Rural development, employment and off-farm activities: A study of rural households in Rurka Kalan development block, North-west India

Journal o] Rural SttMte~. Vol. 13, No. 3, pp. 3(15-318, 1997 © ItJ97 Elsevier Sc~encc Ltd Printed In Great Britain. All rights reserved I)743-(1167/97 $17,(X) + I).(XI

Pergamon

PII: S0743-0167(97)00020-X

Rural Development, Employment and Off-farm Activities: a Study of Rural Households in Rurka Kalan Development Block, North-west India Colin Simmons and Salinder Supri Department of Economics, University of Salford. Salford, M5 4WT, U.K.

Within the next quarter of a century India will need to find additional productive work for well over 200 million persons. Given the existing pressure of crowding in many urban areas, and the fact that the majority of the expanding population continue to live in the countryside, part of any long-term solution must involve the transformation of rural economic space. The scope for increasing jobs in agriculture, however, is limited, especially in the more advanced Green Revolution states such as Punjab. In this context, the appeal of off-farm activities, especially own account enterprises is attractive. However, little is known about this sector in the state. Secondary data have well-known limitations and provide little more than a count of the number of persons engaged in these activities, and fail to distinguish between OFAs, often treating them as homogeneous. The purpose of our paper is to assess the effectiveness of OFAs in rural development by considering the amount and type of work they provide. We argue that the household remains the key institution which permits small family enterprises to survive and reproduce. The findings of a dedicated sample survey based upon three villages are reported. © 1997 Elsevier Science Ltd Abstract - -

scale, urban-based manufacturing industries - which failed dismally to create more than a very small fraction of new jobs (Morawetz, 1974; Krishnan, 1992); and in the 1970s and 1980s the emphasis shifted to a more varied set of policies, ranging from encouraging informal activities and the introduction of 'appropriate technologies', but with little obvious success (Todaro, 1996).

Introduction

According to ILO estimates, by 2025 well over 200 million new workers are expected to enter the labour market in India - - one in six of the global total (ILO, 1986, 1995). It is difficult to envisage how this number can be accommodated given the prevailing institutional framework. The World Bank has recently argued that countries who have been most successful in creating productive employment are those adopting policies centring upon open markets. The Bank therefore commends India for having recently taken the first real steps towards liberalising her economy. However, privatisation and other pro-market prescriptions take little account of specific constraints embedded in the socio-economic environment. In previous policy rounds both the Bank and some development economists advocated similar broad-brush solutions to the problem of how to absorb 'surplus labour'. In the 1950s and 1960s the favoured nostrum was the promotion of large-

Throughout the developing world in general and the Indian sub-continent in particular, the great bulk of the population reside in the countryside. The difficult matter of securing sufficient gainful employment is therefore most acute in rural areas. The pressure for employment generation is especially intense in the case of the north-western state of Punjab. Its agriculture has already absorbed sizable labour inputs since the advent of the Green Revolution technologies a generation ago. According to the Census of India (Col), the number of male cultivators and agricultural labourers grew by 2.7 million 305

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Colin Simmons and Salinder Supri

over 1961-1991 (Col, 1971, 1981, 1991a, b). The continuing fragmentation of holdings and the move towards more capital-intensive methods of farming suggest that the prospects of further absorption are limited. For the state of Punjab, as for the economy as a whole, there seem to be few obvious alternatives. There are grounds for believing that the employment-creating potential of the modern industrial and service sectors is strictly limited, not least because of the ease of labour mobility within the Indian Union. Large inflows of migrant workers have become a common feature of Punjabi agriculture, with nearly a quarter of a million seasonal workers entering the state from nearby Uttar Pradesh and distant Bihar each year. Many migrants have chosen to settle permanently and have managed to secure wage employment in both the organised and informal activities. Around 10% of the permanent population of Punjab actually originates from elsewhere (Brass, 1990, p. 223). A consequence of this inflow is a marked preference for migratory workers since they have a lower reservation wage than Punjabis. The abundant supply of migrant labour acts as a constraint upon the availability of jobs for the indigenous population. Undoubtedly, this was a contributory cause of the terrorist problem plaguing the regime during the last 15 years (Gill, 1988). Moreover, job opportunities in the Indian armed forces, a traditional occupation, have diminished considerably and, at the same time, the prospects of Punjabis themselves migrating or emigrating have declined sharply.

One potentially promising strategy for enhancing rural employment is the promotion of off-farm activities (OFAs). Over the last decade, OFAs have received considerable attention from academics and policy makers (Mukhopadhyay and Lim, 1985; Shand, 1986; Islam, 1987; Saith, 1992; Ranis and Stewart, 1993). The interest stems from certain hoped-for attributes - - quantitative and qualitative. *The Economic Census-1980 (1985) defines an OAE as an 'enterprise engaged in economic activities with the assistance of at least one hired worker on a fairly regular basis' (p. 1). For our purposes this was too restrictive since it precluded single-person run units. However, we feel more at ease with their definition of an enterprise as 'an undertaking engaged in the production and/or distribution of goods and/or services not for the sole purpose of consumption' (p. 1). The term 'OAE' is therefore the basic unit of enterprise in this paper, whilst 'OFA' refers to the activity undertaken by households. tCf. The neoclassical approach such as Becker (1981), Bliss and Stern (1982) and Stiglitz (1988), with that of the institutionalists such as Porath (1980), Pollak (1985) and Jagannathan (1987).

It has been shown that in nine Asian countries between a fifth and a half of the total rural labour force now participates in OFAs (Islam, 1987). The importance of these activities is enhanced when we consider that many individuals have long engaged in OFAs on a part-time or seasonal basis (Anderson and Leiserson, 1980). As far as the qualitative attraction of OFAs is concerned, there are several important considerations of note. First, OFAs and, in particular, Own Account Enterprises (OAEs), favour small-scale, family-run household units (Saith, 1992).* Secondly, they do not require the entrepreneur to have exposure to formal education and training. This is usually because the rural school infrastructure is poor, and access is restricted, particularly for females. OAEs may therefore be considered as an empowering medium (Oshima, 1986). Third, as a substantial proportion of rural dwellers, particularly women and children, find it difficult to secure full-time regular work in factories, workshops or retail establishments located away from the home, OAEs may be an effective device for nurturing entrepreneurship (Harper, 1985). Fourth, OFAs often suit the factor price circumstances prevalent in the countryside, i.e. labour abundance and capital shortage (Little et al., 1988). Fifth, these activities may help to arrest the rural exodus to increasingly congested urban areas (Islam, 1987). Finally, there may be significant forward, lateral and backward linkages with the rest of the locality (Mellor, 1976). In principle then, rural based OAEs appear to offer useful employment-soaking prospects. However, the empirical evidence supporting this claim is generally lacking, and not least regarding Punjab. This paper sets out to assess this potential through an examination of the magnitude and character of OFAs at the village level. We shall argue that the household is at the fulcrum point of labour utilisation and is thus the key institutional resource which enables family enterprises to survive in the rural milieu. Therefore, our unit of analysis is the khandann (household), and the context is the imperfect and unorganised nature of markets extant in the study area. We demonstrate that informal institutional arrangements are of the greatest significance.t To further this line of reasoning our paper is organised in the following manner. We provide a brief outline of the incidence of OFAs at the all-India, state and district levels. The methodology adopted in the selection of our dedicated sample survey is then outlined, and this enables us to present our findings of OAE employment. Subsequent sections consider the type of enterprises found in the villages and track the changes over time. We report their involvement with the local markets and discuss the extent to which caste has loosened its hold upon occupational

Rural Development in North-West India choice. The changing character of the OAEs is discussed in terms of the formative influence of the peasant household upon the choice of premises, the availability of funding and the degree of technical competence. Finally, we present our overall conclusion that these off-farm, own account enterprises have the capacity to generate rural employment.

The incidence of off-farm activities Time-series data on the structure of the labour force is provided by the Col. It sub-divides the working population into nine occupational categories. This allows us to define OFAs as activities undertaken in rural areas covered by the Col 1991 occupational categories IV-IX.* The official Census indicates an increase in the all-India share of non-agricultural employment in rural areas over the period 1971-1991 from 17.7% in 1971, to just over 19% in 1981; and to a little under 20% in 1991. In absolute terms the rise was from 26.3 million persons in 1971 to 43.8 million 20 years later.t In Punjab the proportion of the rural 'main' workers engaged in these activities rose from just over 21% in 1971 to 23.8% in 1981 and 24.8% in 1991.~ According to the Col, therefore, nearly a quarter of rural main workers (823,424 persons) undertook OFAs in 1991. In Jalandhar District the Census indicates that while the incidence of OFAs declined marginally from just over 31% in 1971 to 30.5% in 1981, the fall was reversed in 1991 when it rose to 33%. Thus, a third of rural main workers were engaged in OFAs (123950 persons). The district ranked third and the incidence was higher than the state average. This is *A recent Indian report on OFAs by the Study Group on the Rural Non-Farm Sector (1994) chose to proceed in a similar fashion given these data limitations. There is no formal official definition of 'OFAs'. It has often been treated as a residual category lying somewhere between agriculture (generally stopping at the harvest-marketing stage but occasionally extending to agro-processing), and the secondary and tertiary sectors. As a result, there is little agreement over the use of the term 'OFAs'. Thus it is often used interchangeably with 'rural non-agricultural activities', 'rural nonfarm activities', and even 'rural industries'. While there are subtle differences between these terms, we have chosen to treat them as synonymous since the employment dimension is the focus of this paper (cf. Chuta and Liedholm, 1979; Shand, 1986; Islam, 1987; Ranis and Stewart, 1993). tThe estimates if the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) support this shift but suggest a sharper and more consistent increase in such employment than Col figures (NSSO, 1990, Sarvekshana). :[:The Col defines a 'main' worker as any person who has worked in an economic activity for a major part of the year, i.e. for at least 6 months or 183 days (Col, 1991a, p. 5). §Since the District Census Handbook for 1991 was not available no figures for this year are reported.

307

a reflection of the greater overall level of agricultural and industrial development.

Methodology Our study area of Rurka Kalan is situated in this district (see Fig. 1). It is one of 12 development blocks in the tahsil (a taxation unit) of Phillaur and lies close to the geographical heart of the Punjab. Its agriculture has undergone considerable growth and transformation, and the block may now be regarded as a typical Green Revolution area. A ranking system using several development indices encompassing a range of agricultural, industrial and socioeconomic variables, originally devised by Singh (1985), was used to chose the block. On the basis of these criteria, Rurka Kalan was found to be occupying an average position. Three villages were targeted and the field investigation was conducted in 1991-1992. Recognising variations in the incidence of OFAs among the villages we listed them in terms of the proportion of main workers engaged in these activities. For this purpose we used the District Census Handbook (DCH) for Jalandhar (Col, 1981). The village clusters were then sub-divided into three broad categories: those with an average, higher-than-average, and a lowerthan-average participation rates of OFAs. A single village from each was selected. The choice was determined by population size, infrastructural facilities, ease of access to major roads and proximity to urban centres and a representative pick of villages was obtained. Three, namely Sarhali, Rurka Kalan and Daduwal, were identified for detailed fieldwork. Because the spatial spread of the villages was not wide, variations in agro-climatic conditions could be discounted. On average, the proportion of rural main workers engaged in OFAs ranged from 32% to 37% in 1981.§ Although the Census reports the incidence of OFAs, in common with similar material available in other developing countries, it tends to understate the significance of the sector. This is because there are problems of precise definition, clear identification and of specification in most such large-scale and official surveys (Anderson and Leiserson, 1978, 1980; Chuta and Liedholm, 1979; Islam, 1987; Chadha, 1993). Unfortunately, for our purposes, it provides few details of the nature and pattern of employment. In order to examine the structure of employment, we chose to undertake a sample of one hundred households participating in OFAs. A dedicated questionnaire was drawn up, and then the main researcher visited the households in person, and

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requested the information. Replies were obtained f r o m t h o s e m e m b e r s w h o v o l u n t e e r e d to disclose the details o f the r e l e v a n t h o u s e h o l d activity - these w e r e always m a l e r e s p o n d e n t s . A n ' O F A h o u s e h o l d ' was d e f i n e d as o n e in which a s i m p l e m a j o r i t y o f w o r k i n g p e r s o n s p u r s u e d such activities. W e i d e n t i f i e d two O F A types: those h o u s e h o l d s which h a d historically f o l l o w e d O F A s in that b o t h the p a r e n t s a n d g r a n d p a r e n t s of the c u r r e n t h e a d of h o u s e h o l d , w e r e n o n - a g r i c u l t u r i s t s ; a n d those w h o

• .:......,

h a d r e c e n t l y diversified into such activities b u t c a m e from a cultivating background. The sample households w e r e s e l e c t e d at r a n d o m .

Employment in own account enterprises O f t h e 100 h o u s e h o l d s , 89 o p e r a t e d O A E s . T h e 11 r e m a i n i n g h o u s e h o l d s also p a r t i c i p a t e d in O F A s r u n

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Rural Development in North-West India Table 1. Distribution of occupations in the sample of

OAE households No. (1) Total households (2) Population of households (3) Persons of working age (15-70) (4) Working population Work participation rates Crude (4)/(2) 'Actual' (4)/(3) Persons engaged in agriculture Full-time Part-time Total Persons in OFAs

%

89 594 432 213 37 49 14 2 16 197

6.6 0.9 7.5 92.5

Source: sample survey.

by others and were excluded. Table 1 provides a breakdown of the sample. The total household population was 594. Of these, 432 (73%) were of working age, taken as those between 15 and 70.* Only 213 were actually working, either on a full- or part-time basis. The 'actual' participation rate was 49%. Of our total working population, 16 participated in agriculture, while the remaining 197 persons were engaged in OFAs. Excluding these agriculturists, over 90% of total workers participated in OFAs. The pattern of employment is reported in Table 2.

Table 2. Pattern of employment in OAE households

Family Waged Total

Full-time

Part-time

Casual

Total

122 92 214

20 4 24

14 48-66" 62-80

156 144-162 300-318

"The number of persons employed on a casual basis varied, so the minimum and maximum number taken on are given. Source: sample survey.

These activities employed 156 family workers and a maximum of 162 wage employees. In total therefore, such OFAs created jobs for 318 persons. Incremental employment opportunities for 229 were generated. The composition of family employment *The conventional upper age limit of 60 (for females) and 65 (for males) is more appropriate to the developed countries. Similarly, in our context the lower limit of 15 is also questionable. The absence of a universal system of social security in the developing world means that persons often work beyond the 'normal' retirement age; and children below 15 give assistance for varying durations.

309

was as follows: 122 participated in OFAs on a fulltime basis; 20 were part-time; and 14 were 'casually' employed, i.e. during periods of peak labour demand in the agricultural cycle. A third of OAEs generated wage employment. In Table 2 we can see that 92 worked full-time, and only four part-time. Casual employment varied from 48 to 66. The OAEs created employment for an additional 162 persons. Household members represented the most important component of OAE workers and each employed 1.8 persons on average, of which 1.4 were full-time. The remainder were employed on a parttime and casual basis. The predominance of fulltime household labour indicates the permanent nature of these activities. Wage labour was also utilised. On average, each OAE employed 3.5 persons. At first glance, this figure suggests that wage workers constituted a more important element of labour than family members. However, this is misleading since this figure includes the large number of casual wage workers taken on by three of our sample households. If these workers are excluded, we find that on average each OAE provided employment to only a single waged employee. When wage labour was utilised it was full-time. This finding not only confirms that nonagricultural OAEs permit labour absorption, but that the employment created was both regular and productive. Cost was the single most cited reason for favouring family labour. For many OAEs it was simply not feasible to employ wage workers since financial circumstances did not allow it. Beyond this, the dominance of family over wage labour may be attributed to its greater flexibility. Family members were better able to respond to market shifts. Consequently, the search time for this labour was modest and contrasted with the many delays often associated with recruiting wage labour; this problem was acute in particular seasons. Household labour therefore acted as a reserve and had the advantage of familiarity, with the OFA labour process. Another attribute of household labour was the implicit sense of trust and so monitoring to guard against shirking was unnecessary. Limited opportunities for alternative employment for some household members, either in the case of women unavailable for work outside the household or others who had few skills, was another reason why family labour was chosen. In these ways, internalisation reduced transaction costs. When required, (implicit) wage contracts were used by some OAEs particularly in those enterprises requiring casual workers. A good example was an entrepreneur who provided marquees for weddings and religious festivities. His labour requirements far

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exceeded his household reserves. A further explanation for seeking wage labour was the nature of the particular labour process itself. Thus female household members could be deployed for catering activities.

The range of OFAs We found that a variety of OFAs were undertaken. It is possible to identify as many as 53 types (Appendix 1). Several were rooted in traditional pursuits and served to provide customary goods and services for the rural community. These include blacksmiths, tailors and barbers. In general, these activities were conducted by the poorer households. Other OFAs were obviously more 'modern' but were harder to enter and so were confined to households possessing requisite human and financial capital. Good examples included soft drinks manufacturers and sellers, radio and electrical repairers and taxi operators. The majority of OFAs were concerned with services and repairs, and only a few were in manufacturing. Furthermore, and this was a surprise, the number having direct links with agriculture were few. This seems significant because Rurka Kalan block is an agriculturally advanced area, and suggests that the direct connections between OFAs and the primary sector may be tenuous. Part of the explanation may lie in the fact that most processing of agricultural commodities is not done within rural areas. On the demand side, the presence of the urban centres of Phagwara, Jalandhar city and even Ludhiana had an impact on the number and type of village-based OFAs. In terms of wage labour, services dominated OAEs. The likely explanation for this outcome is the relatively high level of state per capita income, which is currently double the all-India average (Statistical Abstract of Punjab, 1990, 106f).

Female participation in OAEs We found that very few females participated in OAEs. Only four of the 156 workers were women, just under 5%. Two were sweepers, one was a mistress tailor assisting her husband who was a cloth merchant, and the last ran a roadside tea-stall. Modest as this participation was, it nevertheless compares favourably with the Census return for Jalandhar of 2% in 1991 (Col, 1991b). However, this result conceals more than it reveals. The extraordinarily low reported incidence of female participation reflects the particular socio-cultural milieu of rural Punjab. Although females are actually involved

with the functioning of OAEs, the feeling of sharam (embarrassment) by the household in the prevalent ethos means that this contribution is hidden from public gaze. Indeed, their vital role is seldom acknowledged openly and virtually the entire range of economic functions which they perform are simply lumped together under the misleading category of "housework'. Even where an activity clearly involved marketed output, a stigma was attached to admitting this. Such reluctance was regrettable because OFAs do offer opportunities for females who have had limited access to education and training. Moreover, as many females were unable to take up employment outside the home, because of reproduction and child rearing, OFAs offered a convenient and flexible means of combining housework with employment which, in many cases, could be undertaken in the household. There was therefore 'disguised" gender employment.

Caste, occupation and market involvement A breakdown of the religious and caste structure of the households operating OAEs is presented below:

Of which Scheduled Caste Religion

No.

%

No.

%

Hindu Sikh Muslim Total

59 21 2 89

66.3 31.5 2.2 100

14 7 0 21

23.7 33.3 0.0 23.6

Source: sample survey.

Two-thirds of OAEs were undertaken by Hindus, while the remainder were conducted by Sikh households. The participation of Muslims was negligible. Unfortunately, the District Census Handbooks do not provide a religious breakdown of population at the village level, and so we have only recourse to district data. This is presented below: Distribution of rural population by religion, Jalandhar District, 1981" Rural population 1 121 983

Hindu

Sikh

Muslim

Other

509318 (45.4%)

600666 (53.5%)

4048 (0.4%)

7951 (0.7%)

*This is the latest year for which the figures are presented in this way, due to political sensitivity. Source: Statistical Abstract of Punjab 1990 (1991), pp. 68-71.

Rural Development in North-West India The dominant religious group are Sikhs who comprise 53% of the rural population, with the Hindus second at 45% and Muslims and other religions comprising the remainder. The participation of Hindus in OAEs was greater than their numerical importance. This confirms the long-standing state division of labour for Hindus to engage in nonagricultural activities whilst Sikhs concentrate upon cultivation.* The Census also reports the distribution of scheduled castes (SC) in the villages. This group, which formed 34.2% of the total population of our sample, occupies the lowest rung on the caste ladder. Scheduled castes were found to be below the average of 41.7% for rural areas of Jalandhar, but higher than the figure of 30.2% for rural Punjab.t The proportion of SC households operating OAEs among our sample was 23.6% (one-third of Sikh households and just over one-fifth of Hindu households were SC). Not surprisingly this participation was low. Given that they are the weakest economic segment of rural society with limited access to education and financial institutions, and little effective voice, they are least likely to operate OAEs. Their involvement in OFAs is confined mainly to wage labour and this extends to other states (Shepperdson, 1995, Chap. 5). Historically, there is a strong link between occupation and caste. However, in Punjab this association has always been weaker than elsewhere, especially among Sikhs (Marenco, 1976). Moreover, the transformation of agriculture as a result of the extension of the canal colonies in the late nineteenth century, followed by the Green Revolution, led to the dismantling of the sepidar system (the traditional bond between cultivators and artisans based on mutual exchange and dependence). These events permitted greater occupational and spatial mobility. We have been able to track the phasing out of this system by examining inter-generational shifts in the structure of village employment patterns (Appendix B). We may observe that two-thirds of the current respondents had a completely different occupation from their grandfather. Within the context of the new agrarian conditions, artisans could no longer be 'tied' to the dominant Jat farmers; many occupations, including traditional carpentry, smithy, basket *Clearly not all Sikhs are cultivators. This task has traditionally been the preserve of Jat Sikhs, who represent the largest sub-caste. tThe distribution of scheduled castes across our villages was as follows: Daduwal, 45.6%: Rurka Kalan, 25.8%; Sarhali, 46%. ~Our work on Punjab can be placed within the wider literature on the role of households in developing countries (cf. Mandlebaum, 1970; Dasgupta et al., 1977; Porath, 1980; Pollak, 1985; Strassmann, 1987; Jagannathan, 1987).

311

weaving and pottery, are no longer in demand. A good example concerns the services of the nirs (water carriers), whose traditional function of distributing water from village wells to residences has disappeared as a result of the introduction of electric tubewells. This required the sub-caste to search for new avenues of work. We found that the grandchildren of three nirs ended up as sweet vendors, vegetable hawkers and photographers. The demise of the sepidar system has proceeded hand-in-hand with the commercialisation of OFAs. Many of the tangible inputs required by our sample of OAEs, such as tractor parts and larger electrical items, originated in the urban centres of Jalandhar city, Ludhiana and Jandiala, and were purchased on the open market. Only a few stores were procured locally, including bricks and wood required by masons and carpenters. Not many OAEs were reliant upon local agricultural produce, save milk needed by tea and sweet vendors, and items such as wheatflour, corn, rice and vegetable oils stocked by karyana outlets. This finding qualifies the widespread view that there are usually strong linkages between OFAs and the agricultural hinterland (Mellor, 1976; Chuta and Liedholm, 1979). Cash was the normal method of payment for purchases and we found that credit was seldom extended by suppliers. The output of OAEs was also sold in the market, usually in close vicinity to the enterprises. Only in a few instances were products or services sold in urban centres. The OAEs normally dealt with the final consumer. Sale terms were cash; seldom did we find credit facilities offered to buyers. Despite cash being the dominant medium of exchange, transactions were personalised in the sense that buyers and sellers knew each other well. This personalised exchange was particularly in evidence when the parties originated from the same or nearby villages. Credit was largely confined to farmers who obtained inputs such as seeds and fertilizers on the basis of trust; similarly they were able to have their machinery repaired on the strength of a single payment that would be made after the harvest. At the heart of this mix of commercialised and informal relations lies the Khandann - - literally the extended Punjabi household.:~ The resources of the h o u s e h o l d

(Khandann)

Location

A key household resource is the dwelling. Until very recently its economic significance has been, rather surprisingly, overlooked (Strassmann, 1987). We found that a great number of the OAEs were conducted from domestic locations:

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Colin Simmons and Salinder Supri

No.

%

1. House/precincts of the house 2. Udda (central places) 3. Mobile/no fixed location

67 14 8

75.3 15.7 10.0

Total

89

100.0

Source: sample survey. The most common location was the family house. No special modifications had been made to accommodate the household business. Good examples of home-based activities are electrical motor repairs, carpentry and iron smithing. Clearly, a shortage of funds was the principal reason why the household did not possess dedicated single-use premises. In the domestic domain, one room at least had been set aside for this usage. Where the existing fabric was inappropriate, modification and\or extension had been made. On account of cost constraints our respondents were overwhelmingly of the view that renting property was seldom feasible. This use of the home for multiple purposes made for more efficient use of existing infrastructure and contributed to the capital-saving features of OAEs. Operating from residential premises also allowed greater deployment of household labour; in particular it permitted the employment of women, children and the elderly. Three-quarters of our sample OAEs were located either in the house or its immediate precincts. Obviously, for certain OAEs, confinement to this location represented a potential limit to business horizons. Tailoring from home, for example, relied upon attracting customers by word-of-mouth and contrasts with those tailors operating from udda sites (central places) who were able to attract passing trade. Home-based OAEs had lower stock levels than those better placed, which further restricted customer base. The opportunity cost of operating from the home was the loss of customers due to the lower throughput of persons; this confined employment to family members and placed an upper limit upon numbers. For other activities such as gold-smithing, ropemaking and private tutoring, operating from the home was not problematic. Generally, it was not necessary for these OAEs to locate at busy centres since their services were independent of location. A second group of OAEs were conducted at a variety of other locations. These included uddas which cover conglomerations of retail premises situated alongside bus stops, cross-roads and markets. Fourteen OAEs operated out of uddas, 16% of the total. These included tea and sweet shops, vegetable and Karyana (dry goods) stores, and cycle repairs. Their overriding characteristic was

reliance upon high customer throughput. All supplied goods and services which were required on either a daily or very frequent basis. Their relatively high turnover vis-a-vis those operating from the home, allowed greater employment of family members as well as wage labour. Six OAEs (6.7%) were undertaken from rented premises in villages other than the one in which interviewees resided. The most frequently reported reason for this location was competition. If similar activities were already conducted within a village that was too small to support additional units, these potential new entrants relocated. Insufficient demand was cited as a further reason for operating in another village. This situation arose when the level of demand derived from a cluster of villages. Here, a central location was the preferred choice. The manner in which training had been acquired also affected out-of-home village location. If entrepreneurs of OAEs had completed apprenticeships in one village, there was an unwritten code that they ply their trade elsewhere. A third group of OAEs were not pursued from a fixed location. There were eight such enterprises (10%). These included hawkers who travelled from village to village by cycle selling their wares - - one sold vegetables whist the other retailed bangles and other such trinkets. The remaining OAEs included painters, a building contractor and cooks. In such cases, the activities were undertaken wherever work was forthcoming. If these OAEs offered employment, it was wage work and could, as in the case of the contractor, be quite considerable.

Funding Funding proved to be another area where the household acted as an important resource to OAEs. Access to finance is, of course, a crucial factor in both the start-up and effective functioning of OAEs. A breakdown of the principal sources of OAE funding is presented below: Source of funding

No.

%

(1) Family and friends (2) Other household sources Employment (domestic or abroad) Agriculture Inheritance Remittances from abroad Previous OFAs Revolving credit (3) Institutional sources Total

51 22

57 25 67 6 5 3 2 2 18 100

Source: survey sample.

5 4 3 2 2 16 89

Rural Development in North-West India By far the most common source of acquiring funds was borrowing from friends and relatives. Over half the sampled OAEs relied upon this source. Personal knowledge and trust were the critical reasons for its widespread popularity. As the household 'behind' the OAE was well known, the question of collateral rarely arose. Creditors were usually familiar with the business and therefore well informed about repayment viability. This offered an attractive degree of discretion and flexibility; and in those instances where an interest payment was required, we found that it was usually pitched below the prevailing market rate charged by commercial banks or Bahias (money lenders). There were also cases where family and friends waived interest completely. Lengthy procedures associated with institutional borrowing could be avoided. OAEs were able to obtain funding speedily and without the 'customary' bribe. There were, however, drawbacks. The principal limitation concerned the small sums that could be obtained relative to loans made by institutions. Nonetheless, those OAEs reliant upon this source were generally unable to secure institutional funding. For them, Banias were the only alternative. Several other household sources were used by our respondents. Together these accounted 25% of total startup capital. Savings from waged work, both overseas and domestic, was one such avenue. A compelling motive for seeking work abroad, especially those travelling to the Gulf States, was to accumulate capital to establish an OAE. Two individuals in our survey had managed to obtain the funds in this way. The first person invested in a 'tent house', while the second established a truck and private taxi service. Other OAEs had generated funds from the sale of previous businesses, and so properly speaking, this source was capital-based rather than savings-based. The two remaining OAEs had built up savings from previous domestic employment. Another avenue was cultivation. Those persons operating OAEs who had a history of farming could obtain funding for their activities from agriculture - - by diverting income from farm work; making use of rentals where assets had been retained; and occasionally, and reluctantly, from the sale of land. Together these methods accounted for less than 6% of the total. The remittances of family and relatives who had emigrated was a third source. The large numbers of out-migrants who return to Punjab for holidays or business purposes sometimes provided *Since the annual income of these persons was below Rs. 3600, their material situation did allow them to meet normal surety requirements. tlnterviews with bank managers revealed that while security was not always demanded, policy was nevertheless to keep such loans to a minimum. We found that Government targets were largely ignored.

313

friends and relatives with finance for their OAEs. However, it was reported to us that the importance of remittances made by non-resident Indians has diminished (Thandi, 1994). Institutional sources accounted for 18% of OAE funding. These included commercial banks located at rural or urban sites, and government-sponsored schemes such as the Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP). Three separate constraints were experienced: time, access and cost. A very common problem encountered by applicants was the considerable delay involved in the processing of paperwork. Procedures were cumbersome due to the amount and complexity of the necessary documentation that had to accompany even the most modest application. There was considerable red-tape involved in the drawing-up of the legal papers needed to guarantee security, and further time had to be expended in obtaining estimates of costings. As far as access was concerned, a deterrent was the need to supply collateral. From the point of view of the bank, the need for security was absolute, but applicants argued that the amount demanded was often unrealistic. The most common form of collateral was land and property provided title was secure. In its absence, it was sometimes possible to obtain loans using an intermediary to act as guarantor. However, the difficulties in persuading family or friends to act in this capacity and place their own property as security were obvious, and so this course of action was rare. Another barrier to access included the requirement that applicants have sufficient jaan-cary (experience) in their chosen activity prior to a loan being sanctioned. A further hurdle was the requirement that applicants operate a fixed deposit with the bank from which the loan was sought. Applicants not running such deposits or who had not operated such an account for 2 years prior to lodging their request were rejected out of hand. This problem was most acute in the case of IRDP applicants. Since all were below the official poverty datum line, they did not have sufficient savings to operate fixed deposit accounts. This banking practice actually contravened Government policy since neither security nor a banking history was required.* However, we found that the reality was quite different on the ground.t Costs included legal fees and travelling. Apart from these direct costs there were indirect expenses such as cha-panai (entertaining) and bribing bank and government officers. The problem of budhi (bribery) was not only encountered in the courts but sums of money had to be paid to the patwari (village accountant) who held the relevant property deeds. Even with IRDP loans, beneficiaries were required to bribe the village sarpanch (village head) as well as

314

Colin Simmons and Salinder Supri

Rural Development Department officials. This was necessary in order to obtain a pela-card (yellow card), a pre requisite for acquiring IRDP funding.* As a result of these problems many of our interviewees did think it worthwhile to apply. Informal sources accounted for no less than 82% of household funding, and clearly influenced the size, structure and operating context of OAEs. In one instance, a barber had established his own business in 1991 for under Rs. 500 ($15). His equipment was relatively simple, comprising a large mirror, scissors, combs, shaving sticks and razors, and he operated from a rented wooden hut. Several months later, he had procured a loan of Rs. 2000 from relatives. This money was used to purchase two larger mirrors, two secondhand chairs, a hair dryer, and relocation to pucca premises. He was able to attract a larger clientele - - many customers did not want to frequent a barber operating from a hut and, as a result, was in a position to employ an apprentice. In another example, a female had purchased a secondhand knitting machine for Rs. 2500 from a friend and was engaged in knitting woollen jumpers. After a short period, she provided employment for a second person - - her daughter. Although the amounts were modest, they nevertheless provided jobs for family members as well as wage employment opportunities for others.

Technical competence Those undertaking OAEs needed to acquire a sufficient level of competency in their chosen undertaking. Inadequate access and the poor functioning of formal training institutions meant that OAEs had to resort to informal channels. Since many persons pursued the same occupation or trade as their parents, they were dependent upon the household in this respect. The household structure remains a relatively efficient mechanism for the transmission of skills since it minimises costs and economises on time. The household therefore compensated for the inadequacies of state provision. The four most common means of gaining such proficiency are given below. Source of training

No.

Family Apprenticeship Previous employment On-the-job Total

40 34 8 7 89

45 38 9 8 100

Source: fieldwork. *The pela-card is a document which identifies individuals as potential IRDP beneficiaries; our respondents complained of having to part with Rs. 100 before issue.

When the traditional occupation of the household was not followed new skills had, of course, to be acquired. In these circumstances individuals obtained apprenticeships. The duration of these was normally between 1 and 3 years, and generally without payment. If a wage was given, it was only after the apprentice had gained sufficient competence to make an effective contribution. Where apprenticeship was not considered, the basic level of skills could be gleaned informally from other people in the village following the same activity. In this way new entrants received rudimentary advice and, once underway, the skill specifications were acquired on-the-job. Activities such as cycle repair, photography and videoing did not require protracted training since the degree of competency was modest, and therefore learning-by-doing was sufficient. If formal qualifications were needed, individuals had little alternative but to resort to training provided by institutions. However, while a number of public and private agencies delivered such a service, the number of places was limited. They were also located inconveniently in urban areas. While a publicly funded training centre for rural youth had once existed in Rurka Kalan, it had been closed for 2 years at the time of the field investigation. It was reported to us that only 20 places had been available and older persons had not qualified for admission. We have no doubt that restricted access to formal training inhibited the formation of skills and entrepreneurship. This confined many of the OFAs to 'traditional' status pursuits and hence constrained their capacity to absorb additional labour. Family and relatives remained the predominant method of acquiring technical competency. If younger members took up the same trade as their parents, the skills were learnt from other household members or close relatives. This was appropriate for those traditional occupations which had not undergone dramatic change, for example carpentry and masonry. Some other occupations had required improvements in technique, perhaps as a result of the application of machinery, but had not been wholly transformed. Examples include ironmongering. Here, skills did need to be updated and the relevant training was picked up informally though a process of trial and error. Only in exceptional cases was formal re-training found to be necessary. Conclusion

In this paper we have argued that OAEs offer considerable scope for both family and wage employment in rural Punjab. Despite the fact that the financial and human capital resources of such households are very severely constrained by the lack

Rural Development in North-West India of collateral and training facilities, this limits the type of activities that can be undertaken feasibly. Although there has been occupational shift, activities remain largely traditional. Family labour is the dominant mode of organisation and markets are highly localised. In principle, support for OFAs is provided through a number of public sector agencies; but in practice access is difficult. Rural entrepreneurs must therefore rely on the khandann or peasant household which continues to be the key institutional organisation. It mobilises labour, provides premises, is pivotal in obtaining funding, and acts as the medium through which skills and technical competence are transmitted. In view of the results presented here there are grounds for believing that this small-scale household sector occupies an important place in the economy of the state. A substantial segment of the rural population is dependent upon self and family employment in OAEs. The phrase most often used by our respondents was "chota mota kham de vich sarda janda' (coping adequately in small business enterprise). Given the absence of alternative employment opportunities, such OAEs are an appropriate vehicle for absorbing labour and fostering entrepreneurship. Recently, the World Bank has come around to this position. We concur with the view that it expresses in the Annual Development Report that 'small-scale enterprises remain efficient forms of labour organization' (World Bank, 1995, p. 26). However, although micro-level unit 'efficiency' is a necessary condition for household survival and reproduction, it is by no means a sufficient guarantee of viable rural development. In order to achieve satisfactory systemic performance, grass-roots OAEs deserve a coherent and genuine programme of support; it is a commitment of real resource flows that OFAs need rather than the rhetoric of empty words and good intentions. References

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Col (1991a) Series-I India, Provisional Population Tables: Workers and their Distribution, Paper 3, Census of India, 1991. Col (1991b) Series-20 Punjab: Paper 1, Census of India, 1991, Provisional Population Tables. Chadha, G. K. (1993) Non-farm employment for rural households in India: evidence and prognosis. The Indian Journal of Labour Economics 36,(3), 296-327. Chuta, E. and Liedholm, C. (1979) Rural Non-Farm Employment: A Review of the State of the Art. MSU Rural Development Paper No. 4, Department of Agricultural Economics, MI. Dasgupta, B., Laishley R. et al. (1977) Village Society and Labour Use. Oxford University Press, New York. Economic Census-1980 (1985) Statewise Report. Central Statistical Office, New Delhi. Gill, S. S. (1988) Contradictions of Punjab model of growth and search for an alternative. Economic and Political Weekly 23(42), 2167-2173. ILO (1986) Economwally Active Population Estimates and Projections: 1950-2025. International Labour Office, Geneva. ILO (1995) World Employment Report 1995. International Labour Office, Geneva. Islam, R. (1987) Rural industrialisation and employment in Asia: issues and evidence. In Rural Industrialisation and Employment m Asia, ed. R. Islam, pp. 1-18. International Labour Organisation, Asian Development Programme (ARTEP), New Delhi. Harper, M. (1985) Small Business in the Thtrd World: Guidelines for Practical Assistance. John Wiley and Sons, Chichester. Jagannathan, V. N. (1987) Informal Markets in Developing Countries. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Krishnan, T. N. (1992) Population, poverty and employment in India. Economic and Pofitical Weekly 27(46), 2479-2497. Little, I. M. D., Mazumdar, D. and Page Jr., J. M. (1988) Small Manufacturing Enterpr&es: A Comparative Study of Indta and Other Economies. Oxford University Press for the World Bank, Washington, DC. Mandlebaum, D. G. (1970) Society tn India: Change and Continui~,. University of California Press, Los Angeles. Marenco, E. K. (1976) The Transformation o f S tkh Socie~'. Heritage Publishers, New Delhi. Mellor, J. (1976) The New Economtcs of Growth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca. Morawetz. D. (1974) Employment implications of industrialisation in developing countries. Economic Journal September, 491-542. Mukhopadhyay, S. and Lim, C. P. (1985) Development and Diversificatton of Rural Industries in Asia. Asian and Pacific Development Centre, Kuala Lumpur. NSSO (1990) Sarvekshana, Results of the Fourth Quinquennial Survey on Employment and Unemployment (All India). National Sample Survey, 43rd Round, Special Number. Oshima, H. T. (1986) Off-Farm Employment and Incomes in Postwar East Asian Growth. In Off-Farm Employment in the Development of Rural Asia, ed. R. T. Shand, Vol. 2. National Centre for Development Studies, Australian National University, Canberra. Pollak. R. A. (1985) A transactions cost approach to families and households. Journal of Economic Literature 23(2), 581-608. Porath, Y. B. (1980) The F-connection: families, friends and firms and organisations of exchange. Population and Development Review 6(1), 1-31.

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Ranis, G. and Stewart, F. (1993) Rural nonagricultural activities in development: theory and application. Journal of Development Economics 40(1 ), 75 - 101. Saith, A. (1992) The Rural Non-Farm Economy." Processes and Policies. International Labour Office, Geneva. Shand, R. T. (ed) (1986) Off-Farm Employment in the Development of Rural Asia, Voi. 2. National Centre for Development Studies, Australian National University, Canberra. Shepperdson, M. (1995) Income Distribution and Health m a North Indian Village. Avebury, Aldershot. Singh, N. B. (1985) An appraisal of methodology of district planning in India: A case study of Jullundur. Ph.D. dissertation, Punjab School of Economics, Guru Nanak Dev University, Punjab. Statistical Abstract of Punjab 1990 (1991) Economic Advisor to Government. Government of Punjab, Chandigarh. Stiglitz, J. (1988) Economic Organization, Information and Development. In Handbook of Development Economics, ed. C. Hollis and T. N. Srinivarsan, Vol. 1, pp. 93-160. North Holland, Amsterdam. Strassmann, P. W. (1987) Home-based enterprises in cities of developing countries. Economic Development and Cultural Change 36(1), 121-144. Study Group on the Rural Non-Farm Sector (1994) The Rural Non-Farm Sector in Punjab. Vol. 1, Main Report. Indian Grameen Services, Delhi. Thandi, S. S. (1994) Strengthening capitalist agriculture: the impact of overseas remittances in rural central Punjab in the 1970s. International Journal of Punjab Studies 1(2), 239-270. Todaro, M. (1996) Economic Development in the Third World. Longman, London. World Bank (1995) Annual Development Report 1995. World Bank, Washington. Appendix

A: C h a n g e s

in occupational

Family 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Soft drinks manufacturing and sales Welding workshop (household) Welding workshop Karyana (dry goods) store General store Halwi (sweets) Baker Blacksmith Ropemaking Hardware store

structure

Wage*

Total

3

4

7

2

3

5

6 7 7 4 2 4 2 1

2 0 0 0 4 3 0 2

8 7 7 4 6 7 2 3

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53

Watch sales and repair Vegetable store Vegetable seller (mobile) Sweet seller (mobile) Radio\electrical repair Electrical store Electric motor repair and sales House electrics installation and repair Video\cassette sales Taxi owner Taxi driver Transporters Cycle repair Engine mechanics Scooter repair Tractor spare parts (sales) Tractor repair Automotive battery servicing Tailoring Barbers Tent house Photo framer Cobbler (mfg., sales and repair) Cobbler (repair) Goldsmith Pharmacist Teastall Cloth merchant Cook Dry cleaning Private tuition Property management Cable TV Photography Raggi (singer) General construction labour Masons Paint contractor Painters Sawmills Carpentry Brickworks Cleaner Total

*Includes 'casual' wage labour. Source: fieldwork.

2 3

2 3

0 0 0 0 2 2 5

3 4 8

1

2

3

2

1

1

2 4 4 2 2

2 2 7 0 5 2

1

1

3 3 4 11 4 7 4 2

3

5 0

8

10

18 8 40 2

1 1 1

1

8 7 4 2 1

2 1

4 3 4 2 2 2 1 1

4 1

4 8

1

36 0 0 0 0 4 2 0 14 1

0 0 2 2 0 0

2 3 1 1

1

1

2 1

8 5 4 16 3 2 1

3 6 1

4

4 6 6 3 1

5 25 0 4 2 0 0

13 26 4 10 8 3

156

162

318

1

1

R u r a l D e v e l o p m e n t in N o r t h - W e s t I n d i a

317

Appendix B: Off-farm occupations of respondents and family members Grandfather

Father

Respondent

Cultivator Agric. labourer Karyana store (dry goods) Monchi Agric. labourer Nit Gen. labourer Cultivator Gen. labourer Astrologer Karyana store Goldsmith Karyana store Halwi Govt. employment (hospital) Karyana store Karyana store Arti (commission agent) Palmist Cultivator Unknown Cultivator Mfg. and soda retailing Metal workshop Barber Carpenterr Dhobi Mil. service Blacksmith Cultivator Agric. labourer Shoe maker Clothes sales (bicycle) Agric. labourer Karyana store Blacksmith Govt. service Cultivator Mil. service Agric. labourer Cultivator Gen. labourer Cultivator Cultivator Blacksmith Karyana store Agric. labourer Blacksmith Gen. labourer Gen. store Cultivator Ind. labourer Gen. labourer Nir Leather worker Halwi Cultivator Cultivator Agric. labourer Dyer Cobbler Gen. labourer Ind. labourer Carpenter Karyana store Cultivator Agric. labourer Gen. store Nir Mil. service Gen. labourer Shoemaker Carpenter

Cultivator Agric. labourer Karyana store Barber Agric. labourer Construction labourer Teacher Cultivator Ind. labourer (factory) Painter Karyana store Goldsmith Karyana store Tea stall Carpenter Karyana store Karyana store Dyer Cycle repair Taxi owner Gen. store Farm machinery repair Mfg. and soda retailing Cycle repair Barber Carpenter Dhobi Karyana store Cycle repair Soft drinks sales Agric. labourer Agric. labourer Halwi Agric. labourer Printing press employee Blacksmith Teacher Cultivator Transporter Mason Cultivator Ind. labourer (factory) Cultivator Cultivator Blacksmith Karyana store Agric. labourer Blacksmith Gen. labourer Gen. store Cultivator Ind. labourer (factory) Tubewell construction Vegetable sales (bicycle) Leather worker Halwi Mil. service House electrics Vegetable sales (bicycle) Dyer Cobbler Farm machinery repair Mason Carpenter Karyana store Ind. labourer (factory) Agric. labourer Gen. store Tailor Mil. service Blacksmith Agric. labourer Carpenter

Welding workshop Tailor Karyana store Cycle repair Private tuition Halwi Tailor Engine mechanic Hardware store Paint contractor Electrical store Goldsmith Watch repair Pharmacy store Carpenter Vegetable store Tailor Cloth merchant Cook (weddings) Transporter Karyana store Electrical motor repair Mfg. and soda retailing Cycle repair Barber Photo framer Dhobi/dry cleaning Tent House Photographer Soft drinks sales Carpenter (furniture) Karyana store Halwi Shoe sales and repairs Baker Blacksmith Prwate tutor Tailor Taxi drwer Mason Tractor repair Transporter Property management Cable TV Welding workshop Video/cassette sales Painter Taxi driver Brickworks-transporter General store Radio and elec. repair Transporter Construction labourer Vegetable sales (hawker) Shoe maker Pharmacist Tent house House electrics Vegetable store Cloth merchant Raggi Tractor spares Mason Carpenter (furniture) Sweet seller (hawker) Tailor Tailor Gen. store Photographer Battery sales/service Welding workshop (household) Cobbler Sawmill

318

Colin S i m m o n s and S a l i n d e r Supri

Gen. labourer Gen. labourer Karyana store Gen. labourer Mason Barber Govt. service Gen. labourer Mason Gen. labourer Karyana store Cobbler Blacksmith Govt. service

Ind. labourer (factory) Gen. labourer Karyana store Ind. labourer Mason Barber Govt. service Gen. labourer Mason Rope maker Karyana store Cobbler Blacksmith Govt. service

Scooter repair Painter Vegetable store Electrical motor sales and repair Mason Barber Bicycle repair Dhobi/dry cleaning Mason Rope maker Hawker (bangles) Cobbler Welding workshop (household) Taxi owner

Monchi, accountant; nir, water carrier; halwi, sweet stall: arti, commission agent; dhobi, washerman; raggi, singer.