Retired snowbirds

Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 39, No. 4, pp. 2073–2091, 2012 0160-7383/$ - see front matter Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Printed in Great Britain

www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.annals.2012.06.001

RETIRED SNOWBIRDS Philippe Viallon University of Strasbourg, France

Abstract: This article analyses a new mode of vacation, between short-term vacation and longer-term stay or seasonal migration. It looks at the thousands of French, who, each year between January and March, settle down with their recreational vehicles on the Atlantic coast of Morocco. This article examines their social and cultural profile, their behavior (among themselves, toward other tourists and the local populace), the reasons for their choice of location, and their attitudes toward the surrounding physical and human environment in order to understand the dimensions of this practice, which has developed independently of any political or tourist industry encouragement. Keywords: retirement, migration, recreational vehicle, Morocco. Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

INTRODUCTION Seasonal tourism is a well-known phenomenon that has been studied on several continents (e.g. Gustafson, 2002; Larsen, Urry, & Axhausen, 2007; Longino & Marshall, 1990; Williams et al., 1997, 2000), revealing a great diversity of practices. Nevertheless, when deciding whether to remain in the country where one has lived and worked or go to another more attractive location, many retirees choose the latter. They make extended stays elsewhere, going back and forth each year. The practices of seasonal tourism continue to evolve, but it is the goal of this article to analyze one of the new patterns that has recently been seen on the southern Atlantic coast of Morocco—the phenomenon of thousands of tourists who spend several winter months by the sea in their recreational vehicles (RVs). In so doing, they are engaging in a new behavior that is a mixture of two more long-standing practices, acting partly like traditional tourists with roots in the classic ‘‘grand tour’’ or the more recent backpackers, and partly like European or North American retirees who spend winter months in warmer climes. This new mode of travel developed by RV owners, mostly French in this study, has been frequently reported upon and written about, primarily in the French press (see references at the end of this article). Media

Philippe Viallon is a Professor of communication and media at the University of Strasbourg. He is co-author with Marc Boyer of La communication touristique, a reference book on the subject in France, published as well in Italian. His current research project focuses on the issues faced by the tourism industry of Switzerland, a trilingual and multi-cultural country. Email . 2073

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attention has unleashed a great deal of debate on the subject, hence the interest in a more scientific examination of the phenomenon. The sociological approach taken here is Weberian, drawing more specifically on the atomistic dimension of his theory. Given Weber’s understanding of individual actions as more than mechanical responses, he strove to make sense of people’s motivations for their behavior. Moving from the specific to the general is particularly well suited to this case because the type of vacation in question was ‘‘invented’’ (Boyer, 1996) by a small group of individuals and then became a broader social practice. The theoretical issue at hand is to understand how, in this era of the ‘‘top-down’’ mass tourism industry, the veritable grassroots, ‘‘bottom-up’’ phenomenon of RV extended stay vacations could develop. Each vacationer’s behavior remains his own, yet thousands of people come to share similar behaviors. This research adds to the range of definitions of a tourist that have been developed as well as to the understanding of the motivations of such individuals (Cohen, 1974; Dann, 1996; MacCannell, 1976; Urry, 2004). The originality of this study stems from the revelation that John and Jane Doe, not wealthy cosmopolitans or sports figures, began this practice. This research also attempts to understand the bi-modal nature of the phenomenon by examining its two dimensions. Even though the first component—travel—is the most fundamental and oldest aspect of tourism, it has only been the subject of research in the last few decades of the twentieth century. The last important period of study dates back to the 70s; more recently, primarily researchers from Australia, New Zealand (Prideaux & McClymont, 2006; Becken & Gnoth, 2003; Becken & Wilson, 2006), and Scandinavia (Jacobsen, 1996, 2004; Jacobsen & Haukeland, 2002) have written on this topic, mostly in conjunction with environmental issues. The second element, on the other hand, that of retirees as tourists, has been carefully examined over the last twenty years in both case studies and as a general phenomenon by North American and European experts. Travel by Recreational Vehicle Travel is fundamental to tourism (Pagen, 2005; Papatheodorou, 2001; Pathieu, 2007; Stock, 2005). Relying on older articles of Born (1976), Green, in a first synthesis piece on ‘‘recreational vehicles,’’ proposed that a ‘‘recreation vehicle generally applies to road vehicles equipped and designed for lodging as well as transportation (Green, 1978, p. 430).‘‘ The term ‘‘RV’’ is an explicit reference to vacations conceived as ‘‘recreation’’ (Cohen, 1979a; Ryan, 2001, 2002). A variety of reasons can explain the success of RVs. Their owners feel that they spend less than for a stay in a hotel or motel. They can simultaneously have the comforts of a hotel room while living outdoors and easily meet other interesting campers (Janiskee, 1990), especially if they share something in common (e.g., the same type of RV). Results of other studies (Becken & Wilson, 2006; Bell & Ward, 2000; Counts &

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Counts, 2004; Gnoten, 2000) indicate that RV owners feel like they live simultaneously in two worlds, partaking of adventure and vacation while enjoying the comforts of their own home. Analysis of the lifestyle of RV owners (Cridland, 2003; Ward & FooLee, 1999) shows that the differences are organized according to two concepts: time and space (Dann, 1999; Morin, 1984). Time-wise, Jobes refers to three categories of retired RV owners—‘‘full-timers,’’ ‘‘seasonal travelers’’ and ‘‘vacation travelers’’ (Jobes, 1984, p. 185–187)— according to three variables: length of stay, frequency of use, and season of use. Some leave their homes for good and become full-time inhabitants of their RVs (often affected by empty nester syndrome), using them as vehicles in which to travel (Counts & Counts, 2004), or parking them permanently in an RV campground (Hartwigsen & Null, 1990). In terms of space, Becken and Gnoth identify six types of tourists in New Zealand for whom the mode of travel is important: ‘‘coach tourists, visiting friends and relatives tourists, auto tourists, backpackers, campers and comfort travelers.’’ (Becken & Gnoth, 2003, p.1) People traveling on their own, such as those using RVs, do not have a fixed itinerary but instead make personal choices about where to stay, often out of a desire to discover new places. (Hyde & Lawson, 2003). Nevertheless, RVs are rarely found in isolated locations, except in Scandinavia (Jacobsen, 2004). The Retirees The limited time available to most tourists often obscures the fact that a growing number of others, primarily retirees from developed countries, have much more free time, and they do not hesitate to leave their homes for several months or more each year. These long sojourns can be characterized as a form of modernity (Gustafson, 2001). Nevertheless, as White and White have observed, ‘‘long-term travel has a rich history’’ (White & White, 2004. p. 200). Four successive articles (Williams et al., 1997; King et al., 1998; Warnes et al., 1999; Williams et al., 2000), have contributed substantially to the understanding of this phenomenon, by developing different aspects of the complexities of international retirement migration. The articles stress how hard it is to assess the phenomenon, since it is not quantified or measured by either official population counts or by its economic impact. They dwell on the intricacy of practices that combine complex forms of consumption, travel, and identity. The main cause of this movement is clear: climate. Beyond the search for warmer weather is the desire for change and novelty leading to new experiences and acquaintances (Cohen, 1974; Dann, 2000). Another reason is protection against aging. These studies and others (Bell & Ward, 2000; Gustafson, 2001; Gustafson, 2002; Rodrı´guez, Fernandez-Mayoralas, & Rojo, 1998; Vera, 1990) analyzed the way of life of groups of foreign retirees in Tuscany, Spain and other countries. From a social perspective, the retirees come primarily from the middle or upper-middle class, ‘‘executives, senior managers, entre-

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preneurs, employers’’ (Rodriguez et al., 1998). The study of relations between retirees and the local population is particularly interesting. While initially researchers focused on the integration of the two groups, it has more recently become clear that integration is not a primary objective for most tourists. Rodriguez (2001) compares different types of retirees by analyzing the range of statuses from tourist to migrant. Rodriguez looks at adaptation to local customs versus the links tourists maintain to their native cultures. The findings reveal that often people queried wish to continue their way of life with a foot in each culture. No one wants to totally abandon his links with his native country, mainly because of family (children, grandchildren) or health problems. In fact, there is a degree of similarity between the traits of tourists and migrants, ranging from temporary displacement to permanent migration, from short-term to semi-permanent, largely from north to south. THE STUDY Methodology To respond to the questions posed here, the first step was to define the study limits. A look at the French and Moroccan press and then an on-site follow-up identified two areas north and south of Agadir with large numbers of RVs. Furthermore, it was observed that almost all the RVs belonged to French nationals. On this basis, three complementary methods have been selected to allow for a quantitative as well as qualitative approach, as several researchers suggest (Jick, 1979; Denzin & Lincoln, 2005; Creswell, 2009). The quantitative approach took the form of a questionnaire, in French only. The survey was distributed to all the RV residents who agreed to take it, along with an explanation for completing it. The questionnaires were collected the following day. The survey contained five sections. The first gathered demographic information while assuring the anonymity of the respondents, considered essential for participation. The second focused on characteristics of the stay itself (season, length, form). Next came questions about this particular type of trip (reasons for going, choice of RV as trip mode as opposed to other possibilities, choice of Morocco as destination as opposed to other locations). In this section, respondents were asked to indicate to what extent they agreed or disagreed with the survey statements. The fourth part queried respondents on their relations with the local population, their RV neighbors and France. The final section asked about the future. Combining a mixture of simple or multiple-choice questions, openended questions, and an evaluation scale requiring a judgment response, the survey format helped ensure that respondents’ answers were internally consistent. The questionnaires were handed out at two different times so as to pinpoint any differences due to the length of time that the snowbirds had been in the south. The two periods were selected based on information in the media, confirmed by on-site

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observation. From Monday, January 21, 2008 to Thursday, January 24, 2008, the survey was distributed between Agadir in the south and Essaouira in the north. From Thursday, February 28 to Monday, March 3 of the same year it was circulated between Tiznit in the south and Agadir in the north. In total, 53 questionnaires, each four pages long, were filled out, with responses from over 100 people. People were rather pleased to be asked about their lives as snowbirds and they generally completed the surveys with great care, finding the task to be a pleasant and unexpected occupation for an evening. This first method provided information directly from the field. All surveys were scrutinized manually. The second approach involved consulting several websites (see attached list). They were selected from the first two pages of an online search of the words ‘‘Morocco’’ and ‘‘RV’’ using the Google search engine. Google was chosen because it is the most widely used browser in France. The websites offer so much information, that two types of sources were chosen: on the one hand, websites of tourist guide publishers where, next to the information about a given place, a forum is provided for posting opinions; and, on the other hand, numerous specialized blogs on travel in general, Moroccan tourism, and RV vacations. On these blogs, tourists’ comments range from the very brief ‘‘Morocco is fabulous! ‘‘to detailed chronological descriptions of an entire trip, complemented by many pages of photographs. For an example, see http://www.e-voyageur.com/carnet-voyage/maroc/ camping-car.htm. This form of expression has the advantage of containing more carefully considered opinions, written after the vacation has occurred, as opposed to the more spontaneous initial impressions of people still on vacation, collected by the survey. The analysis of these sites thus provides both quantitative and qualitative information (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998). On the quantitative side, hundreds of messages were read to assist in confirming or invalidating the survey results. Messages were sorted into two groups, (confirmation or denial), for each of the three categories of results. On the qualitative side, the most significant comments, i.e. those using positive or negative adjectives, were noted and compared to the survey results. The third approach was to analyze media coverage of the topic of RV vacations. Consultation of Europress which maintains a database of the majority of written French media and of the National Audiovisual Institute (INA) which archives all French television programs, allowed this researcher to find all written articles and television programs from the last eight years on RV tourism. During this period over ten articles have appeared in either the regional or national French press or in French language African newspapers, and two television programs have been produced on this topic. With the first two methods, which provide both qualitative and quantitative information, the range of responses facilitates the process of evaluating the tourists’ opinions of their vacation. When the two approaches yield contradictory results, those differences must be explained. If results are similar, there is heightened confidence in those findings. Comparing the media products allows us to

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determine whether the media coverage matches scientific reality in the field. Findings about Socio-cultural Profile and Behavior All the survey respondents are French (with the exception of one French-speaking Swiss). This is no accident. Virtually all of the RVs in the survey locations, including those whose owners did not respond to the survey, had French license plates. This evidence supports the well-known phenomenon of tourists of the same nationality clustering together at vacation destinations (Haug et al., 2007). The web surfers who wrote in the French blogs are also mainly French. In the survey, all the RV residents are over 50 years old: half between 50 and 65, less than half between 65 and 75, and the remainder over 75. With the exception of two cases, two people lived in each RV, usually a married couple. They are largely (80 percent) members of the working or lower middle class, including many artisans, laborers, small business owners, secretaries, etc. (Table 1). They come primarily from the French provinces, mostly the rural ones. Not a single respondent lives in Paris, and only six live in the Paris region, which contains a sixth of the French population. As far as the rhythm of their days in Morocco is concerned, they prefer not to have well-defined plans. It seems to them as if life slows down in the south, with each day resembling another. They spend time like retirees, filling days with daily tasks (shopping, preparing meals, eating, cleaning). Doing ‘‘nothing special’’ was a frequent response when asked how they spent their time. Their physical activities are generally low-key (walking, sometimes bike-riding) and relaxed (‘‘farniente’’, talking, etc.). On the other hand, they keep very careful track of their stay, knowing their precise arrival and departure dates. Discussion of Socio-cultural Profile and Behavior One of the major survey results is that the respondents were primarily working or lower-middle class. Their RVs represent a substantial portion of their wealth and they are not particularly new. According to some studies (Barbanel & Hermellin, 2003; Meyer, 1994; Ministe`re des transports, 2006), the more well-to-do RV owners use them for travTable 1. Summary of most significant characteristics of the social and cultural profile Age of RVusers

< 50

0%

50-65

57% 65-75

37% > 75 6%

79% middle and 21% workers and lower middle upper middle class class Duration of stay < 2 months 17% 2-3 months 70% > 3 months 13% Social class

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eling rather than for longer stays in one location. These owners travel to Morocco, but also to countries such as Portugal, Spain, Greece, etc., which is not the case for our survey group. Our respondents are representative of traditional French society where the married couple is the dominant form. It seems single people would not choose this type of vacation. The women in the survey group are generally the same age as or younger than their husbands. Most of the women work, as is usually the case in less well-off families. The majority are under 65 but already retired. They are the products of the French social policy in place since the 80s to encourage early retirement in order to combat unemployment. Many people who had difficult or uninteresting jobs were able to retire early with good financial benefits. These are the people surveyed in Morocco. Outside of the cost of the RV and the trip itself, their expenses in Morocco are low. According to Viallon (2004, 2008) the monuments and history of the country are of little interest to the tourists, while the landscape and certainly the sea are much appreciated. While Ray and Ryder (2003) found that short-stay tourists engaged in active sports, our survey respondents generally did not, preferring casual walking or non-strenuous biking (Nimrod, 2008). In sum, respondents’ activities in Morocco did not vary much from their routine activities at home—shopping, house-keeping, etc., as was emphasized by White and White: ‘‘This referencing was signaled either through the replication of domestic routines in the day-to-day management of life on the road or by continued integration or copresence in key relationships with those back home’’ (White & White, 2007, p. 100). The unvarying routine of their lives provide much of its appeal. Findings of the Distinctive Characteristics of an RV Vacation In the account of the trips by both survey respondents and those who post on websites, comments on the voyage between France and Morocco are minimal. Rarely do RV travelers stop to enjoy the coastal or cultural attractions of Spain. The 2500-kilometer trip is punctuated only by stops to sleep, to fill up with gas, and to take the ferry between Europe and Africa. No website description of the trip contains more than a few lines about a journey that takes three to five days. When mentioned, the comments contain only practical information, such as ‘‘I recommend this safe rest stop’’ or ‘‘gas is not expensive after the bridge’’ or ‘‘having a ticket allows one to pass more rapidly through customs.’’ The return trip is even less discussed. And once the RV travelers have arrived, their movement is very limited, from zero to a few kilometers or perhaps a few dozen kilometers during a two-to-threemonth stay. There are both positive and negative reasons that lead people to use RVs instead of other means of transport and accommodation. The main positive reasons, cited by more than 90 percent of respondents, include the ease and flexibility of movement, the proximity to nature, a certain standard of comfort, and the ability to go anywhere while

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Table 2. Summary of most significant characteristics of the RV vacation Motivations to Enjoy leave home life

Motivations to use RV

95% Discover 85% Bad the home world

Freedom 94% Nature

14% Bad 12% environment at home

92% Personally 80% Not dependent 75% responsible on others for time management

maintaining the same level of accommodation (Table 2). The lower cost of this form of travel and meeting other RV owners from one year to the next were also mentioned, but to a lesser degree (around 50 percent). The negative reasons were equally numerous, but they seem to carry less weight in the decision than the positive ones. Respondents like the fact that an RV liberates them from the constraints of fixed schedules (about 25 percent) or sharing the same space (12 percent) often associated with other forms of tourism. The desire to avoid the need to plan a trip long in advance, the feeling of being merely one in a group, and the risk of unexpected unpleasant events also influence their choice. Some do not like being waited on, feeling that people are constantly demanding things of them, or being dependent on someone else. The place and type of vacation are intimately linked: the form described in this article emerged first as a ‘‘primitive’’ camping experience. In the 90s, or even before, some RV owners began the practice of stopping for a long period when they found a spot on the coast that they liked. Word of mouth did the rest. The fact that formal camping areas were subsequently established does not seem to matter, at least for those people who are still there. A desirable location consists of three essential and well-known elements: sea, sand, and sun (Lo¨fgreen, 2004a). The ‘‘key tourist attraction is the landscape,’’ say Becken and Wilson (2006). Jacobsen (1996, 2004) concurs. Discussion of the Importance of the RV to the Respondents Among the numerous forms of tourist travel, the RV is considered the ideal method for the majority of survey respondents. It succeeds in combining two seemingly contradictory elements: being at once ‘‘at home’’ and traveling; and being out in nature (Munar, 2008) while enjoying the benefits of civilization (Chazaud, 1994). It allows one to remain at home while traveling throughout the world (Jafari, 1993; Raveneau & Sirot, 2001). Feeling free to discover new worlds while remaining in a familiar environment is an advantage evoked by all the RV owners, but it has also been a reason for the success of hotel chains like Hilton, which try to insure that their guests feel at home throughout the world. Here again the study group distinguishes itself from other RV owners, since

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for them the trip between France and Morocco is a void in their vacation. This is anything but traveling where the spirit moves them. It is clear that the respondents prefer the stay to the trip. The ‘‘house on wheels,’’ as RVs are familiarly called, is considered more a home than a vehicle. The 2005 decision of the Moroccan government to require RV owners to settle in designated camping areas rather than stop where they like has been generally well accepted. The overwhelming majority understands that the decision was made to try to solve the environmental and social problems created by the large numbers of RVs planting themselves anywhere and everywhere (Couldwell & MacKay, 2002). Some emphasize that because the camping areas have been created too quickly they do not always have the necessary infrastructure; thus, they now find themselves with all the inconveniences of an organized system with none of its advantages. In order not to bias the interpretation of the findings, it must be noted that those who were opposed to this decision of the government were not present to respond to the questionnaire. Relations among RV owners vary. Some people avoid their peers as much as possible, while others happily pass several days in campgrounds with new acquaintances but travel very infrequently as a group. Freedom seems to be the guiding principle (Hardy, 2007); to be at once free to stay or leave is the ideal of everyone! ‘‘Contact on request’’ seems to be the rule toward other RV owners as well as the local population. In respondents’ minds, hotels and vacation villages promise too much proximity to other tourists and too large a gap between tourists and the local population. Findings of the Stay Itself and Morocco as a Destination Much research has shown (Crompton & McKay, 1997; Hanquin & Lam, 1999) that tourism stems as much from people’s desire to leave somewhere as from the appeal of a destination. Tourism is a phenomenon of both push and pull (Dann, 1977). For the push, two main reasons apply: ‘‘I have worked enough, I want to take advantage of life’’ and/or ‘‘I want to take advantage of my free time to learn about the world.’’ The pleasure of finding oneself without constraints is also of-

Table 3. Summary of most significant characteristics of the stay in Morocco (Percentage of people giving this response) Motivations for Climate Morocco as destination

96% Kind people

92% Beautiful 92% French92% nature speaking country

Good relations Local 92% Other RV 80% Home with population owners Future plans Will come back 98%

98%

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ten evoked, as well as, to a lesser degree, the high cost of living in Europe. Among the surprises of this research is the relative satisfaction of tourists with their place of origin. They are in large part content with their housing, their environment, their family, friends, and activities. The RV tourists are clearly not fleeing an environment that they dislike for Morocco. This finding is, without a doubt, explained by the fact that most of them live in the countryside or in small cities in rural areas where housing conditions and life in general are better than in the large cities. The only complaint they have about their home locations is the climate in winter. Escape from winter weather is truly the leitmotif in the responses (more than 85 percent of cases). The elements that make Morocco attractive are numerous and compelling: it is a French-speaking country, has beautiful landscapes, a good climate, and friendly people. Consequently, tourists feel good there. Relations with the local residents are considered very good by our sample population, who by in large, make little or no use of facilities designed expressly for tourists (with the exception of the campgrounds) (Table 3). Moroccan culture is evaluated positively, even if it is not always clear what aspects of culture are being considered. High culture is not mentioned, while food, vernacular architecture, daily life, and the souks are. The unanimity of responses (95 percent) on the factors that make Morocco an attractive place is striking. Other factors suggested by the questionnaire, such as the availability of sporting activities and nightlife, had little relevance for the respondents. Nor is the desert an attraction (Cauvin-Verner, 2007). Some complain about the lack of cleanliness or traffic conditions, but on balance these do not weigh heavily when compared to the country’s advantages, cited above. Very faithful to their winter home, almost half the respondents had already spent five winters in Morocco (!). RV owners return to the same place year after year. As they age, they have less and less desire to change their habits. It reassures them to go back to what they know. Often tourists want to ‘‘expose others to an experience which had previously been satisfying to (themselves)’’ (Gitelson & Crompton, 1984, p. 199). In fact, one-quarter of our respondents who were first year tourists had come because of word of mouth encouragement by others. This observation is noted by Becken and Wilson, who state, ‘‘Previous travel experience and word-of-mouth were extremely influential factors in tourists’ core decision’’ (Becken & Wilson 2006, p. 48). For the large majority, the vacation begins after the end of the year holidays celebrated with family and lasts two to three months. During this stay, people retain strong connections to the family (Morin, 1984). Cellphone calls and emails from internet cafes allow tourists to stay in contact with people back home. The French media have varying visions of this phenomenon. Thalassa, a France 3 television program about, as its name implies, the sea and people living near it, focuses on the attraction of the ocean for tourists. Envoye´ special, on France 2, compares three types of vacations (renting a house, vacation clubs such as Club Med, and RV stays). Jeune Afrique discusses the financial advantages of a vacation in Morocco. L’Humanite´, the daily Communist newspaper, focuses on the wealthy

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French vacationing in a third-world country, while Le Progre`s, a regional paper, stresses that there are advantages for both the local population and the tourists from the north. Discussion of Morocco as a Tourist Destination The winter stay of RV owners derives in part from the history of relations between Morocco and France. As a former French colony, Morocco gained its independence peacefully, in contrast to its neighbor Algeria. After independence, significant cooperation between the two countries led tens of thousands of French to remain in or to go to Morocco for professional reasons. For two people in the survey, the stay is a means of continuing relations established in this context. A stable political climate and scant terrorism have allowed good relations to continue. The winter vacation period favored by the RV owners gives them the best of both worlds: they avoid Europe’s winter dreariness as well as the high temperatures and crowds of tourists of a Moroccan summer. The questionnaire responses provide a strong impression of contentment rarely seen in surveys. The respondents hope to continue in the same seasonal rhythm for as long as possible. The economic crisis does not seem to have had a negative effect on their perceived future (Pagen, 20). On the issue raised by Rodriguez: ‘‘for many mobile elderly people . . . the choice (is) between visiting or settling in an area, in other words, between being tourists or residents,’’ (Rodriguez, 2001, p. 3) virtually all opt to remain tourists. The mobility afforded by an RV, even if it is less often taken advantage of by the survey respondents than by other RV owners, is as attractive as Morocco itself. The RV is their ever-present physical link with France. At any time, they can go back, unlike those who buy a home. They know that, as retirees, they will in all probability be able to continue to afford the relatively modest financial cost of their Moroccan stay, year after year. They note clearly what might make them desist: sickness or loss of physical mobility. Problems of political instability or safety are hardly mentioned. These tourists, like all others, do not want to think about negative eventualities. Rather, they give the impression of having found paradise and seem rather superstitiously to believe that too much talking about potential problems might make them appear. They are truly happy campers! The results of our inquiry recall those obtained by Becken and Wilson (2006), who find similar elements required for a satisfying experience: a pleasing landscape, a courteous welcome, clean conditions. For Gnoten (2000), the level of satisfaction depends on the landscape and kindness of the local populace. The media has recognized this phenomenon, but it must be stressed that the media focus is largely determined by what researchers call the ‘‘communications contract,’’ that is, the collection of elements in play between the media and the recipient that may include economic, social, practical, and ideological dimensions in different degrees,

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depending on the communication itself. Thalassa, for example, concentrates on the presence of RVs near the sea. However, the survey respondents do not engage in any ocean-based activities—swimming, fishing, canoeing, sailing, catamaran, windsurfing, or diving—even though all these activities can easily be done at the location and in the season in question. The respondents take advantage of only a small part of the potential activities available—the surroundings and sight of water alone seem to suffice (Corbin, 1994). Lo¨fgreen mentions the importance of the landscape and the ability ‘‘to dwell in it’’ (Lo¨fgreen, 2004b, p. 106). However, the imagination and emotion noted by Decrop and Snelders (2004) as essential factors do not play a major role in the locational decision of the respondents. The France 2 television program compares the advantages of three different types of vacations (house rental, vacation club, and RV stay) and acts as expert advisor, a role that journalists like to play. They are targeting future tourists. The written media also varies in its presentation of the topic. If L’Humanite´ sees tourists as ‘‘neo-colonizers’’ that disdain their hosts, it is because they have not sent reporters out in the field. If they had, the journalists would have observed, as we have in our fieldwork, the modest social origins of the tourists, their simple way of life, frequent interest in relations with the local people, and a shared concern of locals and RV tourists to protect the environment. The overall profile of the tourists surveyed is far from the stereotype of the rich, badly behaved vacationer. The journal’s ideological stance produces a discourse that does not tally with reality. A final trait of the study group is that their seasonal stay is not a result of any marketing by the tourist industry, even though tourism is highly developed in Morocco. According to the UNWTO (World Tourism Organization), with over seven million tourists and seven billion dollars in revenue in 2007, Morocco is the second-largest tourist destination in Africa after South Africa. However, none of our respondents came in response to the solicitations of the tourist industry. The first RV tourists camped anywhere in the 90s, and word of mouth brought the rest (Murphy et al., 2007). Aside from the ferry and a few meals in restaurants, they use very few of the facilities visited by tourists. The camping areas where they have settled were created in response to demand and to solve the problems associated with random placement of RVs, rather than as facilities to encourage new tourists. The respondents are careful to keep enough distance from the resorts so as not to be overwhelmed by the tourist crowds or feel the inconvenience from such groups, but not to stray so far that they cannot benefit from the advantages (e.g. food stores) that tourists bring. They are tourists who emphatically do not want to be considered as such, as Jacobsen (2004) or Gustafson (2002) have clearly noted! They like simplicity—no visas, no passports, an identity card will suffice. They have little need of reservations. If some make ferry reservations just in case, most know that during the periods when they travel, the ferry is usually not fully booked. They seem to use the same public facilities as the locals (souks), having little interest in activities requiring special infrastructure such as tennis courts, swimming pools, spas, riding

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stables, etc. Their daily expenses are for the same items that they would purchase in France, but their purchasing power in Morocco is far superior. In addition, several people mentioned that they prefer to shop at the little local shops, thus helping ‘‘les petits commerc¸ants’’ rather than either global enterprises or rich Moroccan business owners. That is why, according to them, they are welcomed by the local population, which sometimes feels that it does not benefit from the tourist manna that falls in the major tourist centers (Jackson & Schinkel, 2008; Jafari & Barre´, 1997). In this sense, the local population with whom the RV tourists are in contact would be classified as ‘‘tourism hungry’’ by Smith and Krannich (1998). To sum up, the study group’s excellent image (Nadeau et al., 2008) of Morocco has been acquired without the benefit of any marketing by the tourist industry. GENERAL DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION This article attempts to understand why thousands of people leave France in their RVs each winter to spend two or three months in Morocco. This social phenomenon, broadcast and encouraged by the media, is based on three elements: first, sun-seeking, which developed with the mania for good health at the end of the 19th century, particularly in France with the arrival of Americans at Juan-les-Pins in the 20s (Boyer & Viallon, 1994); secondly, a large cohort of healthy retirees, because of both medical progress and French social policy which has lowered the age of retirement for many; and thirdly, the growing number of people who have enough disposable income to travel, including paying for still relatively inexpensive gas, once primary expenses have been met. One of the important findings of this study is that these people come mostly from modest social classes and form a relatively homogeneous group. Their lifestyle is marked by few active pursuits, one might almost say it is contemplative. Some people even insist on having no particular program of activities. This way of life might be too relaxed for people from the middle or upper middle classes, used to full-time occupation of their time before or during their retirement, which would explain their small numbers in the study population. The RV allows its owners to be at once ‘‘home and away’’ (White & White, 2007). Using Plog’s typology (2001), RV tourists are simultaneously ‘‘allocentric’’ because they appreciate the freedom that their RV and type of vacation provide and ‘‘psychocentric’’ because despite their opportunity for mobility, they generally stay put once they have arrived at their destination. Their pleasures come primarily from within rather than from experiencing new places in the world around them. For them, the advantages of the stay far outweigh the costs! They do not have much interest in the high culture of Morocco, contrary to what Baloglu and McCleary (1999) found. It is important to note that if the findings of this study concerning the class characteristics of the RV owners match those of other cited work, the results are not consistent with the statements of RV manufacturers who claim that purchasers are increasingly more middle class.

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The manufacturers’ response has been to make more luxurious and expensive vehicles with ‘‘more comfort and more power’’ (Ministe`re des transports, 2006). This seeming incongruity can be explained in one of three ways: 1) Respondents to the manufacturers’ surveys are not representative of the French public in general, but instead are people who buy more luxurious RVs and use them more for travel than our sample; 2) As with cars, there has been a general increase in the quality and luxury of RVs, as has occurred in Australia (Prideaux & McClymont, 2006); or 3) The sellers have clearly understood that image is an important part of sales, and buyers would prefer to identify themselves as middle class rather than working class. The appeal to the middle class can support an increase in both comfort and price. In Morocco the practical everyday aspects of life are much more important than unusual or varied events. Our survey respondents also differ from tourists written about in the press, for whom the week of vacation is exciting (Gustafson, 2002). As Morin opined, ‘‘La valeur des vacances, c’est la vacance des valeurs,’’ (Morin, 1988, p. 34) a play on words meant to convey the idea that the goal of a vacation is to relax and not be obliged to undertake any specific activity. It is this notion, rather than the traditional vacation objective to do something out of the ordinary, that seems to apply to our respondents (Cohen, 1974). The lack of desire for activity is also clear in the relatively little travel done once in Morocco, which contrasts with the myriad of possibilities offered by a vacation here. The extremely high satisfaction levels and rates of return to the same place would make tour operators green with envy. The RV tourists are happy, they have hardly been bothered by the recent ban on camping outside formal sites, and they ask only to have facilities adapted to their needs and not too far from tourist centers. The convergent findings of the questionnaire responses and the comments of websites and blogs reinforce the validity of the results. The media, on the other hand, have a tendency to see this group in a biased way . This type of vacation or stay, which involves several thousand people, has two surprising features. First, it has developed completely outside the normal tourist industry. It is part of what Tribe (1997) calls the ‘‘non-business aspects of tourism.’’ Second, it does not conform to the normal model of tourism followed by the well-off (Boyer & Viallon, 1994; Smith, 2004). RV vacationers have learned about Morocco by word of mouth, and this method of propagation continues to function, since a third of the people questioned were first-time tourists. These vacationers are proof that tourists are not as dependent on advertisement and standard means of communication as some would think, even if these retired ‘‘migrants’’ are relatively atypical. Having embarked on their adventure independently of any pre-established commercial networks, they do not see their vacation as ‘‘consumption’’ and they do not identify themselves as consumers (Desforges, 2000). The study findings are similar to those of Cohen (1979b, p. 179), according to whom tourists are not always engaging in an ‘‘essentially spurious and superficial’’ activity. ‘‘The notions of ‘dwelling-in-travel’ and ‘travelling-in-dwelling’ (Clifford, 1997) deconstruct the distinctions

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between home and away by pointing to the possibilities of being at home while traveling and coming home through travel.’’ (Larsen et al., 2007, p. 249) To conclude, we have repeatedly emphasized that the group of tourists that we studied distinguish themselves from traditional tourists. The paradoxes of consumer independence underlined by Caruana et al. (2008) do not affect them. It is compelling to discover that these tourists are very ordinary folks who are happy with simple pleasures (Dann, 2000; O’Reilly, 2007). Furthermore, they are proof that one can be a tourist at the beginning of the twenty-first century without having anything to do with the tourist industry. Acknowledgements—The author wish to thank Prof. Ali Fertahi from the University of Beni-Mellal (Morroco) for his help and assistance.

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Television References France 2, Envoye´ spe´cial, November 3 2005, « Les retraite´s migrateurs ». France 3, Thalassa, March 10 2006, « Le Maroc en camping-car ». Submitted 1 June 2009. Resubmitted 2 November 2009. Resubmitted 10 March 2011. Final version 27 January 2012. Accepted 8 June 2012. Refereed anonymously. Coordinating Editor: Michael Clancy.