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Restructuring the delivery of clean water to rural communities in Ghana: the institutional and regulatory issues
Water Policy 1 (1998) 383±395
www.elsevier.com/locate/watpol
Restructuring the delivery of clean water to rural communities in Ghana: the institutional and regulatory issues Kwadwo B. Mensah University of Cape Coast, Department of Business Studies, University PO, Cape Coast, Ghana Received 9 September 1998; received in revised form 29 January 1999; accepted 2 March 1999
Abstract Clean water is an important natural resource. In recent times, there has been a radical change in the institutional and regulatory mechanism for providing clean water to the rural communities of Ghana. The object of this paper is to examine the strengths and weaknesses of the two regimes for providing water to rural communities in Ghana. These are the traditional regime and the Community Water and Sanitation Program (CWSP). We shall argue that the strength of the traditional regime is that almost everybody knows the laws and institutions that regulate the use of water. Its major weakness is that water is used in an untreated stage and is not available all year round. The strength of the CWSP is that it treats water as an economic resource and it is managed in a manner that makes it sustainable. Its major weakness is that, for its execution, it depends on a number of state institutions which can be notoriously weak. Very little has also been accomplished on the sanitation aspect of the program. # 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction Clean water is an extremely important resource and access to it is essential for human life. This paper examines recent changes in the institutional and regulatory mechanism for providing clean water to rural people in Ghana. Firstly, it analyzes the traditional system and its regulatory system, customary water law. It describes the strengths and weaknesses of the traditional regime. Secondly, the paper explains the Community Water and Sanitation Program E-mail address: [email protected] (Kwadwo B. Mensah) 1366-7017/98/$ - see front matter # 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S 1 3 6 6 - 7 0 1 7 ( 9 9 ) 0 0 0 0 3 - 3
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(CWSP, 1996), which is the new institutional mechanism for providing water in rural Ghana. Thirdly, the paper contrasts the two regimes. To achieve this, it examines the provision of clean water to three rural communities in the Central Region of Ghana: Ekum®, Abontsen and Ekum®-Dunkwa (Ababio, 1997). 2. Demographic characteristics and access to clean water in Ghana Presently, Ghana's population is about 18 million people. About 14.1 million of these people live in rural areas. Eighty-®ve percent of people living in rural communities use water which is unsafe and have to walk long distances to get it (Halcrow Consultancy Report, 1995). Piped water was ®rst installed in Cape-Coast in 1928. The Ghana Water and Sewerage Corporation (GWSC) was established in 1965 and was charged with the responsibility of providing water and sewerage services to all Ghanaians. Unfortunately, it has not been able to ful®l its mandate, particularly in the rural areas. A number of reasons have been given for this. First, GWSC tried to provide water to two distinct marketsÐthe urban and rural marketsÐusing the same strategy. While in urban areas, consumers are better o and can aord to pay for services provided, in the rural areas, incomes are low and therefore the provision of water cannot follow market principles. Generally, it is argued that utility companies have managed water ineciently. Economists argue that three problems face the water sector. First, the price charged for its provision is below its cost of production. Second, water is seen as a public good, and it has consequently been dicult to charge an economic price for it. Third, the externalities that come with the provision of clean water are not re¯ected in its price (Nickson, 1996). 3. Reforming the water sector: institutional standards and objectives Today, policy makers in Ghana are asking `Which institutional and regulatory system would provide water to rural people in a sustainable manner?' Generally, it is accepted that for water to be provided in a sustainable manner, its framework must satisfy the institutional and instrumental principles. The institutional principle states that the provision of water must be based on a participatory approach involving all stakeholders at all levels. Decisions must be taken at the lowest appropriate level. This requires a signi®cant decentralization in decision-making (Nickson, 1996). The instrumental principle states that water has an economic value and should therefore be managed as an economic good. Utilities should therefore be seen as economic enterprises. 4. The provision and regulation of water in rural GhanaÐtraditional system As a result of the failure of GWSC to ful®l its mandate, the main source of water for the rural populace of Ghana has been from natural sources. Water is acquired from lakes, rivers, ponds, streams and wells and is consumed in its untreated state. Traditionally (Ofori-Boateng,
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1977), water is a treasured natural resource and customary laws have always been made to protect and regulate its use. In customary law, water in its visible formÐas sea, rivers or lakesÐis public property. Therefore, it cannot be claimed by an individual. However, while this is the law, the rigidity with which it is enforced, depends on whether water is scarce or is in abundance. Where water is plentiful, an individual may be allowed to divert part of it for his private use. Where it is scarce, the rule is enforced strictly. Until recently, ground water was not used extensively in rural communities. It is thus unclear whether underground water is considered public or private property. There are clearly public wells, when the community digs the well and uses it as its public source of water. However, where a private person digs a well on his land, the water may be considered as private property. Traditionally, water is used mainly for domestic purposes. It is also used as the source of ®sh. Little navigation is done on our rivers and therefore the customary law of navigation is not well developed. Irrigation is also not a common form of farming technique. Generally, a person is allowed to take as much water as he can personally carry as long as he leaves enough for others to use and also leaves the water clean. There are also rules about the implements that can be used to draw water. Generally, the drinking part of the water is upstream and diers from the part downstream, which is used to bath, swim or water animals. Many water banks are infested with mosquitoes, the black ¯y and the tsetse ¯y. Others are inhabited by crocodiles. Some wild animals also use rivers and lakes as their source of water. Consequently, human settlements are situated quite a distance from water sources. This also prevents human settlements from suering from ¯oods during the rainy season. Although situating settlements away from the river has its drawbacksÐit can take a considerable time to fetch waterÐit forces people to conserve water and it prevents the use of rivers as sewers. The regulation and management of water is done by the traditional authorities who are likely to be the religious authorities. Rivers and lakes are believed to be the abode of spirits. On particular days, it is believed that the spirits come out of rivers or lakes to enjoy themselves. Therefore, no one is allowed to go to the river or the lake. This results in economic water use and conservation. People are also prevented from ®shing on particular days of the week and in some months of the year. These rules are meant to prevent the catching of immature ®sh and the consequent depletion of ®sh resources.
5. Assessing the traditional regime The major strength of customary law is that everyone in the community knows its rules. However, customary law has a number of weaknesses. First, while it considers water as a precious substance, it does not consider it as an economic good. This is because the methods for acquiring water under the traditional regime are very simple and require only human or animal eort and simple implements. Since there are no investments in machinery or expertise to get access to the water, it is dicult for the customary regime to imagine that someone would wish to invest in the provision of water with a view to making pro®t. However, it is unlikely that even small
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communities will ®nd the present methods of getting access to water adequate. Boreholes require hand pumps and this requires capital. If water is to satisfy the instrumental principle, the traditional perception of water as a non economic good must change. It is also unlikely that water will be used for domestic purposes alone. Groundwater, rivers and lakes can be used for irrigation. Lakes and rivers can also be used for navigation. It is unlikely that customary law can deal with these new developments. From the institutional perspective, customary law has a major strength. Decision making is at the community level and as stated earlier on, almost everybody knows what water laws are. However, knowledge of the rules of customary law may not necessarily lead to positive results. Little emphasis is put on education and prevention to ensure that water is used properly. Too much stress is put on punishmentÐas a means of appeasing the godsÐto regulate water use. The strength of customary law depends on the respect given by the community to the enforcing institutions. But the question arises as to whether traditional religious institutions have the authority and respect to enforce local customs when people become educated and cease to believe in customs. Water taken from the traditional setting has a further weakness. Water is invariably used in its natural state. Consequently, it is likely to be unclean and is not available at all times. Thus water borne and excreta related diseases are prevalent in rural areas of Ghana. It is clear that there are major weaknesses in the traditional system for managing water use. These make it unsuitable for providing water to the large number of people in rural Ghana. 6. Structural adjustment and changes in the institutional regime for delivering water to rural communities in Ghana In 1983, Ghana embarked upon a structural adjustment program. Privatization of some important public sector institutions has been a major component of the program. However, it has been dicult to privatize the rural water sector. First, this is because the level of investment required to make the sector pro®table is too high and the gestation period probably too long, for it to be of interest to the private sector. Second, the incomes of rural consumers are too low for market rates to be charged by the industry in the short run. Policy makers in Ghana are developing a framework for the provision of rural water and sanitation, but one which takes into consideration the nature of the rural economy. The government has decided to turn over the provision of water and sanitation in rural areas to rural communities themselves and NGOs who do not operate with a pro®t motive. The government hopes that with these operators, the rural water sector can have the strengths of the private sector, without the pro®t motive. 7. The new dispensation: model for assessing the new dispensation The new system for providing water in the rural areas of GhanaÐthe Community Water and Sanitation Program (CWSP)Ðcan be assessed by using the model developed by Carter, Tyrrel and Howsam (1993, 1996) to test its eectiveness as a rural water delivery program.
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Carter, Tyrrel and Howsam argue that there is the need to strengthen water utilities. Governments must provide a positive framework for water resource management and legislation, to complement the work of communities and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The role of communities in the provision of water must also change. They should be seen less as bene®ciaries and more as controllers of water facilities. Women, as primary collectors of water, must be given prominent roles in the management of water programs. The management capabilities of communities should also be strengthened. In order to deal with the recurrent cost of maintaining water facilities, communities must contribute to the cost of maintaining the facility. Carter, Tyrrel and Howsam also argue that increasing water use should be among the objectives of any water program. Ideal per capita water consumption in any community should be 20±25 l per day. A water point should serve only 250 persons or 35 households. Increased water use reduces water-washed infections and diseases passed from excreta-contaminated hands to mouth (Carter et al., 1996). There must also be a reduction in the total time spent fetching water to a maximum of one woman hour per day. Therefore, the maximum distance between a home and a water point should not be more than 300 m. There is also the need to reduce the negative eects of carrying water by people. Better techniques for carrying water, and the use of more beasts of burden, panniers and carts must be developed. The quality of water consumed is also important. Ideal water quality should be 10 faecal coliforms per 100 ml. Although water may be bacteriologically safe, it may still be unacceptable because of its color, taste, or odor. These are factors that have to be taken into consideration in order to make water acceptable to communities. Water quality also should be maintained from the point of collection to point of use. If water is contaminated after collection, water borne diseases can still be transmitted to consumers. The water facility must be able to provide water all year round to the community. To be able to achieve this, the technology chosen must be appropriate. Appropriateness is judged by the quality, quantity and reliability of water produced by the facility. The technology chosen must have a workable maintenance system. Training for repairers and spare parts must be available at the community level. Cost is also an important factor in determining the ecacy of a water program. Carter, Tyrrel and Howsam argue that per capita annual cost of maintenance of a water facility should not exceed $1.60.
8. Objectives of the CWSP The CWSP provides rural communities with the capacity to meet their demand for clean water. The CWSP ensures that there is a minimum basic service of water which is protected all year-round, of 20 l per capita per day, within 500 m for consumers living close to a water point and serving not more than 300 persons per outlet. To be successful, the CWSP encourages communities to participate in its activities. They are expected to contribute the necessary ®nancial and human resources required to sustain the program. Consequently, only communities that are willing to contribute to the cost of providing the service are part of the program. Women, who are the primary collectors and
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Fig. 1. Simpli®ed version of institutional structure of Community Water and Sanitation Program: Source CWSP implementation manual.
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users of water, are given a central role in helping to design and manage the program in their communities. The program is thus demand driven. The private sector has a role in the program. It has the responsibility to design, construct and maintain facilities. NGOs are useful in the program because their informal management approach is essential to dealing with the dierent communities who are provided water under the program. The program integrates health, sanitation and hygiene education in water delivery in order to maximize the health bene®ts that can accrue under the program. Local government authorities are closely involved in the program through district assemblies, who provide support to communities by providing infrastructure and by helping to create the institutions necessary for eective and ecient utilisation of water resources. The central government provides further support by also creating regional and national institutions to promote the program.
9. Institutional structure The basic unit in the CWSP is the village (see Fig. 1). Every village must form a Water and Sanitation (WATSAN) committee. The WATSAN is responsible for the control and maintenance of the water and sanitation facility. It organizes the hygiene and environmental education. It is also responsible for the revenue collection. A water committee handbook has been produced under the CWSP, which contains a model constitution for the WATSAN. The WATSAN is made up of a chairman, a treasurer, a secretary, and a woman leader, who is in charge of water point cleanliness and is the caretaker of the facility. They are elected by the community. A number of organizations provide services to the WATSAN. These are NGOs and private sector operators. NGOs work with communities to strengthen their organizational capacities. Private contractors construct water and sanitation facilities. Spare parts are provided by dealers and mechanics to the WATSAN. Latrine artisans build latrine facilities. Certain institutions facilitate the work of WATSANs. The District Water and Sanitation Team (DWST), which is part of the local government administration, is made up of a team of about three people with skills in hygiene education, water and sanitation matters. The District Assembly is the highest political organ in the district. They are elected by the community, and they supervise the DWST to ensure that they work eectively. The District Assembly coordinates the planning of all water and sanitation activities in the district. They decide which communities must be provided with water facilities. It is envisaged that when the capacities of district assemblies improve, they would play the central role in providing water and sanitation facilities to rural communities. They would also regulate operators in the sector, to ensure that the quality of service improves and remains high. The Regional Water and Sanitation Team (RWST) is the body in charge of the CWSP in the regions. It is the duty of the RWST to assist District Assemblies to form and train the DWSTs. It is also their responsibility to determine the speci®c character of the program for the provision of water and sanitation in the region. The CWSD (Community Water and Sanitation Division of the GWSC) has its national
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oce in Accra. The CWSD plays and evaluates all policy issues dealing with the provision of rural water and sanitation facilities. It makes recommendations to government about policies for rural water and sanitation in Ghana. The government, through the Ministry of Works and Housing, has the ultimate responsibility for formulating and implementing policies in this sector. In order to make the CWSD more eective, it is supposed to become autonomous from the GWSC. A draft bill to create The Community Water and Sanitation Agency, has been put before Parliament for discussion.
10. The programme of the CWSP Information on the CWSP is distributed to communities. If a community is interested, it will ®ll the CWSP forms and send it to the DWST. The DWST will visit the community to ®nd out whether the community is really interested in the program. All applications for water facilities are reviewed by the District Assembly sub-committee responsible for the CWSP. From there, the application is sent to the RWST. If the RWST approves the application, it would then assign the application to a Partner Organization (PO) for animation work to begin. When the animation team visits the community, it discusses issues relating to the provision of water and sanitation. After this has been done, the training of the water committee in the correct use of the water facility begins. The training session is the most important part of the animation process. The DWST makes periodic visits to the community to supervise and provide support to the PO in its animation work. The second stage of the program, requires the community to mobilize its share of the funds required to implement the project. If this condition is satis®ed, the PO continues with its work. If the condition is not satis®ed, the project comes to a stop until such time that the condition is ful®lled. The ®nal product of the animation process is a `Facilities and Management Plan'. This sets out the design of the water and sanitation facility, and a plan about how the project will be ®nanced. It also deals with plans towards hygiene education. The plan is sent to the DWST, that must approve it. After this it is sent to the RWST for approval. If the RWST approves the plan, it is implemented. The DWST supervises the contractors during the construction phase. They also monitor the activities of the POs, who have to ensure that hygiene education and community level capacity building continues a year after construction. Although the community would be in control of the facility after its completion, there is still an important role that the contractor must play for the next 12 months. The contractor has to make good any defects in the facility's construction. The PO also has to continue to upgrade the community's capacity to manage the facility. They must also continue to educate the community on issues of hygiene in order to reach the targets set during the animation phase. The CWSP is developing an eective Management Information System, so that it can evaluate the eectiveness of the program. The information it gathers includes information on all projects and services which have been executed under the CWSP. It includes information on administrative delays which aect the eectiveness of the program. The extent of progress of
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all projects is also kept. This information is of special interest to the government and funding agencies, because it allows them to assess the progress of the CWSP. 11. Assessing the CWSP The CWSP, addresses the issues and conforms to some of the suggestions made by Carter, Howsam and Tyrrel (Carter et al., 1996). There are attempts to build institutionsÐthe WATSANS, the POs, the DWSTs etcÐto support the CWSP. The program is demand driven. Communities are considered as partners and managers of water facilities instead of just bene®ciaries of the program. They are encouraged to `own' the facility so that they can manage it in a sustainable manner. To cover the cost of the program, communities pay all or part of the cost of providing the service. Women, as the main providers of water, are given a very prominent role in the design of the facility. The public sector through the DWST, the RWST, the CWSD also provides the necessary legal and regulatory framework to ensure that the quality of service is high. There is also an attempt to integrate health education with the provision of water and sanitation. All of this is positive. However, there are weaknesses in the objectives of the CWSP. First, apart from the distance to the water point, and the amount of per capita water expected to be used under the program, all the other objectives of the CWSP are not measurable. For example, the CWSP does not state its minimum acceptable water quality level. We are also not informed of the maximum acceptable per capita cost for operating a water point. Second, compared to the model developed by Carter and others, there is a low achievement threshold in objectives of the CWSP. No attempts are made to reduce the injuries associated with carrying water. There is nothing about a program to increase the amount of water used by communities. Third, the CWSP lacks formal rules to deal with extremely poor people who cannot aord to pay for water. Under the CWSP, water has to be paid for. There are daily reports that some extremely poor people in some communities continue to use traditional water sources, in spite of the provision of bore holes, because they are unable to pay for the water provided under the program. Consequently, they continue to be infected by water-borne disease and pose a danger to the community. This obviously undermines the program. The answer to this problem may be for the community to develop a system which allows the very poor to use water under the CWSP free. This would require the WATSAN to develop rules or to exercise discretionary powers to decide who bene®ts from this facility. This should not be dicult to do because in small communities it is easy to determine the people who are genuinely poor and who cannot pay for water. Fourth, little work has been done on the sanitation aspect of the program. Without eective sanitation systems, the bene®ts of providing clean water to communities would be seriously undermined. Too much eort has been concentrated on providing clean water at the expense of sanitation. There is the need to provide more sanitation facilities such as ventilated indirect pit (VIP) toilets. It is also extremely important that proper methods for disposing waste are provided as a matter of urgency. There is also the need to continue the hygiene education eort. There is also the danger that the program relies too much on public institutions, particularly
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the DWSTs for its success. As it is well known, state institutions in Africa are generally ineective. There is very little evidence to suggest that the state institutions that have been created under the CWSP are any dierent from other public bodies operating in Ghana. Yet they are given very prominent roles to play under the program. There is a dilemma here. Certain responsibilities can be performed properly only by state institutions. In Africa, however state institutions are notoriously weak. The CWSP may go the way of other programs if special care is not taken to improve the capacities of the state institutions which are part of the program. There is no doubt that the CWSP perceives water as an economic good and tries as best as it can to satisfy the instrumental principle. Communities come into the program only when they are ready to pay part or all the cost of the provision of water. Communities pay for the services provided to them under the program. Private sector operators are encouraged to participate in the program. Slowly, a market is developing for the provision of water in rural Ghana. There is also an attempt to satisfy the institutional principle. Decisions aecting the water point are taken at community level. The DWST, a very crucial institution, is also within the district. There is however, the need to further strengthen the decentralization aspects of the program, because there is always the possibility that central government institutions may take over the program. This can seriously weaken the institutional principle.
12. A comparison of the two regimes in some communities of the central region Eyisam, Abontsen, and Ekum®-Dunkwa are all villages in the Mfantsiman District of the Central Region. Eyisam has a population of about 564 people while Abontsen has a population of 226 people. Ekum®-Dunkwa has a population of about 242 (Ababio, 1997). Apart from the District Assembly, which has jurisdiction over these villages, there are traditional rulers in each of the villages. The main source of water for these villages, before the provision of bore holes under the CWSP, was the Narkwa-Okyi river. River Narkwa-Okyi lies at Akuti, which is about 3 miles from Eyisam, 4.5 miles from Abontsen and 4 miles from Ekum® Dunkwa. In addition to the river, there is a well and a pool at Eyisam, and a River Tae at Ekum® Dunkwa. The people of Abontsen depended mainly on rain water as their other source of water during the rainy season (Ababio, 1997). Water drawn from these sources was used mainly for domestic and farming purposes. It is generally believed that river Narkwa-Okyi is the abode of a god called Otaklaku. For this reason, there are a number of taboos associated with collecting water from the river. When a taboo is breached, the person responsible is required either to pacify the god with a sheep or pay a ®ne, or do both depending on the gravity of the oence. The chief priest makes and enforces customary water laws. Strangely, there are presently no priests in these villages to enforce the customary water laws. Yet everybody knows what these laws are and they are generally obeyed. There are a number of possible explanations for this. It may well be that most people in the area continue to accept the spiritual basis of customary water laws. It is also possible that
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although the spiritual basis has become less important, customary water laws have become part of their lives. They adhere to these laws without any prompting. There are however weaknesses in the traditional regime for water delivery and this is very evident in the villages. First, water is collected and used in its untreated state. Second, during the dry season, particularly, from January to April, it is extremely dicult to get water from the traditional sources. Due to the ineective nature of the traditional regime, the use of water was low and this resulted in low personal hygiene. Water, when collected was also invariably contaminated and unsafe to use. The standard of sanitation was also generally poor. There were no proper methods of disposing human waste. Most people defecated in bushes. Refuse was also dumped at the outskirts of the villages. There are a number of problems associated with the use of the traditional water sources. Water-borne and water related diseases were rampant in the area. These diseases were guineaworm, bilharzia, cholera, diarrhoea and typhoid, the most prevalent being guinea-worm. The general unavailability of water also aected the social lives of the villages. They could not attract skilled personnel, particularly trained teachers to take up appointment there. Children also found it dicult to go to school as they had to walk about 5 miles every morning to fetch water. After spending the morning fetching water, they were exhausted. Those who were able to make it to school invariably arrived late. This happened particularly during the dry season when the only source of water was River Nakwa-Okyi at Akuti. Finally, it was not easy to organize social events such as funerals in the villages. This is because water had to be conveyed from Mankessim about 15 miles away to the villages before a social event could be held. 13. The provision of bore holes The villages were provided with bore holes in December 1994. Before the provision of the bore holes, contracts were signed between the Chiefs of the villages and the CWSD. The CWSP animation teams visited the villages and assisted the people to form Water and Sanitation Committees. In Eyisam and Abontsen, the Committee was given authority to levy residents of the villages 500 cedis and non-resident locals 1000 cedis each (1 dollar is about 2000 cedis) in order for the water facility to be constructed. In Ekum®-Dunkwa, on the other hand, residents refused to pay the amount required and the monies used to build the facility was taken from the funds of the Village Development Committee. The provision of bore holes has had very important impacts on the lives of these villages. The standard of living has improved considerably. The use of water from bore holes has encouraged children of school going age to attend school. Trained teachers are now also willing to accept postings to these villages. The villages can now organize funerals and other social functions. The provision of water has also improved the cleanliness of these villages. In times past, when only the traditional sources of water were used, general as well as personal hygiene was extremely low. Consequently tropical diseases were common. However with the provision of bore holes in these villages, these diseases have been reduced to the barest minimum. For instance, during the last quarter of 1996 there was only one case of guinea-worm in Eyisam.
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There were no reported cases of guinea-worm in the other villages. In the Eyisam case, the person who had the disease did not originally live in the village, and is likely to have contracted the disease from outside Eyisam. There is however, still a problem with sanitation and the disposal of human and other waste. 14. Traditional water regime versus the CWSP Evidently, the CWSP is superior to the customary water regime. The strength of customary law is that everyone knows its rules and adheres to them. The strength of the CWSP, is that it is able to provide clean water all year round. Is it not possible to combine the strengths of customary law with that of the CWSP? The rules of customary water law are known because they are an integral part of the lives of the community. People obey these laws because of either their fear of spiritual retribution or the social disapproval that comes with non compliance. It is also possible that obedience of customary rules has become routine. The regulations of the CWSP can be generally obeyed, if communities are educated about the bene®ts of the program. The pressure of public opinion can be used, as it has been successfully used in the customary regime, to secure compliance with the CWSP regulations. There are a number of lessons that policy makers in Africa and donor agencies interested in rural water and sanitation can learn from this study. Three major problems face the CWSP, as is evident from the Mfantsiman District. First, setting up the institutions that support the CWSP in Mfantsiman District has been extremely slow. Getting the required personnel to manage the program has also been dicult. Capacity building is therefore going on at a snail's space. As at now, there is no DWST in the Mfantsiman District. Yet, the DWST plays a very crucial role in the CWSP. The slow manner in which the program is developing is undermining the program. When other countries embark on restructuring their rural water sectors, attention should be paid to developing the capacities of institutions that would deliver the program. Second, sanitation is still a serious problem in the communities that were studied. Although, the situation has improved somewhat since the CWSP began, there is room for considerable improvement. It is dicult to understand why sanitation and hygiene education have not been given the prominence that they deserve under the program. It may be due to the fact that GWSC's over concern with the delivery of water has been carried over into the CWSP. There is no doubt that without adequate sanitation, the whole water program would be undermined. African countries and donors must see these issues as inextricably linked and should pursue them together. Funds provided under the CWSP, must deal with sanitation as well as the provision of clean water. Third, it is important that we see the program as progressing. This can be done if there are measurable objectives in the program. Donors should insist that water and sanitation programs incorporate measurable objectives. In this way, it would be possible to know how far the program has gone, the problems it is facing, and how much more needs to be achieved. Emphasis should also be put on educating communities on the bene®ts of the program to encourage them to adhere to it. After some time, the program will become part of the culture of communities.
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What is interesting about these suggestions is that they do not require increased funding. What it requires is improvement in project design. It also means that there must be a change in priorities so that funds allocated are deployed in areas such as sanitation, education and institutional development. 15. Conclusion We have looked closely at the two regimes for delivering water to rural communities in Ghana and discussed their strengths and weaknesses. Generally, we have concluded that the CWSP is superior to the traditional regime. Its major weaknesses however are the slow rate of institutional development and the poor attention which has been given to sanitation. It is hoped that the program would deal quickly with these problems so that the full bene®ts of the CWSP can be enjoyed by the people of rural Ghana. Acknowledgements The author is grateful to Richard Carter and Peter Howsam of the Department of Water Supply and Management, Silsoe College, Cran®eld University, UK, for reading and making suggestions for improvement of an earlier draft of this paper. References Ababio, R. A. (1997). `Rural Water and Sanitation: A Case Study of Eyisam, Abontsen and Ekum® Dunkwa in the Mfantsiman District of the Central Region of Ghana', June 1997, Department of Economics and Business, University of Cape-Coast. Part of the basic ®eld work and data collection in this area was done by Ababio R. A., and is produced in his unpublished undergraduate dissertation, which is the above. Other studies which have investigated the CWSP in Ghana are R. Agyeman-Duah, K. S. Bentsi-Enchil, R. P. Fuseini, I. A. Tetteh and J.K Ellis, `The Impact of Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) on Rural Water and Sanitation in Ghana: Case Studies of Suntreso (Amansie West District) Gomoa Mprumem (Gomoa West District) Shigu (Tamale District) Ogbojo (Tema District) and Gomoa Ankamu (Gomoa West District)', June 1998, Department of Business, University of Cape-Coast, undergraduate dissertation, and B. Amoaku, S. Adu Gyam® Kumaning, G. Boakye, S. Agyei and J. R. Ankrah, The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Rural Water Supply and Sanitation: Case Studies of Mfuom (Upper Denkyira District) Antoakrom (Amansie West District) Asikasu (Dormaa District) and Adda (Tano District) June 1998, Department of Business, University of Cape-Coast, undergraduate dissertation, all under the supervision of the author. Carter, R. C., Tyrrel, S. F., & Howsam, P. (1993). Lessons learned from the UN water decade. Journal of The Institution of Water and Environmental Management, 7, 646. Carter, R. C., Tyrrel, S. F., & Howsam, P. (1996). Strategies for handpump qater supply programs in less developed countries. Journal of the Chartered Institution of Water and Environmental Management, 10(2), 130±136. Community, Water, & Sanitation, Program (1996). Implementation Manual. Government of Ghana. Halcrow Consultancy Report (1995). Submitted to the Ministry of Works and Housing, Government of Ghana, (pp. 4). Nickson, A. (1996). Urban Water Supply Sector Review, Paper 7. In The Role of Government in Adjusting Economies (pp. 1±2). University of Birmingham, Development Administration Group, School of Public Policy. Ofori, Boateng J. (1977). Environmental law: Ghana water laws. Review of Ghana Law, vol. IX (pp. 11±44) April.
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Restructuring the delivery of clean water to rural communities in Ghana: the institutional and regulatory issues Kwadwo B. Mensah University of Cape Coast, Department of Business Studies, University PO, Cape Coast, Ghana Received 9 September 1998; received in revised form 29 January 1999; accepted 2 March 1999
Abstract Clean water is an important natural resource. In recent times, there has been a radical change in the institutional and regulatory mechanism for providing clean water to the rural communities of Ghana. The object of this paper is to examine the strengths and weaknesses of the two regimes for providing water to rural communities in Ghana. These are the traditional regime and the Community Water and Sanitation Program (CWSP). We shall argue that the strength of the traditional regime is that almost everybody knows the laws and institutions that regulate the use of water. Its major weakness is that water is used in an untreated stage and is not available all year round. The strength of the CWSP is that it treats water as an economic resource and it is managed in a manner that makes it sustainable. Its major weakness is that, for its execution, it depends on a number of state institutions which can be notoriously weak. Very little has also been accomplished on the sanitation aspect of the program. # 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction Clean water is an extremely important resource and access to it is essential for human life. This paper examines recent changes in the institutional and regulatory mechanism for providing clean water to rural people in Ghana. Firstly, it analyzes the traditional system and its regulatory system, customary water law. It describes the strengths and weaknesses of the traditional regime. Secondly, the paper explains the Community Water and Sanitation Program E-mail address: [email protected] (Kwadwo B. Mensah) 1366-7017/98/$ - see front matter # 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S 1 3 6 6 - 7 0 1 7 ( 9 9 ) 0 0 0 0 3 - 3
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(CWSP, 1996), which is the new institutional mechanism for providing water in rural Ghana. Thirdly, the paper contrasts the two regimes. To achieve this, it examines the provision of clean water to three rural communities in the Central Region of Ghana: Ekum®, Abontsen and Ekum®-Dunkwa (Ababio, 1997). 2. Demographic characteristics and access to clean water in Ghana Presently, Ghana's population is about 18 million people. About 14.1 million of these people live in rural areas. Eighty-®ve percent of people living in rural communities use water which is unsafe and have to walk long distances to get it (Halcrow Consultancy Report, 1995). Piped water was ®rst installed in Cape-Coast in 1928. The Ghana Water and Sewerage Corporation (GWSC) was established in 1965 and was charged with the responsibility of providing water and sewerage services to all Ghanaians. Unfortunately, it has not been able to ful®l its mandate, particularly in the rural areas. A number of reasons have been given for this. First, GWSC tried to provide water to two distinct marketsÐthe urban and rural marketsÐusing the same strategy. While in urban areas, consumers are better o and can aord to pay for services provided, in the rural areas, incomes are low and therefore the provision of water cannot follow market principles. Generally, it is argued that utility companies have managed water ineciently. Economists argue that three problems face the water sector. First, the price charged for its provision is below its cost of production. Second, water is seen as a public good, and it has consequently been dicult to charge an economic price for it. Third, the externalities that come with the provision of clean water are not re¯ected in its price (Nickson, 1996). 3. Reforming the water sector: institutional standards and objectives Today, policy makers in Ghana are asking `Which institutional and regulatory system would provide water to rural people in a sustainable manner?' Generally, it is accepted that for water to be provided in a sustainable manner, its framework must satisfy the institutional and instrumental principles. The institutional principle states that the provision of water must be based on a participatory approach involving all stakeholders at all levels. Decisions must be taken at the lowest appropriate level. This requires a signi®cant decentralization in decision-making (Nickson, 1996). The instrumental principle states that water has an economic value and should therefore be managed as an economic good. Utilities should therefore be seen as economic enterprises. 4. The provision and regulation of water in rural GhanaÐtraditional system As a result of the failure of GWSC to ful®l its mandate, the main source of water for the rural populace of Ghana has been from natural sources. Water is acquired from lakes, rivers, ponds, streams and wells and is consumed in its untreated state. Traditionally (Ofori-Boateng,
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1977), water is a treasured natural resource and customary laws have always been made to protect and regulate its use. In customary law, water in its visible formÐas sea, rivers or lakesÐis public property. Therefore, it cannot be claimed by an individual. However, while this is the law, the rigidity with which it is enforced, depends on whether water is scarce or is in abundance. Where water is plentiful, an individual may be allowed to divert part of it for his private use. Where it is scarce, the rule is enforced strictly. Until recently, ground water was not used extensively in rural communities. It is thus unclear whether underground water is considered public or private property. There are clearly public wells, when the community digs the well and uses it as its public source of water. However, where a private person digs a well on his land, the water may be considered as private property. Traditionally, water is used mainly for domestic purposes. It is also used as the source of ®sh. Little navigation is done on our rivers and therefore the customary law of navigation is not well developed. Irrigation is also not a common form of farming technique. Generally, a person is allowed to take as much water as he can personally carry as long as he leaves enough for others to use and also leaves the water clean. There are also rules about the implements that can be used to draw water. Generally, the drinking part of the water is upstream and diers from the part downstream, which is used to bath, swim or water animals. Many water banks are infested with mosquitoes, the black ¯y and the tsetse ¯y. Others are inhabited by crocodiles. Some wild animals also use rivers and lakes as their source of water. Consequently, human settlements are situated quite a distance from water sources. This also prevents human settlements from suering from ¯oods during the rainy season. Although situating settlements away from the river has its drawbacksÐit can take a considerable time to fetch waterÐit forces people to conserve water and it prevents the use of rivers as sewers. The regulation and management of water is done by the traditional authorities who are likely to be the religious authorities. Rivers and lakes are believed to be the abode of spirits. On particular days, it is believed that the spirits come out of rivers or lakes to enjoy themselves. Therefore, no one is allowed to go to the river or the lake. This results in economic water use and conservation. People are also prevented from ®shing on particular days of the week and in some months of the year. These rules are meant to prevent the catching of immature ®sh and the consequent depletion of ®sh resources.
5. Assessing the traditional regime The major strength of customary law is that everyone in the community knows its rules. However, customary law has a number of weaknesses. First, while it considers water as a precious substance, it does not consider it as an economic good. This is because the methods for acquiring water under the traditional regime are very simple and require only human or animal eort and simple implements. Since there are no investments in machinery or expertise to get access to the water, it is dicult for the customary regime to imagine that someone would wish to invest in the provision of water with a view to making pro®t. However, it is unlikely that even small
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communities will ®nd the present methods of getting access to water adequate. Boreholes require hand pumps and this requires capital. If water is to satisfy the instrumental principle, the traditional perception of water as a non economic good must change. It is also unlikely that water will be used for domestic purposes alone. Groundwater, rivers and lakes can be used for irrigation. Lakes and rivers can also be used for navigation. It is unlikely that customary law can deal with these new developments. From the institutional perspective, customary law has a major strength. Decision making is at the community level and as stated earlier on, almost everybody knows what water laws are. However, knowledge of the rules of customary law may not necessarily lead to positive results. Little emphasis is put on education and prevention to ensure that water is used properly. Too much stress is put on punishmentÐas a means of appeasing the godsÐto regulate water use. The strength of customary law depends on the respect given by the community to the enforcing institutions. But the question arises as to whether traditional religious institutions have the authority and respect to enforce local customs when people become educated and cease to believe in customs. Water taken from the traditional setting has a further weakness. Water is invariably used in its natural state. Consequently, it is likely to be unclean and is not available at all times. Thus water borne and excreta related diseases are prevalent in rural areas of Ghana. It is clear that there are major weaknesses in the traditional system for managing water use. These make it unsuitable for providing water to the large number of people in rural Ghana. 6. Structural adjustment and changes in the institutional regime for delivering water to rural communities in Ghana In 1983, Ghana embarked upon a structural adjustment program. Privatization of some important public sector institutions has been a major component of the program. However, it has been dicult to privatize the rural water sector. First, this is because the level of investment required to make the sector pro®table is too high and the gestation period probably too long, for it to be of interest to the private sector. Second, the incomes of rural consumers are too low for market rates to be charged by the industry in the short run. Policy makers in Ghana are developing a framework for the provision of rural water and sanitation, but one which takes into consideration the nature of the rural economy. The government has decided to turn over the provision of water and sanitation in rural areas to rural communities themselves and NGOs who do not operate with a pro®t motive. The government hopes that with these operators, the rural water sector can have the strengths of the private sector, without the pro®t motive. 7. The new dispensation: model for assessing the new dispensation The new system for providing water in the rural areas of GhanaÐthe Community Water and Sanitation Program (CWSP)Ðcan be assessed by using the model developed by Carter, Tyrrel and Howsam (1993, 1996) to test its eectiveness as a rural water delivery program.
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Carter, Tyrrel and Howsam argue that there is the need to strengthen water utilities. Governments must provide a positive framework for water resource management and legislation, to complement the work of communities and non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The role of communities in the provision of water must also change. They should be seen less as bene®ciaries and more as controllers of water facilities. Women, as primary collectors of water, must be given prominent roles in the management of water programs. The management capabilities of communities should also be strengthened. In order to deal with the recurrent cost of maintaining water facilities, communities must contribute to the cost of maintaining the facility. Carter, Tyrrel and Howsam also argue that increasing water use should be among the objectives of any water program. Ideal per capita water consumption in any community should be 20±25 l per day. A water point should serve only 250 persons or 35 households. Increased water use reduces water-washed infections and diseases passed from excreta-contaminated hands to mouth (Carter et al., 1996). There must also be a reduction in the total time spent fetching water to a maximum of one woman hour per day. Therefore, the maximum distance between a home and a water point should not be more than 300 m. There is also the need to reduce the negative eects of carrying water by people. Better techniques for carrying water, and the use of more beasts of burden, panniers and carts must be developed. The quality of water consumed is also important. Ideal water quality should be 10 faecal coliforms per 100 ml. Although water may be bacteriologically safe, it may still be unacceptable because of its color, taste, or odor. These are factors that have to be taken into consideration in order to make water acceptable to communities. Water quality also should be maintained from the point of collection to point of use. If water is contaminated after collection, water borne diseases can still be transmitted to consumers. The water facility must be able to provide water all year round to the community. To be able to achieve this, the technology chosen must be appropriate. Appropriateness is judged by the quality, quantity and reliability of water produced by the facility. The technology chosen must have a workable maintenance system. Training for repairers and spare parts must be available at the community level. Cost is also an important factor in determining the ecacy of a water program. Carter, Tyrrel and Howsam argue that per capita annual cost of maintenance of a water facility should not exceed $1.60.
8. Objectives of the CWSP The CWSP provides rural communities with the capacity to meet their demand for clean water. The CWSP ensures that there is a minimum basic service of water which is protected all year-round, of 20 l per capita per day, within 500 m for consumers living close to a water point and serving not more than 300 persons per outlet. To be successful, the CWSP encourages communities to participate in its activities. They are expected to contribute the necessary ®nancial and human resources required to sustain the program. Consequently, only communities that are willing to contribute to the cost of providing the service are part of the program. Women, who are the primary collectors and
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Fig. 1. Simpli®ed version of institutional structure of Community Water and Sanitation Program: Source CWSP implementation manual.
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users of water, are given a central role in helping to design and manage the program in their communities. The program is thus demand driven. The private sector has a role in the program. It has the responsibility to design, construct and maintain facilities. NGOs are useful in the program because their informal management approach is essential to dealing with the dierent communities who are provided water under the program. The program integrates health, sanitation and hygiene education in water delivery in order to maximize the health bene®ts that can accrue under the program. Local government authorities are closely involved in the program through district assemblies, who provide support to communities by providing infrastructure and by helping to create the institutions necessary for eective and ecient utilisation of water resources. The central government provides further support by also creating regional and national institutions to promote the program.
9. Institutional structure The basic unit in the CWSP is the village (see Fig. 1). Every village must form a Water and Sanitation (WATSAN) committee. The WATSAN is responsible for the control and maintenance of the water and sanitation facility. It organizes the hygiene and environmental education. It is also responsible for the revenue collection. A water committee handbook has been produced under the CWSP, which contains a model constitution for the WATSAN. The WATSAN is made up of a chairman, a treasurer, a secretary, and a woman leader, who is in charge of water point cleanliness and is the caretaker of the facility. They are elected by the community. A number of organizations provide services to the WATSAN. These are NGOs and private sector operators. NGOs work with communities to strengthen their organizational capacities. Private contractors construct water and sanitation facilities. Spare parts are provided by dealers and mechanics to the WATSAN. Latrine artisans build latrine facilities. Certain institutions facilitate the work of WATSANs. The District Water and Sanitation Team (DWST), which is part of the local government administration, is made up of a team of about three people with skills in hygiene education, water and sanitation matters. The District Assembly is the highest political organ in the district. They are elected by the community, and they supervise the DWST to ensure that they work eectively. The District Assembly coordinates the planning of all water and sanitation activities in the district. They decide which communities must be provided with water facilities. It is envisaged that when the capacities of district assemblies improve, they would play the central role in providing water and sanitation facilities to rural communities. They would also regulate operators in the sector, to ensure that the quality of service improves and remains high. The Regional Water and Sanitation Team (RWST) is the body in charge of the CWSP in the regions. It is the duty of the RWST to assist District Assemblies to form and train the DWSTs. It is also their responsibility to determine the speci®c character of the program for the provision of water and sanitation in the region. The CWSD (Community Water and Sanitation Division of the GWSC) has its national
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oce in Accra. The CWSD plays and evaluates all policy issues dealing with the provision of rural water and sanitation facilities. It makes recommendations to government about policies for rural water and sanitation in Ghana. The government, through the Ministry of Works and Housing, has the ultimate responsibility for formulating and implementing policies in this sector. In order to make the CWSD more eective, it is supposed to become autonomous from the GWSC. A draft bill to create The Community Water and Sanitation Agency, has been put before Parliament for discussion.
10. The programme of the CWSP Information on the CWSP is distributed to communities. If a community is interested, it will ®ll the CWSP forms and send it to the DWST. The DWST will visit the community to ®nd out whether the community is really interested in the program. All applications for water facilities are reviewed by the District Assembly sub-committee responsible for the CWSP. From there, the application is sent to the RWST. If the RWST approves the application, it would then assign the application to a Partner Organization (PO) for animation work to begin. When the animation team visits the community, it discusses issues relating to the provision of water and sanitation. After this has been done, the training of the water committee in the correct use of the water facility begins. The training session is the most important part of the animation process. The DWST makes periodic visits to the community to supervise and provide support to the PO in its animation work. The second stage of the program, requires the community to mobilize its share of the funds required to implement the project. If this condition is satis®ed, the PO continues with its work. If the condition is not satis®ed, the project comes to a stop until such time that the condition is ful®lled. The ®nal product of the animation process is a `Facilities and Management Plan'. This sets out the design of the water and sanitation facility, and a plan about how the project will be ®nanced. It also deals with plans towards hygiene education. The plan is sent to the DWST, that must approve it. After this it is sent to the RWST for approval. If the RWST approves the plan, it is implemented. The DWST supervises the contractors during the construction phase. They also monitor the activities of the POs, who have to ensure that hygiene education and community level capacity building continues a year after construction. Although the community would be in control of the facility after its completion, there is still an important role that the contractor must play for the next 12 months. The contractor has to make good any defects in the facility's construction. The PO also has to continue to upgrade the community's capacity to manage the facility. They must also continue to educate the community on issues of hygiene in order to reach the targets set during the animation phase. The CWSP is developing an eective Management Information System, so that it can evaluate the eectiveness of the program. The information it gathers includes information on all projects and services which have been executed under the CWSP. It includes information on administrative delays which aect the eectiveness of the program. The extent of progress of
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all projects is also kept. This information is of special interest to the government and funding agencies, because it allows them to assess the progress of the CWSP. 11. Assessing the CWSP The CWSP, addresses the issues and conforms to some of the suggestions made by Carter, Howsam and Tyrrel (Carter et al., 1996). There are attempts to build institutionsÐthe WATSANS, the POs, the DWSTs etcÐto support the CWSP. The program is demand driven. Communities are considered as partners and managers of water facilities instead of just bene®ciaries of the program. They are encouraged to `own' the facility so that they can manage it in a sustainable manner. To cover the cost of the program, communities pay all or part of the cost of providing the service. Women, as the main providers of water, are given a very prominent role in the design of the facility. The public sector through the DWST, the RWST, the CWSD also provides the necessary legal and regulatory framework to ensure that the quality of service is high. There is also an attempt to integrate health education with the provision of water and sanitation. All of this is positive. However, there are weaknesses in the objectives of the CWSP. First, apart from the distance to the water point, and the amount of per capita water expected to be used under the program, all the other objectives of the CWSP are not measurable. For example, the CWSP does not state its minimum acceptable water quality level. We are also not informed of the maximum acceptable per capita cost for operating a water point. Second, compared to the model developed by Carter and others, there is a low achievement threshold in objectives of the CWSP. No attempts are made to reduce the injuries associated with carrying water. There is nothing about a program to increase the amount of water used by communities. Third, the CWSP lacks formal rules to deal with extremely poor people who cannot aord to pay for water. Under the CWSP, water has to be paid for. There are daily reports that some extremely poor people in some communities continue to use traditional water sources, in spite of the provision of bore holes, because they are unable to pay for the water provided under the program. Consequently, they continue to be infected by water-borne disease and pose a danger to the community. This obviously undermines the program. The answer to this problem may be for the community to develop a system which allows the very poor to use water under the CWSP free. This would require the WATSAN to develop rules or to exercise discretionary powers to decide who bene®ts from this facility. This should not be dicult to do because in small communities it is easy to determine the people who are genuinely poor and who cannot pay for water. Fourth, little work has been done on the sanitation aspect of the program. Without eective sanitation systems, the bene®ts of providing clean water to communities would be seriously undermined. Too much eort has been concentrated on providing clean water at the expense of sanitation. There is the need to provide more sanitation facilities such as ventilated indirect pit (VIP) toilets. It is also extremely important that proper methods for disposing waste are provided as a matter of urgency. There is also the need to continue the hygiene education eort. There is also the danger that the program relies too much on public institutions, particularly
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the DWSTs for its success. As it is well known, state institutions in Africa are generally ineective. There is very little evidence to suggest that the state institutions that have been created under the CWSP are any dierent from other public bodies operating in Ghana. Yet they are given very prominent roles to play under the program. There is a dilemma here. Certain responsibilities can be performed properly only by state institutions. In Africa, however state institutions are notoriously weak. The CWSP may go the way of other programs if special care is not taken to improve the capacities of the state institutions which are part of the program. There is no doubt that the CWSP perceives water as an economic good and tries as best as it can to satisfy the instrumental principle. Communities come into the program only when they are ready to pay part or all the cost of the provision of water. Communities pay for the services provided to them under the program. Private sector operators are encouraged to participate in the program. Slowly, a market is developing for the provision of water in rural Ghana. There is also an attempt to satisfy the institutional principle. Decisions aecting the water point are taken at community level. The DWST, a very crucial institution, is also within the district. There is however, the need to further strengthen the decentralization aspects of the program, because there is always the possibility that central government institutions may take over the program. This can seriously weaken the institutional principle.
12. A comparison of the two regimes in some communities of the central region Eyisam, Abontsen, and Ekum®-Dunkwa are all villages in the Mfantsiman District of the Central Region. Eyisam has a population of about 564 people while Abontsen has a population of 226 people. Ekum®-Dunkwa has a population of about 242 (Ababio, 1997). Apart from the District Assembly, which has jurisdiction over these villages, there are traditional rulers in each of the villages. The main source of water for these villages, before the provision of bore holes under the CWSP, was the Narkwa-Okyi river. River Narkwa-Okyi lies at Akuti, which is about 3 miles from Eyisam, 4.5 miles from Abontsen and 4 miles from Ekum® Dunkwa. In addition to the river, there is a well and a pool at Eyisam, and a River Tae at Ekum® Dunkwa. The people of Abontsen depended mainly on rain water as their other source of water during the rainy season (Ababio, 1997). Water drawn from these sources was used mainly for domestic and farming purposes. It is generally believed that river Narkwa-Okyi is the abode of a god called Otaklaku. For this reason, there are a number of taboos associated with collecting water from the river. When a taboo is breached, the person responsible is required either to pacify the god with a sheep or pay a ®ne, or do both depending on the gravity of the oence. The chief priest makes and enforces customary water laws. Strangely, there are presently no priests in these villages to enforce the customary water laws. Yet everybody knows what these laws are and they are generally obeyed. There are a number of possible explanations for this. It may well be that most people in the area continue to accept the spiritual basis of customary water laws. It is also possible that
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although the spiritual basis has become less important, customary water laws have become part of their lives. They adhere to these laws without any prompting. There are however weaknesses in the traditional regime for water delivery and this is very evident in the villages. First, water is collected and used in its untreated state. Second, during the dry season, particularly, from January to April, it is extremely dicult to get water from the traditional sources. Due to the ineective nature of the traditional regime, the use of water was low and this resulted in low personal hygiene. Water, when collected was also invariably contaminated and unsafe to use. The standard of sanitation was also generally poor. There were no proper methods of disposing human waste. Most people defecated in bushes. Refuse was also dumped at the outskirts of the villages. There are a number of problems associated with the use of the traditional water sources. Water-borne and water related diseases were rampant in the area. These diseases were guineaworm, bilharzia, cholera, diarrhoea and typhoid, the most prevalent being guinea-worm. The general unavailability of water also aected the social lives of the villages. They could not attract skilled personnel, particularly trained teachers to take up appointment there. Children also found it dicult to go to school as they had to walk about 5 miles every morning to fetch water. After spending the morning fetching water, they were exhausted. Those who were able to make it to school invariably arrived late. This happened particularly during the dry season when the only source of water was River Nakwa-Okyi at Akuti. Finally, it was not easy to organize social events such as funerals in the villages. This is because water had to be conveyed from Mankessim about 15 miles away to the villages before a social event could be held. 13. The provision of bore holes The villages were provided with bore holes in December 1994. Before the provision of the bore holes, contracts were signed between the Chiefs of the villages and the CWSD. The CWSP animation teams visited the villages and assisted the people to form Water and Sanitation Committees. In Eyisam and Abontsen, the Committee was given authority to levy residents of the villages 500 cedis and non-resident locals 1000 cedis each (1 dollar is about 2000 cedis) in order for the water facility to be constructed. In Ekum®-Dunkwa, on the other hand, residents refused to pay the amount required and the monies used to build the facility was taken from the funds of the Village Development Committee. The provision of bore holes has had very important impacts on the lives of these villages. The standard of living has improved considerably. The use of water from bore holes has encouraged children of school going age to attend school. Trained teachers are now also willing to accept postings to these villages. The villages can now organize funerals and other social functions. The provision of water has also improved the cleanliness of these villages. In times past, when only the traditional sources of water were used, general as well as personal hygiene was extremely low. Consequently tropical diseases were common. However with the provision of bore holes in these villages, these diseases have been reduced to the barest minimum. For instance, during the last quarter of 1996 there was only one case of guinea-worm in Eyisam.
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There were no reported cases of guinea-worm in the other villages. In the Eyisam case, the person who had the disease did not originally live in the village, and is likely to have contracted the disease from outside Eyisam. There is however, still a problem with sanitation and the disposal of human and other waste. 14. Traditional water regime versus the CWSP Evidently, the CWSP is superior to the customary water regime. The strength of customary law is that everyone knows its rules and adheres to them. The strength of the CWSP, is that it is able to provide clean water all year round. Is it not possible to combine the strengths of customary law with that of the CWSP? The rules of customary water law are known because they are an integral part of the lives of the community. People obey these laws because of either their fear of spiritual retribution or the social disapproval that comes with non compliance. It is also possible that obedience of customary rules has become routine. The regulations of the CWSP can be generally obeyed, if communities are educated about the bene®ts of the program. The pressure of public opinion can be used, as it has been successfully used in the customary regime, to secure compliance with the CWSP regulations. There are a number of lessons that policy makers in Africa and donor agencies interested in rural water and sanitation can learn from this study. Three major problems face the CWSP, as is evident from the Mfantsiman District. First, setting up the institutions that support the CWSP in Mfantsiman District has been extremely slow. Getting the required personnel to manage the program has also been dicult. Capacity building is therefore going on at a snail's space. As at now, there is no DWST in the Mfantsiman District. Yet, the DWST plays a very crucial role in the CWSP. The slow manner in which the program is developing is undermining the program. When other countries embark on restructuring their rural water sectors, attention should be paid to developing the capacities of institutions that would deliver the program. Second, sanitation is still a serious problem in the communities that were studied. Although, the situation has improved somewhat since the CWSP began, there is room for considerable improvement. It is dicult to understand why sanitation and hygiene education have not been given the prominence that they deserve under the program. It may be due to the fact that GWSC's over concern with the delivery of water has been carried over into the CWSP. There is no doubt that without adequate sanitation, the whole water program would be undermined. African countries and donors must see these issues as inextricably linked and should pursue them together. Funds provided under the CWSP, must deal with sanitation as well as the provision of clean water. Third, it is important that we see the program as progressing. This can be done if there are measurable objectives in the program. Donors should insist that water and sanitation programs incorporate measurable objectives. In this way, it would be possible to know how far the program has gone, the problems it is facing, and how much more needs to be achieved. Emphasis should also be put on educating communities on the bene®ts of the program to encourage them to adhere to it. After some time, the program will become part of the culture of communities.
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What is interesting about these suggestions is that they do not require increased funding. What it requires is improvement in project design. It also means that there must be a change in priorities so that funds allocated are deployed in areas such as sanitation, education and institutional development. 15. Conclusion We have looked closely at the two regimes for delivering water to rural communities in Ghana and discussed their strengths and weaknesses. Generally, we have concluded that the CWSP is superior to the traditional regime. Its major weaknesses however are the slow rate of institutional development and the poor attention which has been given to sanitation. It is hoped that the program would deal quickly with these problems so that the full bene®ts of the CWSP can be enjoyed by the people of rural Ghana. Acknowledgements The author is grateful to Richard Carter and Peter Howsam of the Department of Water Supply and Management, Silsoe College, Cran®eld University, UK, for reading and making suggestions for improvement of an earlier draft of this paper. References Ababio, R. A. (1997). `Rural Water and Sanitation: A Case Study of Eyisam, Abontsen and Ekum® Dunkwa in the Mfantsiman District of the Central Region of Ghana', June 1997, Department of Economics and Business, University of Cape-Coast. Part of the basic ®eld work and data collection in this area was done by Ababio R. A., and is produced in his unpublished undergraduate dissertation, which is the above. Other studies which have investigated the CWSP in Ghana are R. Agyeman-Duah, K. S. Bentsi-Enchil, R. P. Fuseini, I. A. Tetteh and J.K Ellis, `The Impact of Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) on Rural Water and Sanitation in Ghana: Case Studies of Suntreso (Amansie West District) Gomoa Mprumem (Gomoa West District) Shigu (Tamale District) Ogbojo (Tema District) and Gomoa Ankamu (Gomoa West District)', June 1998, Department of Business, University of Cape-Coast, undergraduate dissertation, and B. Amoaku, S. Adu Gyam® Kumaning, G. Boakye, S. Agyei and J. R. Ankrah, The Impact of Structural Adjustment on Rural Water Supply and Sanitation: Case Studies of Mfuom (Upper Denkyira District) Antoakrom (Amansie West District) Asikasu (Dormaa District) and Adda (Tano District) June 1998, Department of Business, University of Cape-Coast, undergraduate dissertation, all under the supervision of the author. Carter, R. C., Tyrrel, S. F., & Howsam, P. (1993). Lessons learned from the UN water decade. Journal of The Institution of Water and Environmental Management, 7, 646. Carter, R. C., Tyrrel, S. F., & Howsam, P. (1996). Strategies for handpump qater supply programs in less developed countries. Journal of the Chartered Institution of Water and Environmental Management, 10(2), 130±136. Community, Water, & Sanitation, Program (1996). Implementation Manual. Government of Ghana. Halcrow Consultancy Report (1995). Submitted to the Ministry of Works and Housing, Government of Ghana, (pp. 4). Nickson, A. (1996). Urban Water Supply Sector Review, Paper 7. In The Role of Government in Adjusting Economies (pp. 1±2). University of Birmingham, Development Administration Group, School of Public Policy. Ofori, Boateng J. (1977). Environmental law: Ghana water laws. Review of Ghana Law, vol. IX (pp. 11±44) April.