’ to be distributed, but a relationship, a social norm embedded in social practice. Put simply, if one is not recognized, he or she cannot participate; by the same token, without participation there is no recognition. Consequently, institutional exclusion and a social culture of misrecognition undermine democratic and participatory decision-making processes. Fraser (2000), in particular, advocates conceptualizing people’s struggles for recognition as to better combine them with struggles of distribution in environmental and social justice claims. Furthermore, to counteract social subordination, as well as other practices and institutionalized cultural norms that devalue and deny a certain group of people the status of a full partner in social interactions, Fraser (2006) stresses the need for parity-fostering alternatives. She argues that, in a period of neoliberal hegemony, a radical re-imagination and the revival of egalitarian projects of redistribution and politics of recognition define the new understanding of justice, equality, and democracy in the 21st century. How would such parity-fostering alternatives look like for Ghana’s ASM sector? From a research perspective, this implies recognizing men and women galamsey as research partners, not as outlaws—as equals who are entitled to a spot in the participatory arena (Tschakert and Singha, 2007). From a policy perspective, this requires first and foremost long-term partnerships that value different types of knowledge, participatory schemes for environmental monitoring, and a political commitment to make unused concession lands available to unregistered miners through a simplified registration process. The latter is currently witnessed on Dunkwa Continental Goldfields (Hilson et al., 2007). Carson et al. (2005) further recommend building stakeholder capacity and training of local environmental NGOs and community members and including small-scale mining issues into policy agendas.
Conclusion This article has examined the pull and push factors that make men and women become engaged and persist in Ghana’s artisanal gold mining sector. The large majority of these miners operate
without an official license in a high-risk, exclusionary, and criminalizing environment. Yet, most see mining as an incomegenerating activity that best meets their needs for cash, sustaining families, and saving money for starting their own business. Only few are knowledgeable of and interested in alternative livelihood options that are promoted by outside agencies. Such options, usually in the form of projects, include snail, fish, and mushroom farming, grasscutter rearing, and batik making. Other incomegenerating activities that would be available to unregistered galamsey miners are often less lucrative (plumbing, car fitting, petty trading), require start-up funds or access to land (poultry and cocoa farming, taxi driving, bar operator), or are simply beyond the reach of a group with a relatively low educational level (nursing, teaching). The options are particularly sparse for women. In the absence of truly promising substitute occupations to galamsey mining, this article examined the necessary ingredients for flourishing and viable livelihoods within the ASM sector. Recognition of a so far largely criminalized group of men and women and their participation in decision-making processes constitute the heart of a parity-fostering approach. Efforts to expand the small-scale mining sector through the ceding of land that is temporarily unused by large-scale companies and simplified registration processes are particularly appealing to galamsey operators. As long as there is some expectation that they will legitimately acquire even small parcels of land for gold extraction, miners are very unlikely to commit to any of the ‘fashionable’, short-lived alternative livelihood options. One small step towards sustainability may be the recent attempts by the Small-Scale Mining Office of the Minerals Commission in Dunkwa-on-Offin to encourage previously illegal miners to seek official registration on the now obsolete concession of Dunkwa Continental Goldfields. What Ghana’s ASM sector needs is more of these success stories. It needs compelling accounts that demonstrate that small operators can and want to be good environmental stewards and that they can flourish as recognized and valued citizens.
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