S

S Scape-Goating and Managerial Dismissal: (Cross refs.: Leadership, Stereotype) n. Scape-goating describes the act of making a person or a group responsible for a certain (mostly negative) outcome, although there is no proof of an actual or direct responsibility. With respect to top-level and chief-executive positions in politics, economics, and other public positions, scape-goating often leads to a dismissal (Boeker, 1992), e.g., to preferably soothe the markets, the environments, clients, and the media. For the first time in sports, Gamson and Scotch (1964) investigated the ‘scapegoat’-hypothesis for managerial success and failure. More recently, scape-goating has been widely discussed in the field of coach and team manager dismissals after a period of negative team results. For example, Heuer, Mu¨ller, Rubner, Hagemann, and Strauss (2011) showed that dismissing the coach within the season has almost no effect on the subsequent performance of a team in German premier soccer league. This result pattern underlines the scapegoating hypothesis in this field and has been confirmed in numerous studies. References Boeker, W. (1992). Power and managerial dismissal: Scapegoating at the top. Administrative Science Quarterly, 37, 400 421. Gamson, W. A., & Scotch, N. A. (1964). Scapegoating in baseball. American Journal of Sociology, 70, 69 72. Heuer, A., Mu¨ller, C., Rubner, O., Hagemann, N., & Strauss, B. (2011). Usefulness of dismissing and changing the coach in professional soccer. PLoS One, 6(3), e17664. Bernd Strauss & Andreas Heuer

Schema

(Plural Schemata): (Cross refs.: Competitive goal orientation, Generalized motor program, Schema theory) n. In the context of cognitive science, schema refers to patterns or categories of thought and their relationships. As such, they serve as building blocks for cognition and act as frameworks that structure incoming information (Rumelhart, 1978). Schemata can help predict future behavior in that they integrate an individual’s prior experience and learning (Myers, Spencer, & Jordan, 2005). Moreover, they influence attention since people are most likely to notice or seek information that “fits” their existing scheme/schemata. As such, they are fairly stable constructs, even when the individual receives ambiguous or contradictory information. In those circumstances, incoming data might be dismissed

or distorted to ‘fit’ the schema/schemata. For instance, an athlete may believe he/she will only encounter hostility when playing at an opponent’s home venue. It is important to note that these processes are typically implicit. In short, they occur subconsciously, i.e., beyond an individual’s awareness (Myers et al., 2005). References Myers, D. G., Spencer, J. S., & Jordan, H. C. (2005). Social psychology (5th Canadian edition). North York: Pearson Canada. Rumelhart, D. E. (1978). Schemata: The building blocks of cognition. San Diego, CA: Center for Human Information Processing, University of California, San Diego. Michel Lariviere

Schema Theory: (Cross refs.: Motor learning, Schema (Plural schemata)) n. Richard A. Schmidt published the “schema theory of discrete motor skill learning” in 1975. It provided a parsimonious account of how motor skills are produced and stored in memory. According to schema theory, the production of a movement pattern involves a generalized motor program (GMP) and motor schemas (i.e., recall and recognition schemas). The GMP is an abstract movement representation that governs a class of movements (e.g., golf swing, overhand throw, and signature). Key features of the GMP are the sequencing of submovements, relative timing, and relative forces. These are assumed to remain invariant when movements within the class are ‘scaled’ across superficial dimensions, such as absolute movement time, the absolute forces produced, and the specific muscles used. To adjust the movement to the specific environmental demands, movement parameters are retrieved from the recall schema and added to the GMP. Thus, the motor system has to learn the relations between the initial conditions (e.g., target distance), movement parameters (e.g., absolute force), sensory consequences (e.g., proprioception), and movement outcome (e.g., throwing distance). The recall schema represents the relationship among the initial conditions, movement parameters, and movement outcome. The recognition schema, which is used for movement evaluation, represents the relationship among the initial conditions, sensory consequences, and movement outcome. Schema theory makes important predictions regarding the learning of motor schemas. A major prediction is that variable practice within a class of movements, relative to limited or constant practice, enhances schema learning—i.e., the learner’s capability to assign

Dictionary of Sport Psychology. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-813150-3.00019-X © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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parameters (recall schema) and evaluate movements (recognition schema). Another prediction is that novel movement variations can be performed as accurately as those that have been practiced before. Overall, there has been fairly strong support for some of the basic assumptions of schema theory (e.g., practice variability), while others have seen less support (e.g., invariant relative forces) (for a review, see Shea & Wulf, 2005). As Schmidt (2003) put it, “. . . it is time the motor learning field developed a new theory for motor learning. If I were to do this, it would probably include many of the features of schema theory that have weathered the past 25 years. Also, I would exclude or at least change many of the other features to include new data and thinking” (p. 373). References Schmidt, R. A. (1975). A schema theory of discrete motor skill learning. Psychological Review, 82, 225 260. Schmidt, R. A. (2003). Motor schema theory after 27 years: Reflections and implications for a new theory. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 74, 366 375. Shea, C. H., & Wulf, G. (2005). Schema theory: A critical appraisal and reevaluation. Journal of Motor Behavior, 37, 85 101. Gabriele Wulf

Sedentary

Behavior: (Cross refs.: Exercise, Physical activity) From the Latin ‘sedere’ (to sit), sedentary behavior is any behavior that adopts a sitting, reclining, or lying posture that has low energy expenditure and is performed during waking hours (i.e., does not include sleep) (Sedentary Behaviour Research Network, 2012; Tremblay et al., 2017). In practical terms, it largely reflects ‘sitting time.’ It is distinguished from ‘physical inactivity’ by defining the latter as not meeting a criterion level of physical activity. Both low levels of physical activity and high levels of sedentary behavior have been shown to be detrimental for health. The seminal study of the health consequences of active versus seated occupations by Morris et al. was published in 1953 (Morris, Heady, Raffle, Roberts, & Parks, 1953), and ergonomists have long been interested in seated posture at work. However, it was not until around 2000 that a significant growth in the study of sedentary behavior and health was seen in the literature on public health, epidemiology, and the physical activity and exercise sciences. Sedentary behavior can be assessed in different ways, including the total amount of sedentary time in a specified period (usually a day), the number of prolonged periods spent sedentary, or time in specified behaviors, such as TV viewing, using a computer at home, sitting in a car, or sitting at work or school. The most popular ways to assess sedentary time across the day are by using some form of wearable technology, such as an

Self accelerometer or inclinometer. Discrete behaviors, such as time in front of screens (‘screen time’), are usually assessed through self-reported questionnaires or diaries. References Morris, J. N., Heady, J. A., Raffle, P. A. B., Roberts, C. G., & Parks, J. W. (1953). Coronary heart disease and physical activity of work. The Lancet, ii, 1053 1057, 1111 1120. Sedentary Behaviour Research Network. (2012). Letter to the Editor: Standardized use of the terms “sedentary” and “sedentary behaviours”. Applied Physiology, Nutrition & Metabolism, 37, 540 542. Tremblay, M. S., Aubert, S., Barnes, J. D., Saunders, T. J., Carson, V., Latimer-Cheung, A. E., . . . Wondergem, R. (2017). Sedentary Behavior Research Network (SBRN) Terminology Consensus Project. International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 14, 75. Stuart Biddle

Self: (Cross refs.: Deindividuation, Extrinsic motivation, Guided meditation, Identification, Identity, Personality, Self-efficacy, Self-esteem, Self-handicapping, Selfpresentation, Self-reflection, Self-regulation, Self-serving bias, Self system, Self-worth) n. Self is a somewhat abstract concept and people still wrestle with the exact meaning of the term. Rogers felt that infants began to develop a sense of self, as they were able to differentiate themselves from others. Jung believed that all people have an innate tendency to strive to be their best, and he referred to this disposition as the self. Allport identified six criteria as important for the development of a mature personality (Allport, 1961). The first two of those criterion relate to this sense of self. The first criterion is an extension of sense of self in which we incorporate our interests into our definition of whom we are. The second is the ability warmly to relate self to others. There are multiple components of the self, some of which are stable and others that change over time and situation. Writers have begun to use the term self-system to replace the term self because it encompasses more accurately the complexity of the construct (see Damon & Hart, 1988). The self-system includes terms such as self-concept, self-regulation, and selfesteem. In 1980, William James (1890) divided the self into two facets; ‘I’ and ‘me.’ This classic work is still referred to in literature that explores the concept of self. ‘I’ is the part of self that experiences things, whereas ‘me’ is the part that observes or knows. Freud (1911) thought of self as a multitude of characters, whereas many other personality theorists (e.g., Jung, 1951; Rogers, 1959; Horney, 1942) emphasized the importance of self as being a unified persona. References Allport, G. W. (1961). Pattern and growth in personality. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Damon, W., & Hart, D. (1988). Self-understanding in childhood and adolescence. New York: Cambridge University Press.

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Freud, S. (1911/1958). Formulation on the two principles of mental functioning. In Standard Edition (Vol. 12). New York: Hogarth Press. Horney, K. (1942). Self-analysis. New York: Norton. James, W. (1890). Principles of psychology. Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica. Jung, C.G. (1951/1959). Aion: Researches into the phenomenology of the self. In Collected works (Vol. 9, Pt.2). Princeton, NJ: Bollingen. Rogers, C. R. (1959). A theory of therapy, personality and interpersonal relationships, as developed in the clientcentered framework. In S. Koch (Ed.), Psychology: A study of science (Vol. 3). New York: McGraw-Hill. Adrienne L. Toogood

Self-Acceptance: (see: Self-compassion) Self-Appraisal: (see: Self system) Self-Awareness: (see: Self system) Self-Compassion: (Cross refs.: Identity, Mental health, Self-acceptance, Self-criticism) n. Similar to having compassion for others, selfcompassion entails being moved by one’s suffering along with the desire to alleviate that suffering (Neff, 2003). With self-compassion, however, the kindness and motivation to help are directed inwards towards oneself rather than at an external source. Rooted in Buddhist origins, self-compassion is a healthy selfattitude that entails an open-hearted way of relating to one’s difficult experiences and suffering. Dr. Kristin Neff presented a conceptual definition of self-compassion consisting of three components: (1) self-kindness entails extending care and understanding toward the self, rather than harsh judgment when confronted with suffering; (2) common humanity involves recognizing that making mistakes, encountering difficulties, and feeling inadequate are shared experiences that everyone goes through, as opposed to feeling isolated in one’s hardships; and (3) mindfulness represents a balanced awareness between rumination and thoughtsuppression in which painful feelings and experiences are neither suppressed (ignored) nor over-identified (exaggerated). The self-compassion components combine and mutually interact, representing a selfcompassionate frame of mind that is particularly relevant when one fails, feels inadequate, or is dealing with painful experiences (Neff, 2012). Self-compassion is positively related to positive aspects of health and wellness (e.g., coping, life satisfaction, motivation) and negatively related to negative aspects of health and wellness (e.g., anxiety, depression, stress). Generally speaking, self-compassion interventions tend to be effective approaches to increase individuals’ self-compassion levels and health and wellness-related factors. Self-compassion interventions

Self-Confidence are often based on activities and exercises developed by Dr. Neff (www.self-compassion.org). Researchers are accumulating support for selfcompassion as a way for athletes to adaptively manage difficult emotional sport experiences. Women athletes, in particular, with higher self-compassion levels have higher levels of autonomy, body appreciation, personal growth, purpose in life, responsibility, and selfacceptance, as well as lower levels of body anxiety, fear of failure, fear of negative evaluation, and proneness to feeling shame. Extending compassion toward the self may help to increase positivity and promote perseverance through obstacles, as well as decrease dwelling on hardships. Intervention research shows that athletes’ self-compassion can be enhanced and have positive effects on sport- and body-related emotions and cognitions. Being kind toward oneself, recognizing that failures are experienced by others, and taking a balanced approach to one’s painful feelings appears to be helpful as athletes negotiate difficult sport experiences. References Neff, K. (2003). Self-compassion: An alternative conceptualization of a healthy attitude toward oneself. Self and Identity, 2, 85 101. Neff, K. D. (2012). The science of self-compassion. In C. Germer, & R. Siegel (Eds.), Compassion and wisdom in psychotherapy (pp. 79 92). New York: Guilford Press. Leah J. Ferguson & Margo E. Killham

Self-Concept: (see: Motor skill perception, Selfidentity, Self system, Socialization)

Self-Confidence: (Cross refs.: Bullying, Cognitive processes, executive control, Hypnosis, Quantitative research, Self-doubt, Self-efficacy, Self System) n. Self-confidence is one of the most cited mental factors to influence performance in sport—one that often distinguishes successful from unsuccessful athletes. Self-confidence is the belief in one’s abilities to accomplish a certain goal. Self-confidence is derived from several different contexts. These sources of selfconfidence or self-efficacy include mastery experiences (having successes in certain tasks), vicarious experiences (observing people around us, such as role models), verbal persuasion (influential people strengthening one’s beliefs), and emotional and physiological states (Bandura, 1997). In the sport psychology literature, self-confidence and self-efficacy have been used interchangeably. However, Vealey (1986) also developed a model of sport confidence to provide an operationalization of self-confidence in sport situations in which sport confidence is defined as the degree of certainty individuals possess about their capability to be successful in sport. Sport confidence was conceptualized and measured as trait and state components, with the former

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being associated with a more enduring disposition within one’s sport and the latter being associated with specific sport contexts. Researchers have used Vealey’s Trait Sport Confidence Inventory and State Sport Confidence Inventory to measure sport confidence. Each inventory consists of 13 items, in which respondents rate their confidence on a 9-point Likert scale. Regardless of the trait or state component, this view of self-confidence is different from a global trait view that accounts for overall performance optimism. For instance one’s self-confidence might be about meeting a specific challenge in a competition or performing successfully in one’s sport this season. The degree of specificity at which self-confidence is measured is determined by the specific context and the circumstances to which one wishes to generalize or predict. High self-confidence beliefs have many benefits. They increase one’s goals and efforts to achieve them, they facilitate concentration, they increase persistence in the face of barriers and failure, and they arouse positive emotion. Low self-confidence can lead to self-doubts, anxiety and worry about performance and meeting one’s goals, and lack of effort. Although there is a positive relationship between self-confidence and performance, individuals can be overconfident in their skills to the extent that they risk injury, e.g., a runner may keep training, even when her achilles tendon is sore, or may underestimate the degree of challenge in an upcoming race and fail to prepare adequately. Selfconfidence can be enhanced through various psychological strategies, including ensuring performance success, using positive imagery and self-talk, modeling techniques, verbal persuasion, and anxiety-reducing techniques. In terms of predictive strength of performance, research has shown self-confidence to be superior to cognitive anxiety in predicting sport performance (Craft, Magyar, Becker, & Feltz, 2003). Selfconfidence has been shown to predict cognitive anxiety and performance, but anxiety has generally not predicted performance independently. References Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of control. Macmillan. Craft, L. L., Magyar, T. M., Becker, B. J., & Feltz, D. L. (2003). The relationship between the Competitive State Anxiety Inventory-2 and sport performance: A metaanalysis. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 25, 44 65. Vealey, R. S. (1986). Conceptualization of sport-confidence and competitive orientation: Preliminary investigation and instrument development. Journal of Sport Psychology, 8, 221 246. Deborah L. Feltz & Tayo Moss

Self-Conscious Emotions: (Cross refs.: Emotion, Feeling, Moral emotions)

Self-Conscious Emotions Self-conscious emotions are experienced in the presence of others and where there is an opportunity for actual or perceived reciprocal judgment and evaluation. The experience of self-conscious emotions requires a set of standards on which to evaluate the self and others. As such, self-conscious emotions are the medium through which people’s conformity to social standards are achieved, and these emotional experiences are particularly important in the regulation of sociallyvalued experiences such as performing in sport and exercise contexts. The most common self-conscious emotions include shame, guilt, and pride. Shame is experienced when individuals fail to meet internalized social standards and results in a failure to live up to one’s own or others’ standards of excellence. Shame involves acutely painful and negative feelings about the self (e.g., I am not good at sports). Guilt is a negative emotion that involves a sense of tension, remorse, and regret over a behavior (e.g., I didn’t follow my exercise plan and I gained weight). Feelings of guilt tend to involve rumination about the behavior and thoughts of changing the current situation. In this way, experiences of guilt can be described as reparative and may demonstrate positive associations with some health behaviors. Pride is a positive emotion that results from an individual engaging in valued behaviors or presenting with positive characteristics (e.g., exercising, appearing toned and fit). There are two facets, including hubristic and authentic pride. Hubristic pride is experienced as feelings of personal grandiosity and superiority to others (e.g., I have a great body), and is linked to stable and global attributions such as inherent muscularity or skill. Authentic pride is focused on achievements and behaviors (e.g., I scored a goal after training all season) and is therefore linked to specific attributions of effort and goal accomplishments like successfully losing weight after dieting or performing well at a sports competition. In addition to more global emotional experiences of pride, guilt, and shame, there is a recent interest in contextualizing self-conscious emotions to the physical self. In this way, researchers are interested in measuring and testing appearance and body shape specific (e.g., emotions related to what the body looks like) as well as fitness-related (e.g., emotions tied to what the body can do) shame, guilt, and pride. In addition to these bodyrelated emotions, there is also a focus on studying additional self-conscious emotions such as embarrassment (experienced as a transgression of socially-desirable behavior and a perceived threat to the social self) and envy (experienced as a result of awareness and strong longing for a socially desired object or trait that is possessed by another individual) in sport and exercise psychology. Catherine M. Sabiston

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Self-Control: (Cross refs.: Competence motivation theory, Emotion, Emotion and performance, Moral, Moral behavior, Self-regulation) v. Self-control refers to the capacity for deliberate and effortful regulation of one’s own automatic responses and impulses in favor of overarching standards, such as expectations, values, morals, and longterm goals. Choosing to get up early rather than staying in bed, working persistently on unpleasant or difficult tasks, and restraining angry impulses are all familiar examples of exercises in self-control. More broadly, selfcontrol includes regulating emotions, such as trying to increase, decrease, prolong, or induce particular emotional states; regulating thoughts, such as trying to concentrate, trying to guide thinking toward a particular goal, and trying to suppress unwanted thoughts; impulse control, such as in restraining desires to perform problematic actions or indulge inappropriate impulses; and performance control, such as persevering despite fatigue or discouragement, and trading off speed and accuracy. The term ‘self-control’ is often used interchangeably with self-regulation and self-discipline. Scholars who make distinctions among the terms tend to use selfregulation as the broadest term, including all goaloriented behavior and including unconscious processes, so that self-control is restricted to consciously guided behaviors to alter the self in accordance with standards. Self-discipline is used less frequently in the research community and can be regarded as a subset of selfcontrol focused specifically on adhering to moral standards and maintaining consistent performance. An influential theory of self-control borrowed from cybernetic theory to explain self-awareness as comparison of current states to standards (Carver & Scheier, 1981). If the self falls short of the standard, such as in incomplete or inadequate performance, immoral behavior, or being overweight, the self initiates a process to reduce the discrepancy. In this view, the purpose of self-awareness is to facilitate self-control. There are both trait and state variations in selfcontrol. A measure of individual differences in selfcontrol was introduced by Tangney, Baumeister, and Boone (2004) and has proven effective at predicting a wide assortment of behavioral outcomes, most notably school and work performance, personal adjustment, interpersonal success, and to a lesser extent, weight control, dieting, and quitting smoking. Self-control is one of the main components (and arguably the single main component) of one of the Big Five personality traits, namely conscientiousness. The overwhelming preponderance of evidence indicates that self-control is an unmitigated good, such that people with better selfcontrol enjoy more occupational and interpersonal success, better mental and physical health, better behavior, and ultimately longer lives than other people.

Self-Determination Theory State variations in self-control capability have been studied extensively in connection with the Strength Model, also known as the limited resources model (see Baumeister & Vohs, 2016, for recent review). The central idea, which some researchers dispute but most find useful, is that a limited energy resource is expended during acts of self-control, so that subsequent efforts at self-control are impaired. The state of depleted resources, associated with impairments of further self-control, has been termed ego depletion. Many experiments and some real-world data have confirmed the pattern that multiple acts of selfcontrol lead to poorer performance on subsequent selfcontrol tasks, suggesting that some energy has been depleted, just as a muscle gets tired after exertion. The muscle analogy is further supported by evidence that people conserve their self-control energy (a.k.a. ‘willpower’ in colloquial discourse) for future challenges and that regular exercise increases strength, though, of course, immediately after exercise strength is reduced. The concept of self-control is linked to other concepts that are central to understanding human life. Morality often requires inhibiting selfish, antisocial impulses so as to behave in ways that are best for society at large, and in that sense self-control has been described as “the moral muscle” (Baumeister & Exline, 1999). That is, most moral virtues involve regular use of self-control in order to behave prosocially, while moral failings and sins typically involve failures of self-control. Free will is also widely defined as the ability to act in different ways, and self-control contributes vitally to that by enabling people to override their first impulse so as to act in different ways. References Baumeister, R. F., & Exline, J. J. (1999). Virtue, personality, and social relations: Self-control as the moral muscle. Journal of Personality, 67, 1165 1194. Baumeister, R. F., & Vohs, K. D. (2016). Misguided effort with elusive implications. Perspectives on Psychological Science, 11, 574 575. Carver, C. S., & Scheier, M. F. (1981). Self-consciousness and reactance. Journal of Research in Personality, 15, 16 29. Tangney, J. P., Baumeister, R. F., & Boone, A. L. (2004). High self-control predicts good adjustment, less pathology, better grades, and interpersonal success. Journal of Personality, 72, 271 324. Roy F. Baumeister & Hannah L. Biddell

Self-Criticism: (see: Self-compassion) Self-Determination

Theory: (Cross refs.: Hierarchical model of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation, Intrinsic motivation, Mental health, Self-regulation, Thriving) n. Self-determination theory (SDT) is a theory of motivation that has received a great deal of attention in sport and exercise psychology. The theory was

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developed by Deci and Ryan and was formally presented in their 1985 book (which has been subsequently revised twice, in 2002 and 2017). An outline of the theory, its applications in diverse fields (psychotherapy, education, work, sport/exercise, etc.), key empirical papers and reviews discussing the theory, questionnaires assessing various constructs proposed by SDT, as well as a list of international researchers who are using the theory in their research can be found at http://selfdeterminationtheory.org/ SDT comprises six mini-theories that were developed to explain different motivational processes. Briefly, in SDT motivation is seen as a multidimensional construct comprising intrinsic motivation and four types of extrinsic motivation that vary in their degree of selfdetermination (integrated, identified, introjected, and external regulations). These different facets of motivation can be placed along a self-determination continuum with intrinsic being at the highest end and external regulation being at the lowest end. Intrinsic motivation, integrated, and identified types of extrinsic motivation reflect reasons for behavioral engagement stemming from enjoyment and personal value of an activity, and are related to positive outcomes in terms of behavior, cognition, and affect. In contrast, introjected and external regulations reflect behavioral engagement result from internal or external pressures or contingencies, and relate to negative outcomes. High self-determined forms of motivation are likely to be observed when individuals feel that their basic psychological needs are supported. In SDT, three basic such needs are proposed: autonomy, competence, and relatedness. In contrast, when these needs are frustrated, low self-determined types of extrinsic motivation or lack of motivation (amotivation) are often observed. The social context plays a crucial role in supporting or thwarting these three basic needs. Intervention work using SDT has focused on how individuals in position of authority (e.g., sport coaches, physical education teachers) can be trained to adopt an interpersonal communication style and structure activities in ways that support the three basic needs of others (e.g., athletes, students). In SDT, a distinction is also made between intrinsic (e.g., health) and extrinsic (e.g., fame) goals, with intrinsic goals being associated with high self-determined motivation and psychological well-being. Reference Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2017). Self-Determination Theory: Basic psychological needs in motivation, development, and wellness. New York, NY: The Guilford Press. Nikos Ntoumanis

Self-Doubt: (Cross refs.: Goal-setting, Hazing in sport teams, Self-confidence, Self-efficacy, Self System) n. A feeling of lacking confidence in one’s ability. Although self-confidence helps performance (Woodman

Self-Efficacy & Hardy, 2003), an element of self-doubt can also be beneficial for performance (Woodman, Akehurst, Hardy, & Beattie, 2010). The positive effect of some self-doubt is that it provides an impetus to invest the required effort to perform the challenge at hand (Bandura & Locke, 2003). References Bandura, A., & Locke, E. A. (2003). Negative self-efficacy and goal effects revisited. Journal of Applied Psychology, 88, 87 99. Woodman, T., Akehurst, S., Hardy, L., & Beattie, S. (2010). Self-confidence and performance: A little self-doubt helps. Psychology of Sport & Exercise, 11, 467 470. Woodman, T., & Hardy, L. (2003). The relative impact of cognitive anxiety and self-confidence upon sport performance: A meta-analysis. Journal of Sports Sciences, 21, 443 457. Tim Woodman

Self-Efficacy: (Cross refs: Arousal, Cognitive processes, executive control, Dropout, Emotion and performance, The Health Action Process Approach (HAPA), Intention-behavior gap, Mental toughness, Momentum, Physical self-concept (PSC), Positive youth development through sport (PYD), Protection Motivation Theory, Psychological Skills Training, Self-confidence, Self-doubt, Self-help interventions, Social cognitive theory, Tailored Exercise Intervention, Take the first heuristics) n. Self-efficacy, first defined by Bandura (1977), is the belief that one can successfully execute a specific activity (such as a basketball player’s belief in being able to make every free-throw shot) to obtain a certain outcome (such as to obtain self-satisfaction or recognition from the coach). Self-efficacy was developed within the framework of social cognitive theory. Self-efficacy in sport generally refers to the cognitive process by which people make judgments about their capabilities to accomplish a particular goal in sport or physical activity. Bandura (1977) views people’s perceived judgment of self-efficacy as a cognitive mediator of their motivation and behavior within a goal context. In other words, selfefficacy judgments are about what one thinks one can do, not about what one has or about one’s sense of selfworth. Thus, self-efficacy relates to various motivational processes, including goal setting and causal attributions, which set the concept apart from other self-concepts that are not set within a goal-striving framework, such as self-esteem. Self-efficacy beliefs are formed through the cognitive processing of different sources of information. Bandura (1997) categorized these sources as past performance accomplishments, vicarious experiences, verbal persuasion, and physiological states. Performance accomplishments are proposed as the most dependable source of efficacy information because they are based on one’s own mastery experiences. Generally, if an athlete has cognitively

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processed these experiences as successes, self-efficacy beliefs will increase; if viewed as failures, self-efficacy beliefs will decrease. Vicarious sources of efficacy information are based on information gained from observing others. People can also imagine themselves or others performing successfully in anticipated performances. These types of sources are generally thought to be weaker than performance accomplishments; however, their influence on efficacy beliefs can be enhanced by factors, such as perceived similarities to a similar person who performs successfully, or imagining oneself performing successfully. Persuasive information can include verbal persuasion, evaluative feedback, expectations by others, self-talk, and positive imagery. Persuasive sources of self-efficacy beliefs are also likely to be weaker than those based on one’s accomplishments, according to the theory. However, in sport settings, a trusted coach, e.g., can have stronger persuasive influence on an athlete’s self-efficacy than another figure. Physiological information includes autonomic arousal associated with fear and self-doubt or with being psyched-up and ready for performance (one’s emotional state), as well as one’s fitness, fatigue, and pain, such as in strength and endurance contexts. Physiological information is a more important source of efficacy information in sport and physical activity tasks than in nonphysical tasks (Feltz, Short, & Sullivan, 2008). The consequences of people’s judgments influence their motivation, as reflected in the challenges they undertake, the effort they expend trying to achieve their goals, and their perseverance in the face of obstacles. One’s self-efficacy beliefs are also proposed to influence certain thought patterns, such as worries, goal intentions, and causal attributions, as well as such emotional reactions as pride, shame, happiness, and sadness, which also influence motivation. These behavior and thought patterns are important contributors to performance. Thus, much of the research on self-efficacy is focused on the relationship between self-efficacy beliefs and performance. This research has supported a consistent positive relationship between self-efficacy beliefs and sport performance, showing an average correlation of .38 across numerous studies (Feltz et al., 2008). References Bandura, A. (1977). Self-efficacy: Toward a unifying theory of behavioral change. Psychological Review, 84, 191 215. Bandura, A. (1997). Self-efficacy: The exercise of control. New York: Freeman. Feltz, D. L., Short, S. E., & Sullivan, P. J. (2008). Self-efficacy in sport. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. Deborah L. Feltz

Self-Esteem: (see: Identification, Self-confidence, Self-efficacy)

Self-Focus Theories

Self-Focus Theories: (Cross refs.: Explicit learning, Implicit learning, Knowledge, knowledge structure, implicit knowledge) Self-Focus Theories, such as Explicit Monitoring Theory (Beilock, Carr, MacMahon, & Starkes, 2002), Constrained Action Hypothesis (McNevin, Shea, & Wulf, 2003), and the Theory of Reinvestment (Masters, 1992) have been proposed to explain poor performance under pressure (‘choking’). These theories suggest that psychological pressure can engender increased attention to the self, specifically to the mechanics of skill execution. Increased attention to the step-by-step processes of skill execution can disrupt the smooth flow of movements in well-learned skills. For example, when the stakes are high in a rugby game, an experienced kicker might focus attention on the kicking foot to ensure that she kicks the ball below the mid-line, and on her hips to ensure that they are aligned with the target when contacting the ball. Although such ‘rules’ might be beneficial for beginners, they can sometimes be counter-productive for experts, who normally execute their movements automatically as procedures. A number of explanations exist for why self-focus results in decrements in performance. Some researchers have suggested that when experienced athletes desire to perform at an optimal level, they consciously try to control individual components of the skill (e.g., coordination of joints, timing of movements). However, much of the knowledge required for effective motor control is unavailable to conscious awareness, so this can disrupt performance (Baumeister & Showers, 1986). An alternative explanation is that a performer under pressure might spend time choosing from a plethora of movement options, thereby slowing performance and increasing room for error. Although these explanations are slightly different in nature, they encompass the common notion of ‘overthinking’ or ‘paralysis by analysis.’ Evidence for Self-Focus Theories has been gathered by eliciting an internal focus of attention in performers via specific instructions or in pressure situations. For example, performers who are instructed to pay attention to individual components of skill execution (e.g., monitor their golf swing in order to say “stop” at the end of the follow-through) have been shown to perform worse than when concurrently performing a dual-task or without instructions. Additionally, performers who display performance decrements in pressurized competitive settings have been shown to have an enhanced ability to report details about the mechanics of their movements, suggesting that explicit monitoring raised their awareness of their mechanics. Self-focus does not necessarily result in ‘choking’ under pressure, however. Factors, such as skill level and individual personality differences might mediate the relationship between self-focus and performance

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under pressure. Novices, e.g., may benefit from internal attention to skill execution during the early stages of learning because reference to rule-based, declarative knowledge is useful for guiding their movements. Evidence also suggests that individuals have different propensities to focus their attention internally on their movements, which can be influenced by contingencies in the performance context, such as pressure. To curtail the negative impact of self-focus, researchers have recommended approaches, such as an external focus of attention on the movement effects (e.g., equipment or target), rather than an internal focus of attention on body movements (e.g., McNevin et al., 2003) or implicit motor learning, which minimizes accrual of, or access to, declarative knowledge about the movements (Masters, 1992). References Baumeister, R. F., & Showers, C. J. (1986). A review of paradoxical performance effects: Choking under pressure in sports and mental tests. European Journal of Social Psychology, 16, 361 383. Beilock, S. L., Carr, T. H., MacMahon, C., & Starkes, J. L. (2002). When paying attention becomes counterproductive: Impact of divided versus skill-focused attention on novice and experienced performance of sensorimotor skills. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied, 8(1), 6. Masters, R. S. W. (1992). Knowledge, knerves and know-how: The role of explicit versus implicit knowledge in the breakdown of a complex motor skill under pressure. British Journal of Psychology, 83, 343 358. McNevin, N. H., Shea, C. H., & Wulf, G. (2003). Increasing the distance of an external focus of attention enhances learning. Psychological Research, 67, 22 29. Neha Malhotra & Rich Masters

Self-Fulfillling Prophecy: (Cross refs.: Actorobserver bias (AOB), Behavioral confirmation, Double blind, Home advantage, Relative age effect, Stereotype, Stereotype threat) n. A process through which someone’s positive or negative expectations about events, circumstances, or persons lead to the fulfillment of these expectations (Merton, 1948). The expectations may affect an individual’s behavior in a way that the individual (unknowingly) creates situations in which those expectations come true. The events, circumstances, or persons are thus affected by one’s behavior in a way that confirms the one’s initial expectation (behavioral confirmation). One famous example in the field of education is the socalled Pygmalion-Effect (Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1966). Primary school teachers gave more support for children when they thought (induced by an experimental deception) the pupils scored better in mental performance tests. This assumption resulted in actual better school performances. Within sport and physical activity, the self-fulfilling prophecy phenomenon is used to describe how and why

Self-Handicapping expectations of oneself and others can determine the level of performance or achievement for athletes, referees, or coaches, e.g., in the belief of having a home advantage (Staufenbiel, Riedl, & Strauss, 2016). Typical expectations about performance and achievement can be found in the domains of personal cues (e.g., gender, age, race, appearance), behaviorally based-information (e.g., expectations based on past behavior) or psychological characteristics (e.g., maturity, coachability, self-discipline) (Lox & Sternberg, 2015). References Merton, R. K. (1948). The self-fulfilling prophecy. The Antioch Review, 8(2), 193 210. Lox, C. L., & Sternberg, T. (2015). Chapter 5: The Selffulfilling prophecy theory: When coaches’ expectations become reality. In J. M. Williams, & V. Krane (Eds.), Applied sport psychology: Personal growth to peak performance (7th ed., pp. 78 100). New York: McGraw Hill. Rosenthal, R., & Jacobson, L. (1966). Teachers’ expectancies: Determinants of pupils’ IQ gains. Psychological Reports, 19, 115 118. Staufenbiel, K., Riedl, D., & Strauss, B. (2016). Learning to be advantaged: The development of home advantage in highlevel youth soccer. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology. Advanced online publication: https:// doi.org/10.1080/1612197X.2016.1142463. Vera Storm & Bernd Strauss

Self-Handicapping: (Cross refs.: Attribution theory, Cognitive processes, executive control, Self) v. Self-handicapping is a proactive self-protection and self-enhancement strategy used by an individual. The term ‘self-handicapping’ was originated by Jones and Berglas (1978). It is used to describe the process of proactively avoiding threats to one’s self-esteem via “any action or choice of performance setting that enhances the opportunity to externalize (or excuse) failure and to internalize (reasonably accept credit for) success” (p. 406). From a theoretical perspective, the work of Berglas and Jones is grounded in the advancements of attributional theories in the 1950s and 1960s. Significantly, they noted that people proactively and preemptively manipulate their environments to take advantage of discounting and augmentation principles. In other words, people knowingly change their environment and/or their own behaviors and thoughts in order to accept failure (as the reason for failure can be explained away from the self) and in case of success it will have augmented value for self-esteem. Further research indicated that there are two forms of self-handicapping, namely claimed self-handicapping and behavioral self-handicapping. Self-reported (or claimed) handicaps are simply verbal claims that a condition exists that is impeding to performance. These can be internal (in the athlete’s mind) or external (spoken out loud). Examples of such handicaps are claims

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of illness, reported stress, situational anxiety, or claiming to experience various physical or psychological symptoms. Behavioral handicaps, on the other hand, are very obvious, unconcealed actions that will reduce the likelihood of success. The most commonly mentioned behavioral handicaps are withholding of effort, ingestion of drugs or alcohol, the selection of unattainable goals, and choosing to perform under more challenging conditions. Measuring individual self-handicapping tendencies is somewhat challenging, as athletes may be reluctant to admit the use of self-handicapping strategies. Furthermore, by using a questionnaire, it remains unclear whether the obstacles reported as disruptive by the individual were actual or perceived. Despite criticism due to its low validity scores, the 14-item version of the Self-Handicapping Scale (SHS; Rhodewalt, 1990) remains the most-used measure of the concept. References Jones, E. E., & Berglas, S. (1978). Control of attributions about the self-through self-handicapping strategies: The appeal of alcohol and the use of underachievement. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 4, 200 206. Rhodewalt, F. (1990). Self-handicappers: Individual differences in the preference for anticipatory self-protective acts. In R. L. Higgins, C. R. Snyder, & S. Berglas (Eds.), Selfhandicapping: The paradox that isn’t? (pp. 69 106). New York: Plenum Press. York-Peter Klöppel

Self-Help Interventions: (Cross refs.: Clinical issues, Depression, Goal-setting, Mental health, Mindfulness, Psychological skills training, Self-efficacy, Stress management, Transtheoretical Model) n. Self-help interventions are standardized psychological treatments that individuals can work through at home independent of professional contact and so offer a way to provide psychological support to those individuals unable to access professional mental health services (e.g., when demand outstrips supply). Self-help interventions have been traditionally delivered in the form of books/flyers and via media (in audio or video format: television, CD, DVD). More recently however, and in part due to their low cost and accessibility, internet-based interventions have had an increased presence. Investigations involving self-help interventions provide support for their effectiveness concerning clinical conditions, such as depression, panic disorder, social phobia, general anxiety disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, as well as work related stress (e.g., burnout). With regard to the promotion of physical activity and exercise, there have been numerous investigations that have utilized self-help interventions. A number of randomized controlled trials, grounded within the Transtheoretical Model, indicate that self-help

Self-Presentation interventions, when tailored to the individual, can bring about enhanced self-efficacy, motivation, and physical activity levels (e.g., greater walking to work). Furthermore, self-help intervention experimental groups have maintained elevated levels of physical activity for up to 12-months after the intervention has ceased. Relative to the context of physical activity, performance-oriented research examining online selfhelp interventions remains an emerging aspect of sports psychology. Examination of the teaching of psychological skills via self-help websites indicates that individuals receiving self-help interventions had more positive mood states as well as enhanced cognitive performance. Nevertheless, firm evidence regarding the enhancement of performance on physical tasks remains largely absent. For instance, although data suggests that some self-help interventions can be more effective than others (e.g., implementation intentions “if-then plans” versus goal-setting intentions), runners assigned to an “if-then planning” group did not exhibit superior postintervention running performance in comparison to a goal-setting and control group. While the potential benefits of self-help interventions are attractive, the research base surrounding them is limited. Nonetheless, from the existing evidence base, we are able to assert that the effectiveness of self-help materials is likely hindered by individuals failing either to adhere to the intervention or to use the recommended techniques suboptimally. Providing specific, and if possible, personalized (drop-down menu) options from which individuals to choose will help to develop more tailored interventions that resonate with the user more fully. Additionally, not all self-help online applications are equal, for instance, some are more user friendly than others: see https://www.mindful.org/free-mindfulness-apps-worthy-of-your-attention/; http://www.healthline.com/health/anxiety/top-iphone-android-apps James Hardy & Eduardo Bellomo

Self-Identity: (see: Self, Self-concept) Self Loathing: (see: Self system) Self

Modeling: (see: Modeling/Demonstration)

Observational

Learning/

Self-Presentation: (Cross refs.: Cognitive processes, Identity, Impression Management, Mental health, Self, Self-regulation) n. Self-presentation is the conscious or unconscious processes whereby individuals attempt to control and regulate the impressions others form of them in social interactions or situations. Often used interchangeably with the term ‘impression motivation,’ self-presentation is a natural and necessary component of human interpersonal behavior. Inherently goal directed, people derive benefits from engaging in self-presentational

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behaviors linked both to acquisitive (i.e., approval) and protective (i.e., avoidance) outcomes. The benefits of conveying a positive impression include the attainment of interpersonal rewards, the creation of an identity, self-esteem enhancement, or emotional self-regulation. Within sporting contexts, the bulk of what is known about self-presentation has been linked to concerns of conveying a negative image. This perception of evaluative threat has been linked to heightened competitive anxiety, body-related concerns (e.g., eating disorders, the use of pathogenic weight-control methods) and worries over meeting personal performance standards (James & Collins, 1997). Most recently, Howle, Jackson, Conroy, and Dimmock (2015) have suggested that self-presentational motives may also be linked to agentic or communal goal-directed behaviors. Agentic self-presentational motives include those linked to achievement, competence, and the demonstration of talent as a means of differentiating oneself from others. Communal motives are those grounded in the desire to feel connected to others and affiliation. References Howle, T. C., Jackson, B., Conroy, D. E., & Dimmock, J. A. (2015). Winning friends and influencing people: Selfpresentation motives in physical activity settings. International Review of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 8, 44 70. James, B., & Collins, D. (1997). Self-presentational sources of competitive stress. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 19, 17 35. Diane E. Mack

Self-Reflection: (Cross refs.: Affirmation, Arts-based research, Mindfulness, Reflexivity, Self, Self-regulation, Self System) n. Process in which individuals engage in introspection to learn from performance situations. Within a social-cognitive self-regulation framework, individuals engage in two types of self-reflection processes: selfjudgment and self-reactions. Self-judgments consist of comparing performance data with personal standards or goals and determining the cause of results through attributions (Zimmerman, 2000). Poor performances attributed to uncontrollable factors (e.g., fixed ability) can lead to negative self-reactions, which can decrease future self-regulatory efforts. Conversely, ineffective performance attributed to controllable sources (e.g., effort) more likely generates positive self-reactions, which helps to sustain motivation. Self-reactions impact self-satisfaction and inferences made during selfreflection. High satisfaction with performance is typically associated with adaptive inferences (e.g., flexibility to modify ineffective strategies) rather than defensive inferences (e.g., excuses, blame), which tend to emerge from dissatisfaction with performance (Zimmerman, 2000).

Self-Regulation Self-reflection is an important skill to master in sports. It can distinguish elite from less/nonelite athletes (Jonker, Elferink-Gemser, & Visscher, 2010), and facilitate performance and well-being in athletes and coaches (Durand-Bush, McNeill, & Collins, 2015). According to Schon (1983), it is possible to reflect in action (e.g., during performance) and on action (e.g., after performance). Interventions involving selfreflection foster self-awareness, learning, and performance (Hughes, Lee, & Chesterfield, 2009). However, lack of time and motivation remain important barriers to self-reflection, which can be overcome through support (Gilbert & Trudel, 2013). Practitioners can nurture reflective practice in athletes and coaches and progressively facilitate self-directed learning as self-reflection is mastered (Durand-Bush et al., 2015). References Durand-Bush, N., McNeill, K., & Collins, J. (2015). The selfregulation of sport coaches: How coaches can become masters of their own destiny. In P. Davis (Ed.), The psychology of effective coaching and management (pp. 217 265). Hauppauge, NY: Nova Publishers. Gilbert, W. D., & Trudel, P. (2013). The role of deliberate practice in becoming an expert coach: Part 2 - Reflection. Olympic Coach, 24(1), 35 44. Hughes, C., Lee, S., & Chesterfield, G. (2009). Innovation in sports coaching: The implementation of reflective cards. Reflective Practice, 10(3), 367 384. Jonker, L., Elferink-Gemser, M. T., & Visscher, C. (2010). Differences in self-regulatory skills among talented athletes: The significance of competitive level and type of sport. Journal of Sports Sciences, 28(8), 901 908. Schon, D. A. (1983). The reflective practitioner. New York, NY: Basic Books. Zimmerman, B. J. (2000). Attaining self-regulation: A socialcognitive perspective. In M. Boekaerts, P. R. Pintrich, & M. Zeidner (Eds.), Handbook of self-regulation (pp. 13 42). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Natalie Durand-Bush

Self-Regulation: (Cross refs.: Adjustment, Anger, Attention-performance link, Autogenic training, Biofeedback—Multimodal biofeedback technologies, Biofeedback, Breathing, Cognitive processes, executive control, Coping strategies, Extrinsic motivation, Feeling, Goal-setting, Intention-behavior gap, Mindfulness, Moral behavior, Moral development, Neurofeedback, Possible self, Psychophysiology, Regulatory focus theory, Routines, Self, Self-control, Self-determination theory (SDT), Selfreflection, Social cognitive theory, Steroid rage) Self-regulation refers to the processes by which individuals modify or modulate their thoughts, feelings, and behaviors to attain goals. Self-regulation entails setting goals, planning and executing strategies, monitoring progress, delaying gratification, resolving goal conflicts, and deciding corrective actions or revising goals when needed. Thus, the metacognitive processes

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of self-monitoring, self-evaluation, self-reinforcement, and self-adjustment are crucial for effective selfregulation. Goals represent the reference values that motivate and guide cognition and actions over time and across situations. Affect, as a main component of the motivational system, can be the reference value that prompts self-regulation and an indicator of progress toward goal attainment. Pleasant affect results from successful attempts to reduce the distance between current state and desired goals, whereas unpleasant affect derives from failure to reach goals or lack of progress. Approach behaviors are directed toward desired goals to reduce the discrepancy between the current state and the goal, while avoidance behaviors are aimed at distancing from undesired goals to enlarge a discrepancy from the reference value. To illustrate, the goals of being healthy (desired state) and/or avoiding illness (undesired state) can be achieved by establishing a regime of regular exercise and/or refrain from unhealthy behaviors (e.g., a fat diet). This higher-order goal is attained by setting plans to reach specific goals, thereby engaging in actions such as joining a gym and choosing workout routines. Self-regulation involves intentional (conscious) and automated (nonconscious) behaviors. Goal attainment may require some degree of effortful intentional regulation of affect, cognitions, and behaviors and the development of action plans. Intentional regulation can develop into more automated processes, thereby reducing the burden on the cognitive system. A shift from controlled, effortful, and verbal-linguistic cognitive processes to automatic processes is associated with improved performance in many areas (e.g., work, sport, exercise, and arts). Contrastingly, a change from automatic to more controlled processes can disrupt performance. The degree to which the performer’s focus of attention shifts from the self (e.g., thoughts, feelings, and physiological reactions) to task execution (i.e., actions for task accomplishment) is crucial for effective performance. Excessive self-focused attention is typically related to controlled processes and poor performance, whereas task-focused attention underlies automatic processes and good performance. Although some degree of self-focus is necessary to engage in self-adjustment while executing a task, functional performance is typified by mindful absorption in the task, whereas dysfunctional performance is characterized by a focus on the self (e.g., perceived problems, doubts, struggle to control thoughts and emotions, and anticipation of consequences of possible failure). In the strength model of self-regulation (see Vohs & Baumeister, 2016), a core notion is that self-regulation of thoughts, emotions, and behaviors requires energy, and as such can be depleted over time by repeated

Self-Report Questionnaires exertions. This has implications for sport and exercise participants. To strengthen self-regulation, performers can preserve energy for self-regulation, enhance motivation to persist on the task, restore resources through rest and relaxation, and practice self-regulatory activities. Extensively used self-regulatory procedures in sport are goal setting, imagery, arousal control, selftalk, and precompetitive routines. Biofeedback and neurofeedback have also been applied to improve selfregulation. An alternative intervention is the mindfulness-acceptance-commitment (MAC; Gardner & Moore, 2012) approach that promotes acceptance of one’s internal experience and task-focused attention and behavior. References Gardner, F. L., & Moore, Z. E. (2012). Mindfulness and acceptance models in sport psychology: A decade of basic and applied scientific advancements. Canadian Psychology, 53, 309 318. Vohs, K. D., & Baumeister, R. F. (Eds.), (2016). Handbook of self-regulation: Research, theory, and applications (3rd ed.). New York, NY: The Guilford Press. Claudio Robazza & Montse C. Ruiz

Self-Regulation Strategies/- Techniques: (see: Autogenic training, Biofeedback, Coping strategies, Relaxation, Self-regulation)

Self-Report

Questionnaires: (Cross refs.: Qualitative research, Quantitative research) n. Self-report questionnaires are tools used to ask participants questions about themselves in order to measure a variety of constructs, such as beliefs, attitudes, and feelings (Singleton & Straights, 2010). Questionnaires consist of sets of items accompanied by a response format (e.g., open-ended, dichotomous, or Likert type rating scales) which enables the scoring of participant responses. Self-report questionnaires render the practical advantages of easy administration, little cost, and ease of scoring, making them the most commonly used measurement tool in psychological sciences (Simms, 2008). Questionnaire development is a popular field of work in psychology. The first phase of developing a questionnaire is that of substantive validity, which begins with literature reviews in order accurately to conceptualize target constructs and develop an initial item pool. This stage also involves pilot testing the items in a small sample and review of the item pool by an expert panel. Next comes the structural validity phase, which includes item selection/removal to create fairly homogenous groups of items that are distinct from one another. Psychometric properties, such as clear factor structure, high internal consistency, and test-retest reliability, are examined in this stage to choose suitable items. The final phase is that of external

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validity, which seeks to demonstrate how the target construct relates to other constructs through convergent, discriminant, and criterion-related validity evidence; this is considered to be an ongoing process (Clark & Watson, 1995). Sole reliance on self-report questionnaire data is often described as a major limitation in survey research. In order to reduce common method variance, it has been suggested that questionnaires should be employed in conjunction with objective measures, such as observations or physiological data (e.g., Bartholomew, Ntoumanis, Ryan, Bosch, & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, 2011). References Bartholomew, K. J., Ntoumanis, N., Ryan, R. M., Bosch, J., & Thøgersen-Ntoumani, C. (2011). Self-determination theory and diminished functioning: The role of interpersonal control and psychological need thwarting. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 37, 1459 1473. Clark, L. A., & Watson, D. (1995). Constructing validity; Basic issues in objective scale development. Psychological Assessment, 7, 309 319. Simms, L. J. (2008). Classical and modern methods of psychological scale construction. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 2(1), 414 433. Singleton, R. A., & Straights, B. C. (2010). Approaches to social research (5th ed.). New York: Oxford University Press. Nikita Bhavsar & Nikos Ntoumanis

Self-Serving

Bias: (Cross refs.: Adaptation, Attribution, Self, Self-worth) v. The self-serving bias is a phenomenon that occurs when individuals overlook their faults and failures to maintain an intact self-esteem (Forsyth, 2008). This may take the form of rejecting or dismissing any negative feedback (e.g., an athlete may blame weather conditions for poor performance rather than insufficient training). The self-serving bias can also be referred to as the defensive bias, because the athlete is protecting his/her self-worth from possibly threatening information. This strategy may become maladaptive when the athlete dismisses information that may necessary for improvement (Sherman & Cohen, 2002). Miller and Ross (1975) suggested that athletes might internalize success (e.g., effort) and externalize failure (e.g., poor officiating) because they tend to predict positive outcomes, such as victory. Conversely, athletes tend not to predict negative outcomes (Miller & Ross, 1975). The self-serving bias is more commonly used by individuals with low self-esteem (Blaine & Crocker, 1993). References Blaine, B., & Crocker, J. (1993). Self-Esteem and self-Serving biases in reactions to positive and negative events: An integrative review. Self-Esteem, 55 85.

Self System Forsyth, D.R. (2008). “Self-Serving Bias”. International encyclopedia of the social sciences. Edited by William A. Darity, 2nd ed. 7. Miller, D. T., & Ross, M. (1975). Self-serving biases in the attribution of causality: Fact or fiction? Psychological Bulletin, 82, 213 225. Sherman, K. D., & Cohen, L. G. (2002). Accepting threatening information: Self-affirmation and the reduction of defensive biases. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 11, 119 123. Michel Lariviere

Self System: (Cross refs.: Self, Self-confidence, Selfdoubt, Self-reflection) n. The self is a complex multicomponent structure that is rooted in the amalgamation of one’s thoughts, feelings, behaviors, and experiences into a unified whole. It is generally understood as a hierarchical arrangement of interrelated self-constructs (e.g., selfawareness, self-concept, self-esteem, self-confidence, self-regulation). Foundational characteristics of the self include: (1) reflexive capacity (i.e., the self is formed through consciousness and one’s ability to create a sense of self or identity), (2) interpersonal relatedness (i.e., the self can be represented to others in a variety of ways and self-knowledge is gained through interactions with others), and (3) executive function (i.e., the self can act upon itself through regulation and control in order to create effect and change). Each component of the self may be influenced by the environment and by other self-constructs (Baumeister, 1998). Self-concept and self-esteem are core components of the self-system. They involve processes of selfawareness and self-appraisal and impact outcomes of self-love, self-acceptance, self-compassion, and selfloathing. Self-concept is built upon the knowledge and beliefs one has accumulated about oneself through selfreflections, self-judgments, and perceptions of competence. This construct has been shown reciprocally to influence performance and well-being in sport/physical activity and education contexts (Marsh & Martin, 2011; Marsh, Chanal, & Sarrazin, 2006). It can be regarded both as an outcome of experience and a determinant of behavior (Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976). It is typically desirable to have a consistent and positive self-concept. A negative self-concept can be indicative of low self-esteem and a more vulnerable self, particularly in the face of negative feedback and social comparisons (Leary & Tangney, 2003). Self-esteem is a related construct representing one’s sense of self-worth, self-liking, and competence in the world. One has both trait (i.e., overall feeling about oneself) and state (i.e., feeling about oneself in the moment) self-esteem, which are rooted in one’s evaluation of the self and of one’s environment and culture (i.e., beliefs, values, and priorities) (Baumeister, 1998). Increases and declines in self-esteem are influenced by social acceptance and

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performance feedback, and these fluctuations are important indicators of psychological well-being and functioning (Leary & Tangney, 2003). Practitioners should assess and monitor various components of the self, given their impact on sport/exercise performance and well-being outcomes. By increasing self-awareness, one can learn to develop selfknowledge in order to establish sound values, beliefs, and priorities. It is important to make appropriate selfevaluations positively to shape one’s perceptions of competence and behaviors. Furthermore, it is valuable to have self-compassion and self-acceptance when facing adversity in order to sustain self-confidence and overall self-worth. References Baumeister, R. F. (1998). The self. In D. T. Gilbert, S. T. Fiske, & G. Lindzey (Eds.), The handbook of social psychology (pp. 680 740). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Leary, M. R., & Tangney, J. P. (2003). Handbook of self and identity. New York, NY: Guilford. Marsh, H. W., Chanal, J. P., & Sarrazin, G. P. (2006). Selfbelief does make a difference: A reciprocal effects model of the causal ordering of physical self-concept and gymnastics performance. Journal of Sports Sciences, 24(1), 101 111. Marsh, H. W., & Martin, A. J. (2011). Academic self-concept and academic achievement: Relations and causal ordering. British Journal of Educational Psychology, 81, 59 77. Shavelson, R. J., Hubner, J. J., & Stanton, G. C. (1976). Selfconcept: Validation of construct interpretations. Review of Educational Research, 46, 407 411. Natalie Durand-Bush & Poppy DesClouds

Self-Worth: (Cross refs.: Adaptation, Aggression, Self, Self-serving bias) n. Self-worth holds a strong association with selfesteem and their importance lies with the perceptions of one’s own value (Crocker & Knight, 2005). It has been argued that high self-worth is key to positive achievement, popularity, and happiness, whereas low selfworth is associated with poor achievement and criminal behaviors (Crocker & Knight, 2005). Other researchers have argued that the pursuit of self-worth can be maladaptive in that it may be sought excessively (Crocker & Nuer, 2003). Moreover, there is evidence that inflated self-worth predicts aggression and violence (Baumeister, Smart, & Boden, 1996). Self-worth appears to influence how one interprets and integrates feedback (e.g., interpersonal evaluative feedback) (Jussim, Coleman, & Nassau, 1987). Researchers have shown that elite athletes with intact self-esteem (i.e., self-respect and love for oneself) possess positive patterns of perfectionism (Koivula, Hassme´n, & Fallby, 2002). Conversely, individuals with negative self-esteem (i.e., based on one’s own competence) showed patterns of negative perfectionism (Koivula et al., 2002). Positive perfectionism refers to

Semistructured Interviews an individual who holds high personal standards/ achievements, and, when successful, they experience a sense of satisfaction and enhanced self-esteem (Koivula et al., 2002). Alternatively, those exhibiting negative perfectionistic tendencies are over concerned with mistakes, experience self-doubt, and fear of failure (Koivula et al., 2002). References Baumeister, R. F., Smart, L., & Boden, J. M. (1996). Relation of threatened egotism to violence and aggression: The dark side of high self-esteem. Psychological Review, 103, 5 33. Crocker, J., & Knight, M. K. (2005). Contingencies of selfworth. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 14, 200 203. Crocker, J., & Nuer, N. (2003). The insatiable quest for selfworth. Psychological Inquiry, 14, 31 34. Jussim, L., Coleman, L., & Nassau, S. (1987). The influence of self-esteem on perceptions of performance and feedback. Social Psychology Quarterly, 50, 95 99. Koivula, N., Hassme´n, P., & Fallby, J. (2002). Self-esteem and perfectionism in elite athletes: effects on competitive anxiety and self-confidence. Personality and Individual Differences, 32, 865 875. Michel Lariviere

Semistructured Interviews: (Cross ref.: Intake interview) Semi-structured interviews are a social activity where two or more persons actively engage in embodied talk, jointly constructing knowledge about themselves and the social world as they interact with each other over time, in a certain place, and through a range of senses. To do all this, the researcher uses a preplanned interview guide to ask a participant relatively focused but open-ended questions about a specific topic. Thus, when interviewing, the researcher does not think of the guide as a strict schedule in which he or she asks all participants a set of identical preestablished questions in the same order. Rather, in semi-structured interviewing, the researcher uses a preplanned interview guide gently to direct the interaction while giving the participants the opportunity to report on their own thoughts, behaviors, and feelings. The interviewer then exerts some control, but the amount of control he/she exerts over what a participant can say and how he/she can say is quite small. Interviews are useful for research purposes because human beings are conversational creatures, and through our conversations we can get to know other people. Thus, conversations developed in interviews are an indispensible source of rich and new knowledge about social and personal aspects of our lives. The ability to generate such knowledge is further promoted because semi-structured interviews are flexible rather than aiming for control. The flexibility allows researchers to ask unplanned questions as conversations unfold and curiosity is stirred, thereby generating in the process novel or additional insights. Interviewing can

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also be a source of new knowledge as an interview provides space for participants to direct the conversation so that they can share what is personally meaningful to them. In so doing, the participant can take the researcher down avenues of knowing they had not considered before. Contrary to popular belief, when conducing qualitative research using semi-structured interviews, memory bias, or recall are not problems, but instead are simply part of being a finite human being and a recognition that this method cannot be objective or independent of time and place. Brett Smith

Sensation Seeking: (Cross refs.: Arousal, Five factor model of personality, Quantitative research, RiskTaking) n. A multidimensional, heritable, biologically-based personality trait. Individuals high in sensation seeking are predisposed to having relatively low-level nervous system activation and are under-stimulated or underaroused. As such, they seek activities in the external environment that stand to increase their stimulation and allow them to reach their optimal level of arousal. Experiences that are rewarding to sensation seekers (i.e., experiences that raise their levels of arousal) are often novel, complex, and intense; low sensation seekers may not be rewarded by the same activities and they may avoid them where possible (Zuckerman, 2007). Sensation seekers may engage in a variety of risktaking activities (e.g., unsafe sex, inebriation) to raise their levels of stimulation. Sensation seeking has been linked to risk-taking in a number of activities including: gambling, drinking, drug-taking, sex, smoking, driving, criminal activity, and some high-intensity high-risk sports (Barlow, Woodman, & Hardy, 2013; Zuckerman, 2007). Low sensation seekers see such activities as more risky and they expect less reward from them. Sensation seeking can be measured using the Sensation Seeking Scale (SSS-V, Zuckerman, 1979), which comprises four subscales: Thrill and Adventure Seeking, Experience Seeking, Disinhibition, and Boredom Susceptibility. Sensation seeking can also be measured using the Arnett Inventory of Sensation Seeking (AISS, Arnett, 1994), or the Sensation Seeking, Emotion regulation and Agency Scale (SEAS, Barlow et al., 2013). Whilst it has been suggested that all high-risk activity participants are sensation seekers (Zuckerman, 1979, 2007), Barlow et al. (2013) have shown that although this may be true for some participants (e.g., some skydivers), it is untrue for those who engage in other high-risk activities that are lower in thrill provision (e.g., mountaineers).

Sexual Abuse References Arnett, J. (1994). Sensation seeking: A new conceptualization and a new scale. Personality and Individual Differences, 16, 289 296. Barlow, M., Woodman, T., & Hardy, L. (2013). Great expectations: Different high-risk activities satisfy different motives. Journal of Personality & Social Psychology, 105, 458 475. Zuckerman, M. (1979). Sensation seeking: Beyond optimal levels of arousal. Hillsdale: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Zuckerman, M. (2007). Sensation seeking and risky behavior. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Will Hardy & Tim Woodman

Sexual Abuse: (Cross ref.s: American Psychological Association (APA), Athlete maltreatment, Athlete neglect, Athlete welfare, Bullying, Hazing, Mental health) The core of the various definitions of sexual abuse is that it is nonconsensual sexual contact and that it is forced or coerced. The American Psychological Association (2017) defines it as “unwanted sexual activity, with perpetrators using force, making threats, or taking advantage of victims not able to give consent.” The International Olympic Committee defines it in its Consensus Statement on Nonaccidental Violence in Sport (Mountjoy et al., 2016), as “any conduct of a sexual nature, whether noncontact, contact or penetrative, where consent is coerced/manipulated or is not or cannot be given” (p. 1021). Outside of sport, sexual assault is the term that is sometimes preferred. But, as with the definition of sexual abuse, the definition of sexual assault also varies. The United States Justice Department (2017) defines sexual assault as follows: “Sexual assault is any type of sexual contact or behavior that occurs without the explicit consent of the recipient.” Sexual abuse is a form of sexual violence, and is looked upon as the most severe and, by some, as the extreme end of a continuum starting with gender harassment, then sexual harassment, and finally sexual abuse (Brackenridge, 2001). Behavior characterized as sexual abuse is a criminal act in most countries. Child sexual abuse includes behaviors that among adults may be characterized merely as sexual harassment. The age of the victim and the context, as well as the severity and the local legal system, may also be considered with respect to whether a behavior constitutes sexual harassment or sexual abuse. Examples of sexual abuse are: attempted rape and rape, forcing a victim to perform sexual acts—such as oral sex or penetrating the perpetrators body. Examples of child sexual abuse include: fondling; forcing a child to touch an adult’s sex organs; exposing one’s body in a sexual manner to the child; exposing a child to pornographic material; masturbating in front of a child; engaging in the prostitution of a child; or, using a child in films, photographs, or as a model for pornography.

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References American Psychological Association. (2017). Retrieved 29.05.17 from http://www.apa.org/topics/sexual-abuse/. Brackenridge, C. H. (2001). Spoilsports: Understanding and preventing sexual exploitation in sport. London, UK: Routledge. Mountjoy, M., Brackenridge, C. H., Arrington, M., Blauwet, C., Carska-Sheppard, A., & Budgett, R. (2016). The IOC Consensus Statement: Harassment and abuse (non-accidental violence) in sport. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 50 (17), 1019 1029. The United States Justice Department. (2017). Retrieved 1.06.17 from https://www.justice.gov/ovw/sexual-assault. Kari Fasting

Shared Mental Models (SMM) a choice to be honest, sincere, and authentic that reflects agency and self-care. References American Psychological Association. (2008). Answers to your questions: For a better understanding of sexual orientation and homosexuality. Retrieved from www.apa.org/topics/lgbt/ orientation.pdf. Krane, V., & Symons, C. (2014). Gender and sexual orientation in sport. In A. Papaioannou, & D. Hackfort (Eds.), Fundamental concepts in sport and exercise psychology (pp. 119 135). London, UK: Taylor & Francis. Bernadette Compton & Vikki Krane

Shame: (see: Moral emotions)

Sexual Orientation: (Cross refs.: Cultural humility, Cultural sport psychology, Gender variance, Identity, LGBT prejudice) n. Sexual orientation refers to the emotional, romantic, and sexual feelings an individual has toward another individual (APA, 2008). It is dynamic and fluid, which means that it can change over time. In Western culture, one’s sexual orientation typically is discussed in terms of heterosexual, gay, lesbian, and bisexual. Heterosexual refers to attraction to members of the other binary sex or gender category (i.e., men attracted to women and women attracted to men). Gay most often refers to men attracted to men, but can be used more generally to refer to someone attracted to members of their own sex or gender. Lesbians are women attracted to women and bisexual people are attracted to both women and men. Homosexual is an outdated term and is considered derogatory and offensive to many in the LGB (lesbian, gay, and bisexual) community. Sexual identity denotes one’s sense of self, based on emotional and sexual attraction (i.e., sexual orientation) and an association within a community of people sharing this attraction (APA, 2008; Krane & Symons, 2014). Sexual identity typically is consistent with one’s sexual orientation; though some individuals may adopt identities such as asexual (absence of sexual attraction) or pansexual (inclusive of attraction to people with nonbinary sexes and genders such as transgender, intersex, or genderqueer), or queer (acknowledgment of not being heterosexual without exclusive labels). Coming out is the acknowledgment or communication of one’s sexual orientation. Openly LGB individuals in sport are said to be “out” or to have “come out.” Early conceptualizing noted that coming out was the epitome of self-expression and an indication of self-acceptance. However, it is important to consider the reasons that one may not come out—in some situations being openly LGB is unsafe or will be met with hostility or violence—which is not related to self-acceptance. The term “inviting in” also is used to recognize disclosure of an LGB identity. Inviting in reframes coming out as

Shared Mental Models (SMM): (Cross refs.: Deliberate practice, Group coordination, In-game shared knowledge states, Joint action, Prior shared knowledge states, Shared knowledge states, Team, Team Unity) A shared mental model is a team-level psychological state, achieved within a game or performance, whereby the understanding of each team member about the upcoming actions of their team is at least similar to their teammates’ understandings of these actions (Eccles & Tenenbaum, 2004). Achieving this state is considered beneficial to team coordination. When one individual performs a task, he or she possesses unique knowledge about how to perform that task and thus will select the type, timing, and location of his/her actions at their discretion (Eccles, 2010). By contrast, in a team, individual team members typically cannot select actions at their discretion. Effective team performance, at any given moment in a game, depends on the coordination of multiple team members’ actions. Establishing a shared mental model, in which team members share similar knowledge about how to undertake their task, means that team members can draw on that similar knowledge during a game and thus select the type, timing, and location of their actions in a way that affords effective team coordination. Teams are able to achieve a shared mental model during a game, partly on the basis of knowledge that has been shared prior to the game; see Prior shared knowledge states. This knowledge is of prototypical team actions performed within a given sport generally and, in addition, for experienced teams, prototypical team actions performed within a specific team. This prototype knowledge allows a given team member to coordinate their actions with the actions of their teammates. Teams are also able to achieve and maintain a shared mental model during a given game on the basis of knowledge that has been shared prior to the game via planning. Teams deliberately plan coordinated actions and practice executing these plans during training. Teams are able to maintain a shared mental model during a given game by

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communicating (Eccles & Tenenbaum, 2004). This communication can be incidental: Jane might infer that her team is switching attacking strategies by perceiving subtle changes in the on-court locations being adopted by her teammates. Communication also can be deliberate: Jane might be informed verbally or nonverbally by her teammates that the team is adopting a different attacking strategy. In sum, shared mental models facilitate team coordination. Teams establish shared mental models on the basis of shared knowledge states achieved prior to a game, and update these models during a game by via communication between team members. References Eccles, D. W. (2010). The coordination of labour in sports teams. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 3, 154 170. Eccles, D. W., & Tenenbaum, G. (2004). Why an expert team is more than a team of experts: A social-cognitive conceptualization of team coordination and communication in sport. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 26, 542 560. David W. Eccles

Situation Model of Anticipated Response Consequences in Tactical Decisions (SMART): (Cross refs.: Decision making, Embodiment, Expertise, Skill acquisition) Situation model of anticipated response consequences in tactical decisions (SMART) describes the interaction of top-down and bottom-up processes in skill acquisition and thus the dynamic interaction of sensory and motor capacities in embodied cognition. The empirically validated, extended, and revised SMART-ER (ER stands for Extended and Revised) can now predict when specific dynamic interactions of top-down and bottom-up processes have a beneficial or detrimental effect on performance and learning depending on situational constraints (Raab, 2015). The model is empirically supported and proposes learning strategies for when situation complexity varies or time pressure is present. Experiments from expertise research in sports have illustrated that neither bottom-up nor top-down processes are bad or good per se, but rather their effects depend on personal and situational characteristics. In SMART-ER, equivalence classes are representations of sensorimotor interactions of anticipated response consequences. An anticipated response consequence describes a representation of the sensorimotor system in which one predicts future (anticipated) changes in the environment as a consequence of one’s movements. Equivalence classes are active when one anticipates response consequences that group the consequences of specific choices together. Finally, previous implicitly or explicitly learned behavior activates a choice rule that allows one to accumulate information before choosing between certain options. SMART-ER

Skill is a probabilistic and dynamic model as it describes behavior in a nondeterministic way, assigning probabilities to each behavior, and it is nondiscrete as new information is accumulated over time during a behavior that weights early information higher for fast responses in dynamically changing environments. Further, the model reconsiders the benefits of implicit, explicit, and hybrid learning strategies and how they may foster the use of top-down and bottom-up processes. This model has been tested mainly on sensorimotor interactions in quite complex situations, but further evidence has been found in fine motor control, in neurophysiological correlates and computational comparisons to other models as well as applications to other domains, such as dancing (e.g., Janet, 2016) (Fig. S1). References Glo¨ckner, A., Heinen, T., Johnson, J., & Raab, M. (2012). Network approaches for expert-decisions in sports. Human Movement Science, 31, 318 333. Janet, K. (2016). Recontextualizing dance skills: Overcoming impediments to motor learning and expressivity in ballet dancers. Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 431. Available from https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.00431. Raab, M. (2015). SMART-ER: A situation model of anticipated response consequences in tactical decisions in skill acquisition—Extended and revised. Frontiers in Psychology, 5. Markus Raab

Skill: (Cross refs.: Action, Expertise, Learning, Mental representation, Motor development, Open and closed skills, Quiet Eye Training, Reinforcement, positive and negative) n. Skill is typically defined as “the learned ability to bring about predetermined results with maximum certainty; often with the minimum outlay of time or energy or both” (Knapp, 1963, p. 4). This definition underlines objective and performance related criteria for skillful actions. In contrast, Dreyfus and Dreyfus (1986) argue that skill should be defined according to the manner in which the mental machinery of the agent operates. That is, the highest level of skill occurs only when a skill is executed in a semi-automatic manner without conscious deliberation or mental representation. Skill is used to denote expertise that has been developed through training and experience, and includes trade and craft skills acquired by apprenticeship, as well as the high level performance found in many domains, such as professional practice, the arts, games, and athletics (Breivik, 2016). Sport skill refers to the ability to perform a sporting skill consistently well at speed, under fatigue, and in high-pressure conditions such as in competitive environments. Sport skills are voluntary, coordinated tasks with sport-specific goals. Skills in sport refers to trained or trainable abilities that emerge as complex, rather

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Skill

Figure S1 Bottom-up (BU) and top-down (TD) processes are displayed as functions (F) of experience (E). Learning (L) is differentiated as implicit (IL) and explicit (EL). The weighting of IL and EL over time (t) is represented by β. Evidence (E) of a specific region (r) when perceiving information in the environment is used in a choice rule, in which the initial option in a specific region (k) is contrasted to later evidence in other specific regions (r). See Glöckner, Heinen, Johnson, and Raab (2012) for equations. From Raab, M. (2015). SMART-ER: A Situation model of anticipated response consequences in tactical decisions in skill acquisition—Extended and revised. Frontiers in Psychology, 5.

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than isolated or discrete, actions. Skillful action in sport presupposes certain physical skills that are integrated and coordinated according to a timeline, a particular context and a specific task or goal (Breivik, 2016). Moreover, the development of one skill may help in the development of a skill in another activity, which is known as positive transfer, e.g., a chest pass in netball or basketball. In contrast, negative transfer is described as a previously learned skill that may hinder the development and performance of another skill, such as the basic racquet action of a squash shot as opposed to a tennis shot (Gopher, Well, & Bareket, 1994). References

the autonomous stage, the skill becomes habitual, or automatic, after sufficient practice and experience. In this stage, improvements are slow; however, performance is relatively consistent, and skill is frequently performed without thinking as the learner pays less attention to fundamental movement skills. Although most individuals move through the stages as they learn skills, some may not progress to the final stage, which may be due to training demands, task complexity, or a lack of motivation. Each stage embodies unique characteristics that are relative to a learner’s skill or activity performance level. References

Breivik, G. (2016). The role of skill in sport. Sport, Ethics and Philosophy, 10, 222 236. Dreyfus, H. L., & Dreyfus, S. E. (1986). Mind over machine: The power of human intuition and expertise in the era of the computer. New York, NY: Free Press. Gopher, D., Well, M., & Bareket, T. (1994). Transfer of skill from a computer game trainer to flight. Human Factors, 36, 387 405. Knapp, B. (1963). Skill in sport: The attainment of proficiency. London: Routledge.

Fitts, P. M., & Posner, M. I. (1967). Human performance. Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole Pub. Co. Williams, A. M., & Ford, P. R. (2009). Promoting a skillsbased agenda in Olympic sports: The role of skill-acquisition specialists. Journal of Sports Sciences, 27(13), 1381 1392.

Chun-Qing Zhang

Skill

Acquisition: (Cross refs.: Basic Action Concepts (BAC), Cognitive interaction technology, Deliberate practice, Expertise, Feedback, augmented and sensory, Learning, Motor development, Motor learning, Open and closed skills, Sport and robotics) n. Skill acquisition is the science that underpins movement learning and execution and is more commonly termed motor learning and control (Williams & Ford, 2009). Skill acquisition examines the factors that affect the acquisition, performance, and retention of sports skills in both developing and elite athletes. Skill acquisition is a continuous and dynamic process without distinct and definite stages. However, for convenience, certain ‘general’ changes of skill learning can be placed broadly into three stages (Fitts & Posner, 1967). The stages are known as: (1) cognitive (understanding) stage; (2) associative (practice) stage; (3) autonomous (automatic) stage. The cognitive stage is characterized by thinking, e.g., the learner is trying to understand the skill. In this stage, the learner forms a cognitive picture of the skill and what is required to perform it. In the associative stage, the fundamentals and mechanics of the skill have been learned, and performance is more consistent. At this stage the athlete makes fewer errors due to the fact that the ability to detect and correct errors has been developed. Movements have become more coordinated and refined as the athlete learns to use environmental cues for timing. In addition, anticipatory skill develops, resulting in smoother, less hasty movements as the athlete requires less cognition to perform the skill with a shift to movements performed from memory. In

Chun-Qing Zhang

Sleep: (Cross refs.: Recovery, Rest, Sleep deprivation, Sleep disorders, Sleep monitoring) n. Sleep is considered by many to be the most important recovery strategy available to athletes and has implications for performance and athlete health and well-being (Samuels, 2008). Sleep is a reversible behavioral state of perceptual disengagement from and unresponsiveness to the environment (Carskadon & Dement, 2011), characterized by sleep stages based on electrical brain wave activity (electroencephalographic, measured by electro-encephalogram—EEG), eye movements (electro-oculographic, measured by electro-uculogram—EOG), and muscle electrical activity (electromyographic, measured by electro-myogram—EMG) (Carskadon & Dement, 2011). Normal human sleep is comprised of two main sleep states: nonrapid eye movement (NREM) sleep and rapid eye movement (REM) sleep. The three NREM stages roughly parallel the depth of sleep continuum, with arousal thresholds generally lowest during Stage 1 and highest during Stage 3 sleep. Stages 1 and 2 are considered light sleep, which are characterized by slow eye movements and a reduction of muscle movement. Stage 3 is identified as deep sleep, and is typically reported as slow-wave-sleep (Iber, Ancoli-Israel, Chesson, & Quan, 2007). In contrast, REM sleep is not divided into stages and is often referred to as a highly activated brain in a paralyzed body. References Carskadon, M. A., & Dement, W. C. (2011). Monitoring and staging human sleep. Principles and Practice of Sleep Medicine, 5, 16 26. Iber, C., Ancoli-Israel, S., Chesson, A., & Quan, S. (2007). The AASM manual for the scoring of sleep and associated events: Rules, terminology, and technical specifications. Westchester, IL: American Academy of Sleep Medicine.

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Samuels, C. (2008). Sleep, recovery, and performance: The new frontier in high-performance athletics. Neurologic Clinics, 26, 169 180. Michele Lastella & Shona L. Halson

Sleep Deprivation: (Cross refs.: Sleep, Sleep disorders, Sleep monitoring) n. The term sleep deprivation is often used interchangeably with sleep loss, acute sleep loss, chronic sleep loss, sustained wakefulness, prolonged sleep deprivation, total sleep deprivation, and partial sleep deprivation within the sleep research literature. In general, sleep deprivation refers to a situation and/or condition where an individual suffers from a lack of sleep. Total sleep deprivation refers to a period of sustained wakefulness usually greater than 24 hours, which results in increased sleepiness and impaired cognitive performance (Koslowsky & Babkoff, 1992). Partial sleep deprivation refers to a period where an individual is partially restricted to less than or equal to six hours of sleep per 24 hour period (Elmenhorst et al., 2008). The detrimental effects of partial sleep deprivation may be cumulative resulting in increased sleepiness, impaired cognitive performance, immune function, glucose metabolism, and psychological well-being. References Elmenhorst, E. M., Elmenhorst, D., Luks, N., Maass, H., Vejvoda, M., & Samel, A. (2008). Sleep Medicine, 9, 840 850. Koslowsky, M., & Babkoff, H. (1992). Meta-analysis of the relationship between total sleep deprivation and performance. Chronobiology International, 9, 132 136. Michele Lastella & Shona L. Halson

Sleep Disorders: (Cross refs.: Sleep deprivation, Sleep monitoring) n. Sleep disorders refer to any significant deviation from the normal sleep/wake cycle. There are 88 different types of sleep disorders that involve problems with the quality or quantity of sleep, the timing of sleep, or in behaviors and/or physiological conditions associated with sleep. The International Classification of Sleep Disorders Revised Diagnostic and Coding Manual includes seven major categories of sleep disorders: insomnia, sleep-related breathing disorders, central disorders of hypersomnolence, circadian rhythm sleep wake disorders, sleep related movement disorders, parasomnias, and other sleep disorders. To diagnose a sleep disorder, the problem/s must be persistent, cause significant psychological distress, and interfere with social, occupational and daytime functioning (American Academy of Sleep Medicine, 2014). Reference American Academy of Sleep Medicine. (2014). International classification of sleep disorders (3rd ed.). Darien, IL: American Academy of Sleep Medicine. Michele Lastella & Shona L. Halson

Sleep Monitoring

Sleep Monitoring: (Cross refs.: Recovery, Sleep, Sleep deprivation, Sleep disorders) v. Sleep monitoring is an increasingly popular means of providing an objective understanding of sleep habits in athletes. There is no direct measure of sleep; however, through a variety of measures, information regarding sleep stages, duration, and efficiency can be assessed (Krueger et al., 2008). These techniques include measures of electrical activity in the brain via electroencephalography (EEG), eye movements via electrooculogram (EOG), muscle activity via electromyograms (EMG), heart rhythms via electrocardiogram (ECG), activity monitors, heart rate, behavior, temperature, and subjective sleep diaries (Krueger et al., 2008). The combination of sleep data collected simultaneously through 30-second epochs of EEG, EOG, EMG, and ECG is termed polysomnography (PSG) and is considered the ‘gold standard’ measure of sleep, primarily used for assessing sleep disorders (Bloch, 1997). Through this technique, information on sleep staging (i.e., stages 1 3 and Rapid Eye Movement (REM), sleep latency (time taken to fall asleep); total sleep duration, and the number of arousals from sleep can be obtained throughout a night (Dickinson & Hanrahan, 2009; McCall & McCall, 2011; Shambroom, Fabregas, & Johnstone, 2011). Due to low cost, ease of administration, and noninvasiveness, wrist activity monitors (actigraphy) have emerged as a popular research and clinical sleep assessment tool (Kripke et al., 2010; McCall & McCall, 2011; Shambroom et al., 2011). As an alternative to PSG, actigraphy indirectly measures sleep and wakefulness through the assessment of movement by a piezoelectric accelerometer and the use of specifically defined algorithms to score sleep into either low activity periods classed as sleep or high activity periods scored as wakefulness (Dickinson & Hanrahan, 2009; Shambroom et al., 2011). References Bloch, K. E. (1997). Polysomnography: A systematic review. Technology and Health Care, 5, 285 305. Dickinson, R. K., & Hanrahan, S. J. (2009). An investigation of subjective sleep and fatigue measures for use with elite athletes. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 3(3), 224 266. Kripke, D. F., Hahn, E. K., Grizas, A. P., Wadiak, K. H., Loving, R. T., Poceta, J. S., . . . Kline, L. E. (2010). Wrist actigraphic scoring for sleep laboratory patients: Algorithm development. Journal of sleep research, 19, 612 619. Krueger, J. M., Rector, D. M., Roy, S., Van Dongen, H. P. A., Belenky, G., & Panksepp, J. (2008). Sleep as a fundamental property of neuronal assemblies. Nature Reviews Neuroscience, 9, 910 919. McCall, C., & McCall, W. V. (2011). Comparison of actigraphy with polysomnography and sleep logs in depressed insomniacs. Journal of Sleep Research, 21, 122 127.

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Shambroom, J. R., Fabregas, S. E., & Johnstone, J. (2011). Validation of an automated wireless system to monitor sleep in healthy adults. Journal of Sleep Research, 21, 221 230. Michele Lastella & Shona L. Halson

Social Anxiety: (see: Social physique anxiety) Social

Cognitive Theory: (Cross refs.: Observational Learning, Outcome expectancies, Selfefficacy, Self-regulation) Social cognitive theory was founded in an agentic perspective of human development, adaptation and beahvioral change (Bandura, 1986). To be agentic is intentionally to influence one’s functioning and life circumstances. In this view, individuals are proactive in their development through their ability to organize, regulate, and enact behavior. Four core features of human agency have been articulated: intentionality, forethought, self-reactiveness, and self-reflectiveness (Bandura, 2001). Intentionality is a proactive commitment to a future course of action through action plans and strategies for their attainment. With forethought, people motive themselves and regulate their actions in anticipation of future events. Self-reactiveness underscores that individuals give shape to behavior change through monitoring and self-regulation. Finally, selfreflectiveness refers to individual’s metacognitive capability to examine their functioning, values, the meaningfulness of their actions, and adjust as needed when in pursuit of a desire outcome. Central to human agency is ‘self-efficacy’ given that it is rooted in the belief that one can effect change by his/her behavior. Key to human agency is the triadic reciprocal relationships among personal (i.e., cognitive, affective and biological), behavior, and environmental factors. Bandura (1986), however, noted that the relative influence exerted by these factors will vary in different individuals, under different circumstances, and for different activities. For example, a coach exerts a powerful influence in team selection and decisions around playing time. In this case, the environment (i.e., coach) exerts such a powerful influence that it effects athlete’s beliefs and behavior. There are other times when cognitive factors predominate, even in the event of compelling competing evidence from the environment. Social cognitive theory has been prominent in developing our understanding of the psychology of sport given its inherent linkages to cognitive, motivational, affective, and behavioral outcomes. For example, social cognitive theory has been applied to facilitate understanding of doping in sport. Ring and Kavussanu (2017) found that athletes who reported greater doping self-regulatory efficacy (i.e., ability to resist temptation to use banned performance-enhancing substances) were less likely to use these substances. Conversely, athletes who reported a greater ability for moral disengagement

Social Facilitation were more likely to use banned performance-enhancing substances. References Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory: An agentic perspective. Annual Review of Psychology, 52, 1 26. Ring, C., & Kavussanu, M. (2017). The role of self-regulatory efficacy, moral disengagement and guilt on doping likelihood: A social cognitive theory perspective. Journal of Sports Sciences. Available from https://doi.org/10.1080/ 02640414.2017.1324206. Diane E. Mack

Social Cohesion: (Cross refs.: Cohesion, Group dynamics—concept, GEQ and social cohesion, Group environment questionnaire, Moral atmosphere, Task cohesion, Team, Team harmony) n. A subcomponent of the broader term cohesion, social cohesion is conceptualized “as a general orientation toward developing and maintaining social relationships within a group” (Carron, Widmeyer, & Brawley, 1985, p. 248). Two of the four constructs that are conceptualized to constitute cohesion are social in nature (see Group Environment Questionnaire): individual attractions to the group-social (ATG-S) and group integration-social (GI-S). ATG-S refers to the individual’s personal feelings about social interactions and acceptance within the group, while GI-S refers to an individual’s perceptions of the closeness and bonding of the group as a social unit (Carron, Brawley, & Widmeyer, 2002). Examples of each construct include the following statements: “For me, this team is one of the most important social groups to which I belong” (ATG-S) and “Our team would like to spend time together in the off-season” (GI-S) (Carron et al., 2002). References Carron, A., Widmeyer, W., & Brawley, L. (1985). The development of an instrument to assess cohesion in sport teams: The group environment questionnaire. Journal of Sport Psychology, 7, 244 266. Carron, A. V., Brawley, L. R., & Widmeyer, N. W. (2002). The group environment questionnaire: Test manual. Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Mark Eys & Theo Chu

Social Facilitation: (Cross refs.: Audience, Home advantage, Social loafing, Social support, Sport spectator(s)) n. The term ‘social facilitation’ goes back to Allport (1924) and implies “an increase in response merely from the sight or sound of others making the same movement” (Allport, 1924, p. 262). Allport mainly looked at coacting situations, in which other persons are doing exactly the same tasks as the performers, such as rowers in a boat or pupils in a classroom.

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However, the first empirical study using motor tasks to examine social facilitation was conducted by Norman Triplett (1898). This study is often seen as the first social psychological experiment. Triplett observed what happened when coacting persons were competing with his participants. He started by examining archives containing outcome statistics for the cycle racing season of 1897. These revealed that racing cyclists accompanied by pacemakers were at least 25% faster than those without. Triplett proposed that this was because the physical presence of another person sharpened the competitive instinct. He tested this preliminary assumption with an experiment in which school children had to turn a handle as quickly as possible on his specially constructed ‘competition machine,’ Some children benefitted from the presence of others, others did not. Many studies have been proposed to explain Triplett’s early findings and why some athletes benefit from the presence of others and other athletes do not. However, the biologically oriented model by Robert Zajonc (1965) has become the most prominent social facilitation theory. Zajonc postulated that his model was true for all species. The basic assumption was that the presence of a spectator would cause a nonspecific increase in activation as an innate reaction of the organism, preparing it to respond to any potential unexpected actions by others. This enhanced activation level should increase the probability of the so called dominant reactions and decrease the probability of subordinate reactions. In accordance to influential motivational psychologist Clarke Hull, Zajonc understood dominant reactions as reactions to a specific stimulus situation that have priority over the other actions in an actor’s repertoire of behaviors. In simple or well-learned tasks, the dominant reaction is a correct solution. Therefore, the mere presence of others leads to performance enhancement in simple tasks. In complex tasks that are not well-learned the dominant reaction tends to be an incorrect execution of the correct motor skill. This means that performance in this situation is influenced negatively by the presence of others. This model had a huge impact on research as it could explain confusing and controversial results. Many researchers were attracted by Zajonc’s model and used it to explain audience effects of merely present spectators in motor performance. In the 50 years that followed, many empirical studies as well as new models were presented; models which assume that the described social facilitation effects only occur if a human being shows evaluation apprehension. Some other models discussed alertness and monitoring aspects associated with the presence of others, and other models the influence of attention or self presentational processes as explanations for the effects. Strauss (2002) overviewed these models and related empirical studies,

Social Intelligence with respect to motor tasks. Summarizing the findings, he argued that motivational-activational processes can explain performance improvements in the presence of others, whereas for decrements in complex tasks, attention theories are more appropriate. References Allport, F. H. (1924). Social psychology. New York: Houghton Mifflin. Strauss, B. (2002). Social facilitation in motor tasks: A review of research and theory. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 3, 237 256. Triplett, N. (1898). The dynamogenic factors in pacemaking and competition. American Journal of Psychology, 9, 507 533. Zajonc, R. B. (1965). Social facilitation. Science, 149, 269 274. Bernd Strauss & Clare MacMahon

Social Intelligence: (Cross refs.: Cohesion, Emotion, Emotional intelligence, Intelligence—in sport, Leadership, Team) n. Social intelligence represents the core of social behavior. It was first thought to reflect the ability to understand others and to act responsibly in human relationships. It is composed of social information processing abilities, social abilities and skills, and social awareness (Petrides, Mason, & Sevdalis, 2011; Thorndike & Stein, 1937). More specifically, higher social intelligence is connected to the ability easily to detect feelings, needs, ideas, goals, expectations, and opinions in others. It is also associated with more accurate decoding of nonverbal cues, greater empathic capacity, greater accuracy at identifying basic facial expressions of emotion, and greater behavioral flexibility in social situations. Clearly distinct from fluid and crystalized intelligence, it may be seen as an extension or complement of emotional intelligence. Emotional intelligence focuses on how people deal with their own emotions and the emotions of others, social intelligence focuses on the social abilities and people skills. In sports, social intelligence will play an important role to ensure harmonious and effective relationships with teammates, as well as it would help to detect nonverbal cues in opponents, referees, and coaches, which can both contribute to increased performance and to the harmonious course of sport events. Social intelligence can also contribute to reducing aggressive behaviors and having appropriate reactions to social transgression. In sports, an example of this could be causing a physical foul on an opponent but subsequently going to check on the opponent and apologizing. Future research should investigate how social intelligence influences social outcomes in sports, such as leadership and cohesion processes in teams, and whether it is possible to develop social intelligence.

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References Petrides, K. V., Mason, M., & Sevdalis, N. (2011). Preliminary validation of the construct of trait social intelligence. Personality and Individual Differences, 50, 874 877. Thorndike, R. L., & Stein, S. (1937). An evaluation of the attempts to measure social intelligence. Psychological bulletin, 34, 275 285. Sylvain Laborde & Emma Mosley

Socialization: (Cross refs.: Bio-Ecological Theory (formerly Dynamic Systems Theory), Identification, Identity, Moral development, Parenting in sport, Personality, Physical self-concept) n. Socialization is the process of human personality development in relation to and dependence on existing life circumstances at a given time. It is commonly understood as a lifelong process that leads to a socially capable personality (Hurrelmann, 1994). The individual is perceived as a productive reality referenced subject. The subject is influenced by society, which, in turn, is influenced by society. Multiple disciplines attempt to define socialization in different ways. The sociological perspective emphasizes the relevance that subjects have to understand significant rules and norms in the given society and how to apply them. From a more psychological perspective, the individual development and the critical discourse with society is accentuated. Tajfel (1978) argues that a subject tries to keep his or her personal identity (e.g., opinions, self-perception, norms, and abilities) and social identity (belongingness to social groups, social norms) in balance. Furthermore, in the field of pedagogy, socialization processes play an important role, as they are part of human development and personality. They focus not only on projectable educational process but also on nonprojectable processes as they take place in informal peer groups. The human ecological theory by Bronfenbrenner (1981) emphasizes that human development is influenced by different environmental systems (micro-, meso, eso-, macro-, and chronosystem), which mutually influence each other. Therefore, family, parents, peer groups, significant others, school, sport clubs, neighborhood, and so on are relevant socialization agents. From a constructivistic perspective, subjects adapt, e.g., their sport career to their beliefs and abilities. In this sense, sport engagement is socially determined (gender, age, and social stratum related) but not specific, and therefore changeable. In contrast to mono-directional approaches, the socialization process today is seen as interactive and transactional. In the context of physical activity and sport engagement, three hypotheses evolved: in the socialization hypothesis, selection hypothesis, and interaction hypothesis. The socialization hypothesis focuses on the output effects of exercise and sport activity (e.g., fairness, moral) and on transfer to other systems; the

Social Justice selection hypothesis looks at factors, which determine sport activity (e.g., gender role orientation, social stratum); and the interaction hypothesis takes both processes reciprocally into account. References

Bronfenbrenner, U. (1981). Die O¨kologie der menschlichen Entwicklung: Natu¨rliche und geplante Experimente (The ecology of human development: natural and planned experiments). Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta. Hurrelmann, K. (1994). Einfu¨hrung in die ¨ ber den Zusammenhang von Sozialisationstheorie: U Sozialstruktur und Perso¨nlichkeit (Introduction to socialisation theory: The relation of social structure and personality). Weinheim: Beltz. Tajfel, H. (1978). Differentiation between social groups: Studies in the social psychology of intergroup relations. London Press. Maike Tietjens

Social Justice: (Cross refs.: Arts-based research, Conversational interviews, Cultural sport psychology, Decolonizing methodologies, Discrimination, Disorder, Diversity, Feminism, Gender variance, Participatory action research, Racism) Social justice has been defined as both a process as well as a goal (Adams & Bell, 2016). The goal of social justice is to reconstruct society so that the foundational principles of inclusion, recognition, and equity flourish. This requires the process of abolishing systems that categorize and rank people according to their position in economic, social, and power-based hierarchies (e.g., white privilege and racism; heterosexism, sexism, and trans oppression; classism; religious oppression; ableism; youth and elder oppression; Adams & Bell, 2016). Therefore, those who work for social justice challenge institutional practices and patterns, historical legacies, and ideological frameworks that create social injustices. Social justice has also been inseparably linked to diversity, because a socially just society cannot be created if people within it do not value diversity (Adams & Bell, 2016). Recently, sport psychology professionals have begun to explore using sport for development, peace, and social justice (Schinke, Stambulova, Lidor, Papaioannou, & Ryba, 2015). Quality sport for social justice programs includes a focus on communities that most need them, co-construction with community members of a community and social needs assessment as well as the development of program components, and full transparency (Schinke & Hanrahan, 2012). Recent sport-for-social-justice programs have focused on people with disabilities, inner-city youth, and people with alternative sexual orientations (Schinke & Hanrahan, 2012). Community research as well as research as praxis also are a part of social justice efforts.

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References Adams, M., & Bell, L. A. (2016). Teaching for diversity and social justice (3rd ed.). New York, NY: Routledge. Schinke, R. J., & Hanrahan, S. J. (2012). Sport for development, peace, and social justice. Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Schinke, R. J., Stambulova, N. R., Lidor, R., Papaioannou, A., & Ryba, T. V. (2015). ISSP position stand: Social missions through sport and exercise psychology. International Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 14, 4 22. Leslee A. Fisher

Social Learning: (Cross refs.: Cognitive processes, Executive control, Motor learning, Observational Learning/Modeling/Demonstration) n. Social learning refers to a theoretical perspective in which learning is driven by observation of others. In some circumstances, learners appear to be capable of extracting complex and accurate representations of what is modeled. This is particularly relevant to motor skill learning and demonstrations are frequently used in sport and exercise contexts. The theoretical approaches to describing social learning range from behaviorist (e.g., Miller & Dollard, 1941; Rotter, 1954) to cognitivist (e.g., Bandura, 1977; Bandura, 2001). Neuroscience has provided an additional plausible mechanism through work on the mirror system (e.g., Rizzolatti & Craighero, 2004; Uddin, Iacoboni, Lange, & Keenan, 2007). Under the behaviorist account, an observer can evaluate the outcome or probable outcome of another’s action—permitting reinforcement learning without direct action. Cognitive theories of learning rest on representation and so are easily made consistent with observation. However, there has been relatively little work on cognitive representations of nonverbal learning and so social learning theories remain more focused on the conditions and context of learning rather than attempting a detailed account. Learning from others is at its most effective when their information is better than yours (see Giraldeau, Valone, & Templeton, 2002). Accordingly, social learning becomes more likely when the model is clearly better than the learner, or when learners have the least amount of certainty. The social relations between model and observer are therefore important and should be managed if social learning is to be maximized. References Bandura, A. (1977). Social learning theory. Oxford, England: Prentice-Hall. Bandura, A. (2001). Social cognitive theory: An agentic perspective. Annual Review of Psychology, 52, 1 26. Giraldeau, L. A., Valone, T. J., & Templeton, J. J. (2002). Potential disadvantages of using socially acquired information. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, 357, 1559 1566. Miller, N. E., & Dollard, J. (1941). Social learning and imitation. New Haven: Yale University Press.

Social Loafing Rizzolatti, G., & Craighero, L. (2004). The Mirron-neuron system. Annual Review of Neuroscience, 27, 169 192. Rotter, J. (1954). Social learning and clinical psychology. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. Uddin, L. Q., Iacoboni, M., Lange, C., & Keenan, J. P. (2007). The self and social cognition: The role of cortical mid line structures and mirror neurone. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 11, 153 157. Bruce Oddson

Social Loafing: (Cross refs.: Group coordination, Group motivation, Ko¨hler motivation gain effect, Ringelmann effect, Social facilitation, Social support, Team, Team coordination) n. Social loafing refers to a tendency for individuals to reduce their efforts and slack off when working as members of a group. Specifically, it represents a decrease in individual effort or motivation when working on a collective task, as compared with working on an individual or coactive task. On collective tasks, individuals work in the actual or implied presence of others with whom they combine their efforts into a group product. On coactive tasks, individuals also work in the actual or implied presence of others, but their efforts are counted not combined into a group product or total. The potential for groups negatively to impact productivity was initially documented by Ringelmann (see Kravitz & Martin, 1986) in studies where male volunteers were asked to pull as hard as possible on a rope in groups of various sizes. As the group size increased, the total force exerted (as measured by a strain gauge) also tended to increase, but at levels increasingly lower than would be expected from the addition of individual performances, a phenomenon called the Ringelmann effect. Later scholars noted two key components: (1) coordination losses due to the inability of members optimally to coordinate their efforts, and (2) motivation losses. Ingham, Levinger, Graves, and Peckham (1974) replicated Ringlemann’s results but also had participants work in both actual groups (where both coordination loss and motivation loss could occur) and pseudo groups (where blindfolded participants only believed they were pulling with others but were actually pulling alone). Potential team productivity was still only partially realized within the pseudo groups, showing that they could not be accounted for by coordination losses. Studies by Latane´, Williams, and Harkins (1979) introduced further refinements and helped spur a flurry of research. These scholars also introduced the term “social loafing” to refer to the tendency for individuals to reduce their efforts on group or collective tasks. Currently, more than 100 studies have been conducted on social loafing. The effect has been documented for a variety of tasks and populations, although its magnitude tends to be lower among women and for participants in collectivist cultures. Theories have identified a variety

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of possible causes that reflect typical features of many collective tasks, such as potential diffusion of responsibility, reduced evaluation potential, increased feelings that one’s efforts are dispensable, and reduced perceptions that one’s efforts will lead to valued outcomes. Various factors that can reduce or eliminate social loafing have also been identified, including making member’s inputs identifiable or unique, increasing task meaningfulness, strengthening group cohesion, and reducing group size. Situations in which motivation gains can occur have also been documented, including: (1) social compensation—when individuals work especially hard to overcome poor expected contributions of others on a valued task, and (2) the Ko¨hler effect— when weaker team members work especially hard to avoid being disproportionately responsible for the failure of a group (for a detailed review of social loafing and motivation gains, see Karau, 2018). References Ingham, A. G., Levinger, G., Graves, J., & Peckham, V. (1974). The Ringelmann effect: Studies of group size and group performance. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 10, 371 384. Karau, S. J. (Ed.), (2018). Individual motivation within groups: Social loafing and motivation gains in work, academic, and sports teams. New York: Academic Press. Kravitz, D. A., & Martin, B. (1986). Ringelmann rediscovered: The original article. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 50, 936 941. Latane´, B., Williams, K., & Harkins, S. (1979). Many hands make light the work: The causes and consequences of social loafing. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 37, 822 832. Steven J. Karau & Kipling D. Williams

Social Networks: (Cross refs.: Cohesion, Group dynamics, Quantitative research, Social support) n. Interactions and relationships between people, organizations, or any other social entities. Social networks are considered as tightly bounded groups, defined by the individuals within the group, and the connections or ties (presence of a relationship) among them. The concepts of graph theory are used to describe the patterns of the connections among individuals, from the social network as a whole (sociocentric) to focusing on specific individuals (egocentric). These ties can be strong bonds or weak links that are influenced by the individuals and the group task. The ties can also be formal, characterized by the structure and designated roles on group tasks or informal ties are formed through the desire for friendships and influenced through similarity or homophily. The study of social networks originates from the work of Austrian-American psychiatrist and psychosociologist Jacob Moreno (1889 1974). Moreno’s interest in understanding the relationships among friends and their influence on individual psychological

Social Physique Anxiety behaviors led to the development of sociometry and the invention of sociograms. Moreno used sociograms to map and identify social leaders, isolates, and reciprocal ties within friendships (Further reading see Borgatti, Mehra, Brass, & Labianca, 2009). Social network analysis (SNA) is a methodological approach that identifies and examines social relationships, and how well connected individuals and structures are within a network. as connectivity is considered an indicator of cohesion. This approach has been successfully applied within domains such as business, health, military, and terrorism. More recently, SNA has been used to explore sports team dynamics, specifically examining changes to cohesion over time and the influence of informal and formal ties on task performance. This is achieved through exploring the patterns of relational interdependency among the players within the team social system. An important concept of SNA is that it is relational, and not limited to an individual or group level. Also, both the social structure of a team (e.g., communication flow, reciprocity, and cliques) and individual player attributes (e.g., density, homophily, and centrality) can be studied simultaneously. As traditional statistical approaches consider individuals as independent, SNA considers individuals as interdependent and also permits individual teams to be considered as populations. With the advancement of SNA software, the measurement and visual inspection of longitudinal social structures and existing relationships is becoming more accessible. Reference Borgatti, S. P., Mehra, A., Brass, D. J., & Labianca, G. (2009). Network analysis in social science. Science, 323(5916), 892 895. Audrey Fleming

Social Physique Anxiety: (Cross refs.: Affect, Anxiety in sport, Anorexia athletica, Body image, Competitive anxiety, Mental health) n. a subtype of social anxiety that is experienced as an acute or chronic response to either the potential or the perceived unfavorable evaluation of one’s body by others (Hart, Leary, & Rejeski, 1989). Physique specifically refers to factors encompassing one’s body proportion, structure, and composition (i.e., fat, muscle, and tone). This subtype of anxiety has origins in both selfpresentation and body image affect literature. Individuals with high levels of social physique anxiety may attempt to exert control over their physique through diet, over-exercise or drastic body transformation practices. Differences in social physique anxiety were not found for adolescents who participate in sport when contrasted with those who did not, although individual sport participants may be particularly susceptible

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to consequences linked to social physique anxiety (Lanfranchi, Maı¨ano, Morin, & Therme, 2015). References Hart, E. A., Leary, M. R., & Rejeski, W. J. (1989). The measurement of social physique anxiety. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 11, 94 104. Lanfranchi, M., Maı¨ano, C., Morin, A., & Therme, P. (2015). Social physique anxiety and disturbed eating attitudes and behaviors in adolescents: Moderating effects of sport, sportrelated characteristics, and gender. International Journal of Behavioral Medicine, 22, 149 160. Lisa Petty & Diane E. Mack

Social Support: (Cross refs.: Eudaimonic Wellbeing, Mentoring, Perceived Available Support in Sport Questionnaire (PASS-Q), Social facilitation, Social loafing, Social networks, Sport commitment theory/ model) n. Social Support can be described as “aid and assistance exchanged through social relationships and interpersonal transactions” (Heaney & Israel, 2008, p. 191). These social relationships and interpersonal interactions have structural and functional aspects. Structural aspects relate strictly to characteristics of the social network (i.e., quantity and type of relationships and interactions) without making reference to the literal provision of support. In this respect, social support is the functional content of relationships and interactions within one’s social network. Social support can be categorized into four types (Heaney & Israel, 2008): (1) informational support (e.g., giving advice), (2) instrumental support (e.g., providing concrete assistance), (3) appraisal support (e.g., facilitating self-evaluation), and (4) emotional support (e.g., expressing trust). For each of the types, there can be a difference concerning the social support an individual actually receives and the tangible individual perception of that support. In sports, typical sources of social support are coaches and instructors, peers (such as teammates), and family members (Sheridan, Coffee, & Lavallee, 2014). Social support has various effects. In the sport context, social support most notably influences well-being and behavior (including the underlying motivational aspects). With regard to well-being, there is a consistent positive effect of social support (Wang, 1998). For this reason, social support is particularly important during and after critical life events (e.g., during recovery from injury; Yang, Peek-Asa, Lowe, Heiden, & Foster, 2010). In order to explain the positive effect of social support on well-being, two theoretical mechanisms are being discussed: the first, the so-called direct effect hypothesis, assumes that social support is beneficial for well-being regardless of the stressors with which an individual has to cope. In contrast, the second, the buffer effect hypothesis, assumes that social support

Sonification has an indirect effect on well-being: As a social resource, social support is said to buffer the negative effects of stressors on well-being. With regard to behavior, there is no consistent effect of social support (Sheridan et al., 2014). Social support shapes motivation in different ways (e.g., encouraging an athlete to practice or encouraging an athlete to engage in leisure time activities) and, thus, can have different effects on behavior (e.g., adherence or drop-out from performance sports). References Heaney, C. A., & Israel, B. A. (2008). Social networks and social support. In K. Glanz, B. K. Rimer, & K. Viswanath (Eds.), Health behavior and health education. Theory, research, and practice (4th ed., pp. 189 210). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass. Sheridan, D., Coffee, P., & Lavallee, D. (2014). A systematic review of social support in youth sport. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 7(1), 198 228. Available from https://doi.org/10.1080/1750984X.2014.931999. Wang, H. H. (1998). A meta-analysis of the relationship between social support and well-being. Kaohsiung Journal of Medical Sciences, 14(11), 717 726. Yang, J., Peek-Asa, C., Lowe, J. B., Heiden, E., & Foster, D. T. (2010). Social support patterns of collegiate athletes before and after injury. Journal of Athletic Training, 45(4), 372 379. Available from https://doi.org/10.4085/10626050-45.4.372. Fabian Pels & Chloé Chermette

Sonification:

(Cross refs.: Cognitive processes, Knowledge, Visualization) n. Sonification in psychology generally refers to the use of nonspeech electronic sound to convey auditory information about processes represented within a set of data. In contrast to visual information mediated by the visualization of data, the perceptual characteristics of the hearing system are addressed by sonification, resulting in a high sensitivity for time varying processes. While visual perception is particularly sensitive to spatial features, auditory perception is particularly aligned to temporally coded information. Simple early examples of sonifications are auditory displays like Geiger counters or rate-of-climb indicators. Meanwhile, usually digital data representing the related process and a sonification software is used to map the data stream(s) to certain features of electronic sound(s). Above a direct online data mapping, different levels of sonification can be obtained by using intermediate analysis/synthesis algorithms (see Hermann, Hunt & Neuhoff, 2011). Besides the mapping of the data onto appropriate sound features also the knowledge about psychoacoustic streaming, grouping, and masking characteristics of auditory perception is a challenging issue for creating efficient sonifications (see Kramer et al., 2010). Although auditory perception generates information largely without demand of conscious attention and in

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close interaction with other perceptual modalities, additional mechanisms of multisensory integration and intermodal segregation have to be considered to get a valid estimation of the emerging amount of information. Sonifications had been applied in many different fields, as in medicine, geology, or even in data mining (Hermann & Ritter, 1999). Real-time movement sonification dedicated to the regulation of motor behavior is a currently fast-growing field of application: Graphomotor learning of new characters has been supported as well as motor learning of novices in rowing—even beyond rhythmic adjustments (Effenberg, Fehse, Schmitz, Krueger, & Mechling, 2016). Especially real-time kinematic movement sonification can be used to initiate an additional perceptual stream enhancing the activation of the action-observation system as well as of key-players of the striato-thalamo-frontal motor loop to enhance perceptuo-motor processes (Schmitz et al., 2013). References Effenberg, A. O., Fehse, U., Schmitz, G., Krueger, B., & Mechling, H. (2016). Movement sonification: Effects on motor learning beyond rhythmic adjustments. Frontiers in Neuroscience, 10. Available from https://doi.org/10.3389/ fnins.2016.00219. Hermann, T., Hunt, A., & Neuhoff, J. G. (2011). The sonification handbook. Berlin: Logos Verlag. Hermann, T., & Ritter, H. (1999). Listen to your data: Modelbased sonification for data analysis. In G. E. Lasker, & M. R. Syed (Eds.), Advances in intelligent computing and multimedia systems (pp. 189 194). Windsor, ON: Int. Inst. for Advanced Studies in System Research and Cybernetics. Kramer, G., Walker, B., Bonebright, T., Cook, P., Flowers, J. H., Miner, N., & Neuhoff, J. (2010). Sonification report: Status of the field and research agenda. Schmitz, G., Mohammadi, B., Hammer, A., Heldmann, M., Samii, A., Mu¨nte, T. F., & Effenberg, A. O. (2013). Observation of sonified movements engages a basal ganglia frontocortical network. BMC Neuroscience, 14(32). Available from https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-2202-14-32. Alfred O. Effenberg

Spectators: (see: Social facilitation, Sport spectators) Sport: (see: Sport commitment, Sport enjoyment, Sport fan, Sport for development, Sport participation, Sport psychology, Sport spectator)

Sport and Robotics: (Cross refs.: Cognitive interaction technology, Perception, Skill acquisition) In recent years, the expanding field of cognitive robotics has offered new opportunities to study the construction and functionality of human (person-related) factors like cognitive representations, motion intelligence, attention, and communication with technical platforms. The long-term goal of cognitive robotics research is to develop robots with unprecedented sensorimotor, emotional, and cognitive intelligence to assist human activities in education, rehabilitation, research, and in the industrial production process. Interestingly,

Sport Commitment Theory/Model current robot technology has matured to the point of being able to approximate a reasonable spectrum of specialized perceptual, cognitive, and motor capabilities, allowing researchers to explore the bigger picture, i.e., the architecture for the integration of these functions into robot action control. This provides the opportunity to fit existing human models of perception, representation, motor control, and decision making together with architectures generated for robot actions. Cognitive interaction technology research labs have produced impressive humanoid robots, bimanual robot arms, and brain-machine-interfaces, among others, to study the organization and functioning of human action and human-machine interaction in more detail. Based on such platforms, researchers are not only addressing the attention of a human user as the guiding factor of human-machine interaction, but, furthermore, they wish to create a shared action and a shared attention between humans and robots. This research aims systematically to investigate the principles needed to build artificial cognitive systems based on the human archetype that can interact with a human in an intuitive way, including the acquisition of new skills by learning. Many robots have been developed for performing sport-related skills, like soccer playing (e.g., Honda), golf putting (e.g., Golf Laboratories), running or jumping (e.g., Boston Dynamics) with impressive results. The main interest of many researchers is not only to produce human-like robot skills, but furthermore to learn about motion intelligence in general and the architecture of human motion by creating complex technical systems (robots) that are able not only to produce single, but, furthermore, different, integrated, and complex motor skills (Schack & Ritter, 2009, 2013). References Schack, T., & Ritter, H. (2009). The cognitive nature of action Functional links between cognitive psychology, movement science and robotics. In M. Raab, J. Johnson, & H. Heekeren (Eds.), Progress in brain research: Mind and motion - The bidirectional link between thought and action (pp. 231 252). Amsterdam: Elsevier. Schack, T., & Ritter, H. (2013). Representation and learning in motor action Bridges between experimental research and cognitive robotics. New ideas in psychology, 31(3), 258 269. Thomas Schack

Sport Anxiety: (see: Anxiety in sport) Sport Commitment Theory/Model: (Cross refs.: Dropout, Grit, Social support) The Sport Commitment Model (SCM) represents a cognitive-affective theory of motivation that captures the psychological state underlying behavioral persistence in sport. The model has been developed using mixed-methods research involving the combination of quantitative and qualitative methods over a series of studies (Scanlan, Chow, Sousa, Scanlan, & Knifsend, 2016; Scanlan, Russell, Beals, & Scanlan, 2003;

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Scanlan, Russell, Magyar, & Scanlan, 2009; Scanlan, Russell, Scanlan, Klunchoo, & Chow, 2013). There are two types of commitment. Enthusiastic commitment represents the desire and resolve to persist in a sport over time, whereas constrained commitment reflects perceptions of obligation to persist in a sport over time. In other words, individuals can persist in an activity because they ‘want to’ and because they ‘have to.’ The two types of commitment are related yet distinct, demonstrating a negative and moderate correlation. Sources of commitment include sport enjoyment, valuable opportunities, personal investments, social constraints, social support, and desire to excel. The SCM predicts that all sources strengthen enthusiastic commitment with the exception of other priorities, which lessens it. Social constraints, other priorities, and personal investments sources are proposed to be positively related to constrained commitment, whereas the sport enjoyment source is proposed to be negatively related. In a recent study using a multiphase design with two large heterogeneous samples of adolescent athletes from a variety of sports, the sources explained 81.8% of the variance in enthusiastic commitment and 63.9% in constrained commitment (Scanlan et al., 2016). Sport enjoyment, valuable opportunities, and desire to excel-mastery achievement sources were positively related to Enthusiastic Commitment, whereas Other Priorities was negatively related. Other priorities, personal investments loss, and social constraints sources were positively related to constrained commitment, whereas sport enjoyment and valuable opportunities sources were negatively related. The two types of sport commitment and the sources can be measured using the Sport Commitment Questionnaire-2. References Scanlan, T. K., Chow, G. M., Sousa, C., Scanlan, L. A., & Knifsend, C. A. (2016). The development of the Sport Commitment Questionnaire-2 (English Version). Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 22, 233 246. Scanlan, T. K., Russell, D. G., Beals, K. P., & Scanlan, L. A. (2003). Project on Elite Athlete Commitment (PEAK): II. A direct test and expansion of the Sport Commitment Model with elite amateur sportsmen. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 25, 377 401. Scanlan, T. K., Russell, D. G., Magyar, T. M., & Scanlan, L. A. (2009). Project on Elite Athlete Commitment (PEAK): III. An examination of the external validity across gender, and the expansion and clarification of the Sport Commitment Model. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 31, 685 705. Scanlan, T. K., Russell, D. G., Scanlan, L. A., Klunchoo, T., & Chow, G. M. (2013). Project on Elite Athlete Commitment (PEAK): IV. Identification of new candidate commitment sources for the Sport Commitment Model. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 35, 525 535. Tara Scanlan & Graig Chow

Sport Enjoyment

Sport Enjoyment: (Cross refs.: Dropout, Emotion, Intrinsic Motivation, Sport commitment theory, Sport participation) Sport Enjoyment, or ‘fun’ in the world of children, is defined as “the positive affective response to a sport experience that reflects generalized feelings of joy” (Scanlan, Chow, Sousa, Scanlan, & Knifsend, 2016, p. 235). The new sport enjoyment subscale presented in the prior citation incorporates feelings of fun, happiness, pleasure, liking, and loving the experience. The motivational consequences and sources of sport enjoyment have been studied using both quantitative and qualitative research methods across age groups, diverse sport types and ethnic groups, both genders, and competitive levels ranging from youth sport to elite amateur and professional athletics, with all samples yielding similar results (Scanlan, Babkes, & Scanlan, 2005; Scanlan, Russell, Magyar, & Scanlan, 2009; Scanlan, Stein, & Ravizza, 1989). The motivational consequences of sport enjoyment are profound (Scanlan et al., 2005; Scanlan et al., 2016). Findings show that the higher their enjoyment, the more athletes chose to participate and continue their sport involvement, and the greater their perceptions of effort expenditure. Sport Commitment Theory includes sport enjoyment as a critical component. Sport commitment is the psychological state underlying persistent behavior in sport and includes two types: enthusiastic (“the athlete wants to persist”) and constrained (“he athlete is obligated to persist”). Findings show that sport enjoyment is one of the strongest and most consistent sources of commitment across samples, with greater sport enjoyment resulting in higher enthusiastic commitment and lower constrained commitment. Due to the importance of this emotion, a comprehensive understanding of the sources of sport enjoyment for research and applied purposes has been pursued (Scanlan et al., 2005, 1989). From a Sport Commitment Theory perspective, the sources produce the enjoyment that creates higher enthusiastic commitment and lower constrained commitment, and, thereby, greater behavioral persistence. From an applied point of view, knowledge of the enjoyment sources can be used by parents, coaches, and sport psychologists to structure the sport experience to nurture the enjoyment that leads to commitment and subsequent persistence. As detailed in Scanlan et al. (2005, 1989), the sources of sport enjoyment are numerous and diverse representing intrapersonal, situational, and relational causes that are achievement and nonachievement related. Examples include perceived competence, mastery, movement sensations, self-expression, winning and establishing superiority, social recognition, travel, and positive perceptions of adult and team influences.

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References

Sport for Development

Sport Fan: [from lat. fanaticus, mad, enthusiastic,

Scanlan, T. K., Babkes, M. L., & Scanlan, L. A. (2005). Participation in sport: A developmental glimpse at emotion. In J. L. Mahoney, R. W. Larson, & J. S. Eccles (Eds.), Organized activities as contexts of development: Extracurricular activities, after-school and community programs (pp. 275 309). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Scanlan, T. K., Chow, G. M., Sousa, C., Scanlan, L. A., & Knifsend, C. A. (2016). The development of the Sport Commitment Questionnaire-2 (English Version). Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 22, 233 246. Scanlan, T. K., Russell, D. G., Magyar, T. M., & Scanlan, L. A. (2009). Project on Elite Athlete Commitment (PEAK): III. An examination of the external validity across gender, and the expansion and clarification of the Sport Commitment Model. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 31, 685 705. Scanlan, T. K., Stein, G. L., & Ravizza, K. (1989). An in-depth study of former elite figure skaters: II. Sources of enjoyment. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 11, 65 83. Tara K. Scanlan & Graig M. Chow

Sport, Exercise and Performance Psychology—Journal: (Cross ref.: American Psychological Association Division 47) Sport, Exercise and Performance Psychology is the official journal of the Society for Sport, Exercise and Performance Psychology (Division 47) of the American Psychological Association (APA). The journal is published quarterly, is in its 7th year of publication (impact factor in 2017: 1.930). It is ranked (2017) as 31 out of 80 journals in the Applied Psychology category. The journal publishes studies with diverse research methodologies and designs (e.g., experimental, crosssectional, qualitative studies). In addition, historical papers, critical reviews, case studies, brief reports, and position statements are considered for publication. The journal is divided into three sections: (1) sport psychology, which addresses the interactions between psychology and sport performance, including the psychological aspects of optimal sport performance, the psychological care and well-being of athletes, coaches, and sport organizations, and the link between physical and psychological functioning; (2) exercise psychology, which includes research on the behavioral, social cognitive, and psychobiological antecedents and consequences of physical activity with a focus on the adoption and maintenance of physical activity and its effects on psychological wellbeing; and (3) performance psychology, which focuses on the psychology of human performance, in particular, professions that demand excellence in psychomotor performance (i.e., performing arts, surgery, firefighting, law enforcement, military operations, etc.). Maria Kavussanu

inspired by a god] (Cross refs.: Excitation Transfer Theory (ETT), Identification, Self-concept, Selfidentity, Sport, Sport spectator, Team identification) n. An individual who has an abiding interest in and follows a sport, team, and/or athlete (Wann & James, 2017). Following a sport, team, or athlete may involve attending sporting events; watching events on television; reading about a sport, team or athlete via the Internet; watching or listening to sport news; or other types of sport consumption. Simply following a sport, team or, athlete is not sufficient, though, to characterize an individual as a sport fan. Having an abiding interest is necessary. An individual with an abiding interest in a sport, team, or athlete is more than just an individual witnessing a sporting event or watching some type of performance (see sport spectator). A sport fan has a distinct psychological connection to a sport, team, and/ or athlete (Funk & James, 2001). This connection includes attaching intrinsic importance to the target object, to the extent that one’s self-concept is linked to following the sport, team, or athlete. .Sport fandom. is often used to describe one’s state or mental condition of being a fan of sport-related object (e.g., team or athlete) and this phrase is useful in describing the strength of one’s abiding interest in a sport, team, or athlete. The phrase conveys the idea that an individual’s connection with a sport, team, or athlete is strong enough to influence cognitive, emotive, and behavioral processes (Funk & James, 2001). In other words, being a sport fan influences what (and how) a person thinks, what a person feels, and how a person behaves. References Funk, D. C., & James, J. D. (2001). The Psychological Continuum Model: A conceptual framework for understanding an individual’s psychological connection to sport. Sport Management Review, 4, 119 150. Wann, D. L., & James, J. D. (2017). Sport fans: The psychology and social impact of spectators (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge Press. Daniel L. Wann & Jeffrey D. James

Sport for Development: (Cross refs.: Life Skills, Mental health, Positive Youth Development through Sport) n. A process by which individuals gain assets, skills, and/or attitudes through their sport participation experiences that allow one to operate more functionally in sport as well as more efficaciously in life domains (e.g., academic, career, interpersonal relationships). These developmental outcomes can be physical, cognitive, psychological, and social in nature. However, sport

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psychology has primarily been interested in psychosocial outcomes, ranging from initiative taking, emotional control, cooperation, and optimism, to social responsibility, peaceful conflict resolution, and an enhanced sense of purpose. Additionally, this development can be external in nature, with outcomes including diverse peer relationships, positive adult role models, and valuing by one’s community. Sport provides fruitful opportunity for this development because it engages participants in ways that other activities cannot. Referencing this process in adolescent athletes, researchers have postulated that due to its selfselected nature, sport cultivates higher states of motivation and a greater willingness to engage in and remain resilient during the challenging processes involved in personal development (e.g., Fredricks & Eccles, 2005). Furthermore, sport often embodies other facilitative elements, such as the provision of a consistent schedule, embedded opportunities to practice life skills, positive adult leadership, demands requiring sustained attention, and opportunities for personally meaningful and challenging participation in a highly valued activity. However, it has been argued that sport participation alone does not lead to positive development. Instead, the degree to which this development will occur depends on factors related to: (1) the athlete’s current assets, skills, and attitudes; (2) a coach’s characteristics; (3) the developmental strategies employed; and (4) the sport and team culture (Gould & Carson, 2008). Related to the coach, positive development has been attributed to characteristics such as a clearly articulated philosophy that prioritizes personal development and the ability to cultivate caring relationships with one’s athletes (Carson Sackett & Gano-Overway, 2017). Development can be promoted through direct discussions, utilizing teachable moments, modeling, reinforcing relevant rules, and providing explicit opportunities for life skills practice. Finally, team culture factors believed to promote development include a mastery motivational climate, one that meets athletes’ basic needs, and one that promotes fun and enjoyment. An ongoing debate in the sport for development area surrounds the issue of how much direct intervention is needed to help transfer the skills learned in sport to the other life domains. While many have argued that life skills are not fully actualized until they are functional outside of sport and this transfer requires a comprehensive approach (e.g., Bean & Forneris, 2016), Turnnidge, Coˆte´, and Hancock (2014) have argued that life skill transfer may occur either explicitly or implicitly (i.e., as a natural by-product of the skill’s initial development). References Bean, C. N., & Forneris, T. (2016). Examining the importance of intentionally structuring the youth sport context to

Sport Imagery Questionnaire facilitate psychosocial development. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 28, 410 425. Fredricks, J. A., & Eccles, J. S. (2005). Developmental benefits of extracurricular involvement: Do peer characteristics mediate the link between activities and youth outcomes? Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 34, 507 520. Carson Sackett, S., & Gano-Overway, L. A. (2017). Coaching life skills development: Best practices and high school tennis coach exemplar. International Sport Coaching Journal, 4, 206 219. Gould, D., & Carson, S. (2008). Life skills development through sport: Current status and future directions. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 1, 58 78. Turnnidge, J., Coˆte´, J., & Hancock, D. J. (2014). Positive youth development from sport to life: Explicit or implicit transfer? Quest, 66, 203 217. Sarah C. Sackett

Sport Imagery Questionnaire (SIQ) and Sport Imagery Questionnaire for Children (SIQ-C): (Cross refs.: Imagery, Measurement, Mental training, Motor imagery, PETTLEP, Psychoregulation, Questionnaire, reliability, Validity, Visualization) In the sport domain, the measurement of an individual’s imagery frequency has often been examined using self-report questionnaires. The Sport Imagery Questionnaire (SIQ; Hall, Mack, Paivio, & Hausenblas, 1998) is the most widely used measure of imagery frequency in sport. Using Paivio’s (1985) analytic framework for imagery in human performance as a conceptual basis, the SIQ was developed to assess the use of cognitive and motivational imagery among adult athletes. This 30-item questionnaire measures the five types of imagery: Cognitive Specific (CS; 7 items), Cognitive General (CG; 6 items), Motivational Specific (MS; 5 items), Motivational General-Mastery (MG-M; 6 items), and Motivational General-Arousal (MG-A; 6 items). All items are scored on a 7-point Likert scale from 1 ‘not at all’ to 7 ‘very often.’ Support for the reliability (alpha) and validity (factorial, content, and criterion) of the SIQ scores has been established (Hall et al., 1998; Hall, Stevens, & Paivio, 2005). Moreover, studies have supported the SIQ’s construct evidence in which significant relationships were found between the SIQ subscales and various outcomes (e.g., performance, confidence, and anxiety; Callow, Hardy, & Hall, 2001; Hall et al., 1998). There is ample evidence to support young athletes’ use of imagery (e.g., Munroe-Chandler, Hall, Fishburne, & Strachan, 2007). Thus, the Sport Imagery Questionnaire for Children (SIQ-C; Hall, MunroeChandler, Fishburne, & Hall, 2009) was developed to assess the frequency of imagery use among young (7 14 years) athletes. The SIQ-C includes 21 items measuring the same five types of imagery identified in

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the adult version (CS [5 items], CG [3 items], MS [4 items], MG-M [5 items], and MG-A [4 items]). Responses are scored on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 ‘not at all’ to 5 ‘very often.’ Adequate internal, factorial, convergent, and discriminant evidence has been reported for the SIQ-C (Hall et al., 2009). Using the SIQ-C, positive relationships have been documented between young athletes’ imagery use and selfconfidence (Munroe-Chandler, Hall, & Fishburne, 2008), self-efficacy (O Jenny, Munroe-Chandler, Hall, & Hall, 2014; Munroe-Chandler et al., 2008), and sport performance (Munroe-Chandler, Hall, Fishburne, Murphy, & Hall, 2012). References Callow, N., Hardy, L., & Hall, C. (2001). The effects of a motivational general-mastery imagery intervention on the sport confidence of high-level badminton players. Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 72, 389 400. Hall, C., Mack, D., Paivio, A., & Hausenblas, H. (1998). Imagery use by athletes: Development of the Sport Imagery Questionnaire. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 29, 73 89. Hall, C. R., Munroe-Chandler, K. J., Fishburne, G. J., & Hall, N. D. (2009). The Sport Imagery Questionnaire for Children (SIQ-C). Measurement in Physical Education and Exercise Science, 13, 93 107. Hall, C., Stevens, D., & Paivio, A. (2005). The Sport Imagery Questionnaire: Test manual. Morgantown, WV: Fitness Information Technology. Jenny, O., Munroe-Chandler, K. J., Hall, C. R., & Hall, N. D. (2014). Using imagery to improve the self-efficacy of youth squash players. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 26, 66 81. Munroe-Chandler, K. J., Hall, C. R., & Fishburne, G. J. (2008). Playing with confidence: The relationship between imagery use and self-confidence and selfefficacy in youth soccer players. Journal of Sports Science, 26, 1539 1546. Munroe-Chandler, K. J., Hall, C. R., Fishburne, G. J., Murphy, L., & Hall, N. D. (2012). Effects of a cognitive specific imagery intervention on the soccer skill performance of young athletes: Age group comparisons. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 13, 324 331. Munroe-Chandler, K. J., Hall, C., Fishburne, G., & Strachan, L. (2007). Where, when and why athletes use imagery: An examination of developmental differences. Research Quarterly for Sport and Exercise, 78, 103 116. Paivio, A. (1985). Cognitive and motivational functions of imagery in human performance. Canadian Journal of Applied Sports Sciences, 10, 22S 28S. Krista J. Munroe-Chandler

Sport Injury Anxiety: (see: Injury anxiety) Sportmanship Coaching Behavior Scale (SCBS): (Cross refs.: Coach—athlete relationship, Prosocial behavior, Quantitative research) n. A quantitative instrument that measures perceptions of whether coaches engage in behaviors that

Sportmanship Coaching Behavior Scale promote sportsmanship. The instructions include definitions of good and poor sportsmanship and ask participants to rate the frequency of each item on a 5-point scale from never to very often. Sample items include, “My coach praises athletes who act in a sportsmanlike way,” “My coach is an example of a good sport,” and “My coach punishes athletes who show poor sportsmanship.” Using a large sample of high school athletes, Bolter and Weiss (2013) established factorial validity for six subscales: five scales measuring behaviors that promote good sportsmanship—set expectations for good sportsmanship, teach good sportsmanship, reinforce good sportsmanship, punish poor sportsmanship, model good sportsmanship—and one scale measuring behaviors that promote poor sportsmanship (i.e., prioritize winning over good sportsmanship). Criterion validity was also established for the SCBS in showing that subscales on the SCBS correlated with adolescent athletes’ self-reported moral behavior. For example, athletes who perceived their coaches more often reinforced good sportsmanship also reported they engaged in more prosocial behaviors toward their teammates and opponents. Harris, Blom, and Visek (2013) noted the scarcity of sound assessments available in youth sport, and highlighted the SCBS as a developmentally appropriate measure to be used with younger (ages 13 15) and older (ages 16 1 ) adolescents. Bolter and Weiss (2013) confirmed factorial invariance by gender for the SCBS and identified unique patterns of relationships for boys and girls between perceived sportsmanship coaching behaviors and self-reported moral behavior. Boardley (2017) suggested the SCBS makes a unique contribution because the items focus on the ways coaches promote good moral character as well as ways they deter poor social behavior among their athletes. Thus, the SCBS can be used by researchers interested in assessing multiple aspects of sportsmanship coaching behaviors among samples of adolescent athletes of both genders. References Boardley, I. D. (2017). Coaching efficacy research: Learning from the past and looking to the future. International Review of Sport and Exercise Psychology. Advanced online publication: https://doi.org/10.1080/1750984X.2017.1290816. Bolter, N. D., & Weiss, M. R. (2013). Coaching behaviors and adolescent athletes’ sportspersonship outcomes: Further validation of the Sportsmanship Coaching Behaviors Scale (SCBS). Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology, 2, 32 47. Harris, B. S., Blom, L. C., & Visek, A. J. (2013). Assessment in youth sport: Practical issues and best practice guidelines. The Sport Psychologist, 27, 201 211. Nicole D. Bolter

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Sport Participation

Sport Motivation Scale (SMS): (Cross refs.:

Sport Participation: (Cross refs.: eSports, Dropout,

Intrinsic motivation, Measurement, Motivation, Questionnaire, Self-determination theory) n. The Sport Motivation Scale (SMS) was developed to measure different qualities of motivation described within self-determination theory in sport contexts. Extensive validation work has been undertaken, leading to several iterations of the questionnaire. The original scale consisted of 28 items that measured amotivation, external regulation, introjected regulation, identified regulation, intrinsic motivation to know, intrinsic motivation to accomplish, and intrinsic motivation to experience stimulation (Pelletier et al., 1995). This original scale received some criticism and a different research group developed a revised version of the questionnaire (SMS-6; Mallett, Kawabata, Newcombe, Otero-Ferero, & Jackson, 2007). This scale consisted of 24 items, operationalized intrinsic motivation as unidimensional, and included a measure of integrated regulation, the most autonomous form of extrinsic motivation. In an intensifying debate, some of the original authors questioned the merits of the new scale and the need to revise the original (Pelletier, Vallerand, & Sarrazin, 2007), to which a further rebuttal was made (Mallett, Kawabata, & Newcombe, 2007). A number of years later and based on further criticisms of the scale, a second version of the SMS was developed (SMS-II; Pelletier, Rocchi, Vallerand, Deci, & Ryan, 2013). This scale was validated in two samples and consisted of 18 items, with three items each representing the six motivational regulations. Once again this version has been the subject of scrutiny and validation efforts; in particular, comparisons with the Behavioral Regulation in Sport Questionnaire have been made. Researchers have been recommended to evaluate each questionnaire in terms of its suitability to the specific research question. References

Injuries, Parenting in sport, Positive youth development through sport, Relative age effect, Sport enjoyment, Youth sport specialization) Sport can be described as a structured activity often involving rules, the use of strategy, and some form of competition. When individuals engage in this type of structured activity, it is referred to as sport participation. Interestingly, considerable research has been dedicated to the assessment of sport participation rates across the lifespan, with overwhelming support for the positive physical and psychosocial outcomes associated with regular involvement. However, despite the many benefits attributed to sport participation (Eime, Young, Harvey, Charity, & Payne, 2013a; Eime, Young, Harvey, Charity, & Payne, 2013b), rates of involvement decline steadily with age, and numerous negative outcomes have also been identified (e.g., injuries, negative affect; Lim et al., 2011). Consequently, identifying and understanding individual motives for involvement and the factors that contribute to dropout for athletes across the age spectrum are important considerations. In addition to exploring the determinants of sport involvement and/or dropout, a central focus in the field of sport psychology is to understand the developmental benefits associated with participation. In line with this objective, the Developmental Model of Sport Participation (DMSP; Coˆte´, 1999) was conceptualized to describe the pathways, processes, and outcomes associated with sport development throughout childhood and adolescence. The DMSP has undergone extensive theoretical and empirical evaluation, and the main research questions have revolved around the influence of sampling (early diversification/engagement in multiple sports) and deliberate play on youth’s participation, performance, and personal development. The DMSP also proposes key transitions that indicate developmentally appropriate time periods to specialize and invest greater amounts of time in a specific sport. Finally, participation in sport is influenced by many factors beyond the individual, so it is important to recognize the salient role of coaches, peers, and parents in relation to the sport experiences—both adaptive and maladaptive—for participating youth. Considering the general sentiment surrounding the developmental benefits derived from youth sport, research efforts have predominantly targeted child and adolescent populations. This can largely be attributed to the emphasis on ensuring lifelong enriched sport experiences; however, with an ever-increasing older adult population, promoting quality and sustained participation later in life is an emerging area of research. In fact, older adult sport participants or master’s level athletes have been hypothesized to be role models of successful aging (Baker, Fraser-Thomas, Dionigi, &

Mallett, C. J., Kawabata, M., & Newcombe, P. (2007). Progressing measurement in sport motivation with the SMS6: A response to Pelletier, Vallerand, and Sarrazin. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 8, 622 631. Mallett, C. J., Kawabata, M., Newcombe, P., Otero-Ferero, A., & Jackson, S. A. (2007). Sports Motivation Scale-6 (SMS6): A revised six-factor sport motivation scale. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 8, 600 614. Pelletier, L. G., Fortier, M. S., Vallerand, R. J., Tuson, K. M., Brie`re, N. M., & Blais, M. R. (1995). Toward a new measure of intrinsic motivation, extrinsic motivation, and amotivation in sports: The Sport Motivation Scale (SMS). Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 17, 35 53. Pelletier, L. G., Rocchi, M. A., Vallerand, R. J., Deci, E. L., & Ryan, R. M. (2013). Validation of the revised sport motivation scale (SMS-II). Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 14, 329 341. Pelletier, L. G., Vallerand, R. J., & Sarrazin, P. (2007). Something old, something new, and something borrowed. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 8, 615 621. Ian M. Taylor

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Horton, 2009). Clearly, across the lifespan, individuals participate in sport, yet despite the associated benefits, novel and sustainable methods of maintaining participation rates are key to becoming a healthy and active population. References Baker, J., Fraser-Thomas, J., Dionigi, R. A., & Horton, S. (2009). Sport participation and positive development in older persons. European Review of Aging and Physical Activity, 7 (1), 3 12. Coˆte´, J. (1999). The influence of the family in the development of talent in sport. The Sport Psychologist, 13, 395 417. Eime, R. M., Young, J. A., Harvey, J. T., Charity, M. J., & Payne, W. R. (2013a). A systematic review of the psychological and social benefits of participation in sport for children and adolescents: Informing development of a conceptual model of health through sport. International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 10(1), 98. Eime, R. M., Young, J. A., Harvey, J. T., Charity, M. J., & Payne, W. R. (2013b). A systematic review of the psychological and social benefits of participation in sport for adults: Informing development of a conceptual model of health through sport. International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 10(1), 135. Lim, S. Y., Warner, S., Dixon, M., Berg, B., Kim, C., & Newhouse-Bailey, M. (2011). Sport participation across national contexts: A multilevel investigation of individual and systemic influences on adult sport participation. European Sport Management Quarterly, 11(3), 197 224. Mark W. Bruner & Luc J. Martin

Sport Performance Phobia: (see: Lost move syndrome)

Sport

Psychology: (see: Cognitive Sport Psychology, Cross-cultural Sport Psychology, Cultural Sport Psychology, History of Sport Psychology, International Society of Sport Psychology (ISSP), Sport, Sport and exercise psychology, Sport Psychology professional (SSP)) (Cross ref.: Exercise psychology, German Society of Sport Psychologie (asp e.V.), North American Society for the Psychology of Sport and Physical Activity (NASPSPA), Psychology of Sport and Exercise (PSE))

Sport Psychology Professional (SPP): (Cross refs.: Certification, Credentials, Ethical codes of conduct, Ethics/ Ethical considerations, Rapport, Telepsychology) n. Professional, as an adjective, in the MerriamWebster dictionary (https://www.merriam-webster.com/ dictionary/professional) is defined as “having a particular profession as a permanent career characterized by or conforming to the technical or ethical standards of a profession.” A sport psychology professional (SPP) is a person with requisite knowledge, skills, abilities, and attitudes who engages in professional activities with the

Sport Related Concussions (SRC) field of sport, exercise, and performance psychology (SEPP). SPPs’ competencies need to be confirmed by an appropriate academic degree and other credentials as related to practicing their profession, typically in the two traditional areas: academia (research, teaching, or both) and professional practice. In the literature, most attention was placed on the SPP as a practicing sport psychologist while using labels such as sport psychology consultant, sport psychology practitioner, or mental coach (see Portenga, Aoyagi, & Cohen, 2017). Poczwardowski and Sherman (2011) identified the following key elements in the sport psychology service delivery as a part of professional practice: (1) professional philosophy, professional ethics, and education, training and professional experience (foundation of service); (2) making contact, assessment, and conceptualizing athletes’ concerns and potential interventions (entry and conceptualization); (3) building on client variables, consultant variables and consultant-client relationship (working alliance); (4) range, types, and organization of service, program implementation, and managing the self as an intervention instrument (implementation); and (5) program and consultant evaluation, conclusions and implications, and leaving the setting (conclusion and termination). References Poczwardowski, A., & Sherman, C. P. (2011). Revisions to the Sport Psychology Service Delivery (SPSD) heuristic: Explorations with experienced consultants. The Sport Psychologist, 25, 511 531. Portenga, S. T., Aoyagi, M. W., & Cohen, A. B. (2017). Helping to build a profession: A working definition of sport and performance psychology. Journal of Sport Psychology in Action, 8, 47 59. Artur Poczwardowski

Sport Related Concussions (SRC): (Cross refs.: Concussion, Injury, Injury anxiety, Mental health, Mood) SRCs were first discussed in the medical literature in the early 1900s, and research has grown in breadth and depth since then. Children and adolescents experience more concussions than adults, and the incidence of SRCs is highest in sports such as rugby, football, hockey, and soccer (Pfister, Pfister, Hagel, Ghali, & Ronksley, 2016). Although the majority of research has centered on the diagnosis, evaluation, and management of SRCs (McCrory et al., 2017), researchers have also investigated psychosocial aspects of injury and recovery (Bloom, Horton, McCrory, & Johnston, 2004; Kontos, Collins, & Russo, 2004). For example, concussed athletes reported significantly more symptoms of depression, confusion, and total mood disturbance when compared to uninjured teammates and undergraduate students. Additionally, social support groups have helped to diminish feelings of

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isolation among concussed athletes (Bloom et al., 2004). Since research on psychosocial aspects of SRCs emerged in the early 2000s, there has been growing interest on the topic and can be evidenced in the form of publications (e.g., Caron, Bloom, Johnston, & Sabiston, 2013) and special issues in peer-reviewed journals in sport psychology (e.g., Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology and Sport, Exercise, and Performance Psychology). Theories have recently been used to study topics such as concussion-reporting behaviors (i.e., theory of planned behavior) and concussion education efforts (i.e., social norms theory). Only one model has been developed specifically to conceptualize psychological aspects of concussions (Wiese-Bjornstal, White, Russell, & Smith, 2015). Specifically, Wiese-Bjornstal et al. (2015) conceptualized the types of psychological, psychiatric, and psychosocial factors that can influence athletes’ responses and recoveries from the injury. The model was adapted from the Integrated Model of Psychological Response to Sport Injury. From a practical standpoint, Kontos et al. (2004) noted that sport psychology specialists could help manage psychological issues associated with return to play following SRC (e.g., fear of injury, confidence, anxiety), and that they could assist with prevention efforts by educating members of the sport environment about the injury and recovery process. Since then, however, the field of sport psychology has yet profoundly to impact the management and prevention of SRCs. Moving forward, it is hoped that sport psychology specialists can play a greater role with SRCs—particularly with respect to prevention, given they routinely conduct educational interventions with individuals and teams on a variety of topics, including psychosocial aspects of injury recovery. References Bloom, G. A., Horton, A. S., McCrory, P., & Johnston, K. M. (2004). Sport psychology and concussion: New impacts to explore. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 38, 519 521. Caron, J. G., Bloom, G. A., Johnston, K. M., & Sabiston, C. M. (2013). Effects of multiple concussions on retired National Hockey League players. Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 35, 168 179. Kontos, A. P., Collins, M., & Russo, S. A. (2004). An introduction to sports concussion for the sport psychology consultant. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 16, 220 235. McCrory, P., Meeuwisse, W., Dvorak, J., Aubry, M., Bailes, J., Broglio, S., . . . Vos, P. E. (2017). Consensus statement on concussion in sport—the 5th international conference on concussion in sport held in Berlin, October 2016. Advance Online Publication. British Journal of Sports Medicine. Pfister, T., Pfister, K., Hagel, B., Ghali, W. A., & Ronksley, P. E. (2016). The incidence of concussion in youth sports: A systematic review and meta-analysis. British Journal of Sports Medicine, 50, 292 297.

Stereotype Wiese-Bjornstal, D. M., White, A. C., Russell, H. C., & Smith, A. M. (2015). Psychology of sport concussions. Kinesiology Review, 4, 169 189. Jeffrey Caron

Sport Resilience: (see: Psychological Resilience) Sport Spectator(s): [Spectator from lat. spectare gaze at or observe] (Cross refs.: Audience, Home advantage, Home-choke hypothesis, Sport fan, Team identification) n. The term ‘spectator’ is used to describe an onlooker or one who is watching an event. With the addition of the qualifier ‘sport,’ the term refers to those individuals who witness a sporting event in person or through some mediated form such as via television, radio, or the Internet (Wann & James, 2017). Witnessing a sporting event in person (i.e., physically attending a live sporting event) may be regarded as direct consumption (as an element of sport consumer behavior). A sporting event may also be witnessed through a mediated product (e.g., via television or through another broadcast format). The latter would be regarded as indirect consumption. This is important for those involved in the study of sport consumer behavior as spectator responses can be tied to the method of spectating. ‘Sport spectator’ has also been used in contrast to sport fan. Sport fans are individuals who have an abiding interest in, and follow a sport, team, and/or athlete. Such individuals also witness sporting events, directly and indirectly. Using sport spectator in contrast to sport fan can be confusing and frustrating for both researchers and practitioners (Trail, Robinson, Dick, & Gillentine, 2003). Distinguishing between an individual that has an abiding interest in a sport, team, and/or athlete, from someone who has no such interest can be important. A sport spectator, however, is not necessarily devoid of such interest. So care should be taken in the use of terms. References Trail, G. T., Robinson, M. J., Dick, R. J., & Gillentine, A. J. (2003). Motives and points of attachment: Fans versus spectator in intercollegiate athletics. Sport Marketing Quarterly, 12, 217 227. Wann, D. L., & James, J. D. (2017). Sport fans: The psychology and social impact of spectators (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge Press. Daniel L. Wann & Jeffrey D. James

Stereotype: (Cross refs.: Cultural safety, Cultural sport psychology, Ethnicity, Gender comparisons, Identity, Prototype theory, Race, Scape-goating and managerial dismissal, Self-fulfilling prophecy, Stereotype threat) n. Stereotypes are positive or negative generalizations about a person, place, or situation (Sue & Sue, 2016).

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This form of information processing provides a mental shortcut for quick information processing and retrieval. There are various forms of stereotypes, including racial and gender stereotypes. Racial stereotypes are generalizations about members of a racial group (Thomas, Good, & Gross, 2015). Gender stereotypes are beliefs about men, women, and gender roles. An example of gender stereotypes is the belief that women do not inherently possess the skills to coach male athletes. This gender stereotype contributes to gender disparities in sport coaching and sport leadership positions. Stereotypes frequently overgeneralize and reflect individual experiences. Further individuals may seek stereotype confirmation, which is confirmation that their bias thought(s) are ‘true’ through self-validating behaviors, thus affirming bias (Thomas et al., 2015). References Sue, D. W., & Sue, D. (2016). Counseling the culturally diverse: Theory and practice (7th ed.). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Thomas, G., Good, J., & Gross, A. (2015). Racial athletic stereotype confirmation in college football recruiting. The Journal of Social Psychology, 155, 238 254. Leeja Carter

Stereotype Threat: (Cross refs.: Choking, under pressure, Ethnicity, Identity, Race, Self-fulfilling prophecy, Stereotype) n. Stereotype threat is a type (or class) of ‘choking under pressure’ where induced pressure leads to decreases in task performance. Researchers who investigate stereotype threat, however, suggest that the perception of a label within a particular group increases anxiety and negatively affects task performance. Steele and Aronson (1995) first introduced stereotype threat explaining it as a situational performance phenomenon where a stigmatized group feels at risk of confirming a negative stereotype about one’s group, resulting in poorer task performance. That is, individual performance matches the self-fulfilled preconceptions and stigmas associated with poorer performance of the group. Schmader and Johns (2003) also suggested that individuals perform poorer on a task when a relevant stereotype or stigmatized social identity is salient in the performance situation because there is added pressure or concern about performing poorly. In their seminal study on stereotype threat, Steele and Aronson found performance differences between African Americans (the stereotyped group) and Caucasian Americans (the nonstereotyped group) when a task was described as an intelligence test compared to when explained as a normal problem-solving task. Apparently, discussing the task in general terms (i.e., problem solving rather than intelligence testing) minimized the obvious African American stereotype of being less intelligent, which helped the African American group improve

Steroid Rage performance in the problem-solving testing. Researchers have found that stereotypes can affect task performance even when not engrained for years, but prompted minutes before task performance by a researcher (e.g., Chalabaev, Sarrazin, Fontayne, Boiche´, & Cle´ment-Guillotin, 2013). Since Steele and Aronson’s (1995) study, a plethora of researchers have investigated (and supported) the stereotype threat effect in various domains and stereotyped groups including (but are not limited to) academia, socioeconomic status, gender, race, sport, and physical activity. Beilock and McConnell (2004) were the first researchers to propose additional investigations on stereotype threat in sport and exercise. As a result, recent sport-based stereotype threat investigations have been completed on race, gender, experience level, complex motor skills, and strength. Based on previous research, Hermann and Vollmeyer (2016) proposed two main characteristics that may exacerbate stereotype threat effects: domain identification and skill difficulty. Domain identification is when a person empathizes with the stereotyped group such as an elite athlete understanding the meaning and identity of being a sportsman. Skill difficulty is when the task tests the individual’s limits of capability. If the individual identifies highly with the stereotyped group and/or the task is difficult for the person to complete, then it becomes more likely that performance decrements within stereotype threat will occur. References Beilock, S. L., & McConnell, A. R. (2004). Stereotype threat and sport: Can athletic performance be threatened? Journal of Sport & Exercise Psychology, 26, 597 609. Chalabaev, A., Sarrazin, P., Fontayne, P., Boiche´, J., & Cle´ment-Guillotin, C. (2013). The influence of sex stereotypes and gender roles on participation and performance in sport and exercise: Review and future directions. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 14, 136 144. Hermann, J. M., & Vollmeyer, R. (2016). “Girls should cook, rather than kick!” Female soccer players under stereotype threat. Psychology of Sport and Exercise, 16, 91 101. Schmader, T., & Johns, M. (2003). Converging evidence that stereotype threat reduces working memory capacity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85, 440 452. Steele, C. M., & Aronson, J. (1995). Stereotype threat and the intellectual test performance of African Americans. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 69, 797 811. Christopher Mesagno

Steroid

Rage: (Cross refs.: Anger, Catharsis, Emotion, Emotion and performance, Hostility, Selfregulation) From the mid 1980s onward, the media reported ‘steroid rage’ as a side effect of anabolic androgenic steroids (AAS). This term is used to define violent or aggressive behavior associated with anabolic steroid use. Generally, this is described as a random outburst

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of anger far beyond what is deemed appropriate to a particular situation, resulting in loud outbursts, hostility, or violent behavior. Although acts of violence and hostility have been in the spotlight of the popular press, the evidence of a link between AAS and overt acts of violence in humans is quite complex and equivocal. Both experimental studies and naturalistic field studies among illicit AAS users have suggested that supraphysiologic doses of AAS can directly cause hypomanic or manic symptoms, sometimes associated with aggression and violence (Pagonis, Angelopoulos, Koukoulis, & Hadjichristodoulou, 2006). However, these psychological effects, in humans, appear to be variable and idiosyncratic, with some individuals exhibiting prominent symptoms and others none. It may be difficult to judge which psychiatric effects are attributable to AAS themselves, as opposed to underlying personality attributes of the user, or psychosocial factors surrounding AAS use (Pope, Kanayama, & Hudson, 2012). On the contrary, data on AAS and aggression in animal models are not ambiguous: chronic exposure of either adult or adolescent male rodents has consistently been shown to promote elevated levels of offensive aggression directed against male and female conspecifics. Although the neurophysiological interface has not been fully assessed in relating molecular changes to behavior in studies of aggression, a substantive body of literature demonstrates that, chronic exposure to AAS alters the expression of molecules known to regulate the expression of aggression in those brain regions that subserve this behavior. References Pagonis, T., Angelopoulos, N., Koukoulis, G., & Hadjichristodoulou, C. (2006). Psychiatric side Effects induced by supraphysiological doses of combinations of anabolic steroids correlate to the severity of abuse. European psychiatry, 21(8), 551 562. Pope, H. G., Jr., Kanayama, G., & Hudson, J. I. (2012). Risk factors for illicit anabolic-androgenic steroid use in male weightlifters: A cross-sectional cohort study. Biological Psychiatry, 71, 254 261. Fabio Lucidi

Story: (Cross refs.: Narrative theory, Paradigm, Qualitative research) The word ‘story’ originates in the Latin storia and historia meaning an account, tale, or chronicle. Since ancient times, humans have created stories, fables, myths, legends, and parables as a way to entertain, enlighten, bring meaning, make sense, guide actions, and to shape moral behavior. It is through the storytelling process, and telling personal stories, that an individual is able to create an identity and have this validated by his/her community. Through stories, cultural values and meanings are passed down, along with rules for acceptable behavior, traditions, and customs.

Strain There has been much debate in psychological and narrative literature regarding characteristics that define what a ‘story’ is. Frank (2010) and McLeod (1997) warned that oversimplifying, narrowing, or fixing a definition may be counterproductive to our understanding the scope and breadth of stories. Rather than focus on ‘what a story is,’ these and many other authors suggest a more important task is to understand what stories do. While the meanings of some stories cross cultures and societies and some understanding is shared, the types of stories people tell and their meanings frequently differ among cultures. Stories are not afforded equal value and within any culture or group some stories are valued and esteemed while other stories are denigrated, dismissed, and silenced. References Frank, A. W. (2010). Letting stories breathe: A socionarratology. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. McLeod, J. (1997). Narrative and Psychotherapy. London: Sage. Kitrina Douglas & David Carless

Strain: (Cross refs.: Adaptation, Athlete burnout, Competition, Coping strategies, Mental health, Rating of Perceived Exertion (RPE), Stress) n. an individual’s negative reaction to experienced stressors, felt due to an individual’s perceived inability to cope with the stressors encountered. Within the sport psychology literature, researchers have considered strain in conjunction with the concept of stress (Fletcher, Hanton, & Mellalieu, 2006), due to stress being defined as an ongoing transaction between the stressors an individual experiences and the individual’s perceived resources effectively to manage these stressors (Lazarus, 1991; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). Consequently, the ‘stress experience’ can result in strain. The term ‘strain’ represents reactions that may be psychological, physical, and/or behavioral. Examples of psychological strain include negative evaluative thoughts, such as worry and emotions, such as anxiety and anger. Physical strain can include an actual and/or perceived increase in heart beat and sweat. Examples of behavioral strain include avoidance behavior, such as hiding away from or decreasing effort within a situation, and retaliatory behavior, such as physically or verbally abusing another individual. References Fletcher, D., Hanton, S., & Mellalieu, S. D. (2006). An organizational stress review: Conceptual and theoretical issues in competitive sport. In S. Hanton, & S. D. Mellalieu (Eds.), Literature reviews in sport psychology (pp. 321 374). Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science. Lazarus, R. S. (1991). Emotion and adaptation. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

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Lazarus, R. S., & Folkman, S. (1984). Stress, appraisal and coping. New York: Erlbaum. Sheldon Hanton & Rich Neil

Stress: (Cross refs.: Anxiety in sport/ Sport anxiety, Autogenic training, Choking under pressure, Competitive anxiety, Coping strategies, Fields of vision, Organizational stress, Performance under pressure, Relaxation, Strain, Underrecovery syndrome, Visual search) n. Contemporary approaches to understanding the experience of stress in sport commonly adopt a cognitive-behavioral focus, viewing stress as a process rather than a specific stimulus or response. The most popular approach is Lazarus’ (1991) cognitive motivational relational theory (CMRT). Here, stress is described as an ongoing evaluation or appraisal by an individual of the demands faced in relation to themselves and their environment (i.e., the relationship between the individual and the environment). The demands (also known as stressors) faced when taking part in sport emanate from a range of sources related to competition, organization, and personal factors existing within the environment (cf. Fletcher, Hanton, & Mellalieu, 2006). Competitive stressors refer to demands primarily and directly associated with competitive performance (e.g., level of physical preparation attained; standard of the opponent; internal and external pressures/expectations to perform). Organization stressors are the demands associated primarily and directly with the sports organization (e.g., performer’s role in the sport organization; sport relationships and interpersonal demands). Personal stressors are demands associated primarily and directly with the personal life of the performer(s) (lifestyle issues, financial demands, relationships with family or significant others). A person’s view of a potentially stressful situation, known as a stress appraisal, will usually focus on whether threat, harm/loss, or challenge is to be experienced. The individual will evaluate that situation (primary appraisal) to determine if the demands faced are likely to be stressful, and consequently whether they possess the necessary resources (physical and mental) to deal with the demand and the outcomes that are likely to ensue (secondary or further appraisal of the situation). When personal resources are perceived as insufficient to meet the demands of the situation, threat is experienced, which increases the more the person perceives negative consequences for failing to meet the demands. The typical emotional response associated with threat in the experience of stress in sport is competitive anxiety. Fundamental to CMRT is the concept of ‘transaction’ and the specific relational-meaning construed by the individual operating in a specific sporting environment. Transaction refers to the dynamic relationship between the demands of the

Stress Management environment faced by the individual and the resources they possess to deal with it. Relational meaning describes the meaning construed from an individual’s relationship with this environment. As a consequence of these views, and the resultant physical changes that occur in the body due to the stress process, the individual will then attempt to manage the situation accordingly. Under the cognitive behavioral approach to managing stress, performers are taught to utilize cognitive, affective, and behavioral strategies to cope with the specific internal or external demands that sport creates. References Fletcher, D., Hanton, S., & Mellalieu, S. D. (2006). An organizational stress review: Conceptual and theoretical issues in competitive sport. In S. Hanton, & S. D. Mellalieu (Eds.), Literature reviews in sport psychology (pp. 321 373). Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science. Lazarus, R. (1991). Emotion and adaptation. New York: Oxford University Press. Stephen D. Mellalieu

Stress Management: (Cross refs.: Acculturation, Anger management, Arousal reappraisal, Breathing, Coping strategies, Exercise psychology, Hardiness, Injury, psychological susceptibility to, Mindfulness, Organizational stress, Panic attacks, Psychophysiology, Quiet Eye Training, Relaxation, Self-help interventions, Stress and injury model, Think Aloud, Yoga) n. Stress management involves every action or effort of an individual, group or organization to cope with or to manage stressful situations. The perception of a situation to be stressful is according to the action theory (Nitsch & Hackfort, 2016) dependent on the situational context, specifically its personal (i.e., personality traits and individual resources), environmental (i.e., competitive sports, occupational work), and task-related components (i.e., sport performance). Following the cognitive motivational relational theory (CMRT; Lazarus, 1991), stress occurs when the situation is first perceived as threatening and, second, the individual appraises the personal resources or skills as insufficient to meet the situational demands. This stress process usually results in both, physiological responses such as the release of cortisol and psychological responses such as the emotional experience of anxiety. In sports, athletes are faced with stressors that are competitive (i.e., performance pressures and expectations), organizational (i.e., athlete’s role within the sport organization), and personal (i.e., relationship problems with partner). During competition, the stress process is comparable to the choking process, where the athlete finally experiences a drop in performance. In order to prevent decreases in performance due to stress or to overcome such choking phases in competition, an efficient stress management is needed.

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Stress management or coping comprises cognitive, affective, and behavioral strategies of an individual to cope with challenging situations. These strategies are mainly categorized as either problem-focused or emotional-focused (Hanton & Mellalieu, 2014). Problem-focused strategies such as goal setting, time management and problem solving refer to efforts that manage or change the stress. Emotional-focused strategies involve actions to regulate emotional stress responses. In this context, sport psychologists teach athletes strategies such as cognitive and behavioral relaxation, meditation techniques, mindfulness and biofeedback training (i.e., electroencephalography and electrocardiography) to decrease the intensity of the emotional response experienced (i.e., competitive anxiety symptoms). They also provide strategies such as mental imagery and self-talk to restructure the interpretation of these symptoms from a negative to a positive viewpoint. Athletes equipped with individualized stress management skills (i.e., implemented in a preperformance routine) rather withstand stress and recover more easily after stressful events (i.e., mental toughness). They are capable to ensure an optimal mindset needed to deliver optimal performance despite the presence of competitive stressors. Stress management interventions (SMI) delivered by the sport psychologist are also used to overcome stressful phases (i.e., intense training phases in preparation of a significant competition or after a defeat) to facilitate resilience and mental recovery. Stress management is not only important in the field of sport, but also in everyday life, where persons are faced with high mental demands (i.e., at work). Therefore, these persons can benefit from sport psychologists offering individualized psychological skills training and SMI as a form of mental fitness training for instance in a gym similarly realized like a physical fitness training. References Hanton, S., & Mellalieu, S. D. (2014). Coping with stress and anxiety. In A. G. Papaioannou, & D. Hackfort (Eds.), Routledge companion to sport and exercise psychology (pp. 430 445). New York: Routledge. Lazarus. (1991). Emotion and adaptation. New York: Oxford University Press. Nitsch, J. R., & Hackfort, D. (2016). Theoretical framework of performance psychology: An action theory perspective. In M. Raab, B. Lobinger, S. Hoffmann, A. Pizzera, & S. Laborde (Eds.), Performance psychology. Perception, action, cognition, and emotion (pp. 11 29). Amsterdam: Elsevier. Martin Klämpfl

Structured

Questionnaires: (Cross ref.: Qualitative research, Quantitative research) n. Structured questionnaires are a popular approach to data collection in psychology and the social sciences generally. The questionnaire concept is that participants

Subculture are able to respond for themselves either through writing or by proxy. The structures imposed are generally described by psychometric theories or item response theory depending on the context. Briefly, the first assumption is that if each informant or participant responds to the same questions, then results can be compared, and data can be described at an aggregate level. In most cases, there is also an intentional repetition of content over questions; this rests on the assumption that the measurement error associated with each question is random and thus repeated measurement can lead to better accuracy. Many, if not most, questionnaires involve ordered response classes (Yes/No, Likert Scales, or visual analogue scale) that facilitate quantitative analysis. Appropriately designed questionnaires can and should be validated for a particular use. Questionnaire use rests on the assumption that the participants and questionnaire users share a common understanding of the content of each question and the meaning of each available response. For example, participants are expected to be fluent users of the language, literate, and competent to answer. More subtle variations in meaning and interpretation are generally ignored, and in most contexts no effort to verify the way in which words have been interpreted will be carried out. Similarly, questionnaires are known to be susceptible to self-presentation bias, and lack mechanisms by which one can evaluate the effort made to produce the best possible responses. However, these disadvantages are balanced by the economy of use, potential advantages in comparability of data within and between groups of people, and, in some cases, established reliability and validity. Many of the most commonly used questionnaires in sport and exercise psychology were adopted from other fields, created for other contexts, and have not been properly developed for the use which is made of them. Research based on structured questionnaires alone should be interpreted with caution. Bruce Oddson

Subculture: (Cross refs.: Community based research, Context-Driven Sport and Exercise Psychology Practice (CDP), Cultural sport psychology). n. The Oxford dictionary defines subculture as “a cultural group within a larger group, having beliefs or interests at variance with those of the larger culture.” Characteristics of a subculture might include (1) a negative relation to class; (2) being associated with a specific physical or nonphysical territory; (3) movement toward a specific social group beyond one original belief system; (4) stylistic ties in the form of dress, use of language, and other behaviors to the new group; and (5) a refusal of ordinary norms and behaviors to align with the subculture. Although critical understandings suggest that those belonging to a subculture are

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marginalized, serving as a counterpoint to societal norms, not all subcultures are created to rebalance power. Rather, subcultures might reflect the convergence of a group of people, focused on exceptional performance, such as a dance troupe or sport team. Subculture originates from cultural studies given the aforementioned historical association with power, and anthropology, where people are considered at a local level in terms of their values, norms, and behaviors. Anthropological studies have focused on gang behaviors, the lives of inner city youth, and, in relation to sport, elite football players (e.g., Stebbins, 1987). These studies were mostly ethnographic explorations into local phenomenon, undertaken by omniscient researchers. Within sport psychology, subculture is part of cultural sport psychology (CSP). Where CSP is an umbrella term, subculture is more nuanced. Each sport team develops its own idiosyncratic beliefs, norms, dress code, language, and rules of conduct (Schinke & McGannon, 2014). Understanding these aspects permits acceptance into these groups. Researchers can explore subculture through localized methodologies, derived in collaboration with the group, as denoted in community-

System Dynamics based research. Additionally, practitioners must learn about the nuances of each context and how people relate to situate themselves and their roles as supportive resources (Stambulova & Schinke, 2017). References Schinke, R. J., & McGannon, K. R. (Eds.), (2014). The psychology of sub-culture in sport and physical activity: Critical approaches. East Sussex, UK: Psychology Press. Stambulova, N., & Schinke, R. J. (2017). Experts focus on the context: Postulates derived form the authors’ shared experience and wisdom. Journal of Sport Psychology in Action. Advanced online publication: https://doi.org/10.1080/ 21520704.2017.1308715. Stebbins, R. A. (1987). Canadian football: The view from the helmet. London, Ontario: University of Western Ontario Press. Robert Schinke

Substance Use Disorders: (see: Dependence, on substances)

Sucker Effect: (see: Group motivation) System Dynamics: (see: Dynamical systems)