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Saint Olaf's ‘cruelty’: Violence by the Scandinavian King interpreted over the centuries
Journal of Medieval History, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 285-296, 1996
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Copyright © 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in The Netherlands. All rights reserved 0304-4181/96 $15.00 + 0.00
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ELSEVIER
T h e state o f research
Saint Olaf's 'cruelty': violence by the Scandinavian King interpreted over the centuries* Asko Timonen
Department of Classics, University of Turku, FIN-20014 Turku, Finland
Abstract At the end of 1730s the Regia Academia Aboensis of Turku published a dissertation, De Sancti Olavi Norwegiae Regis pravo religionis zelo. The work deals with the cruelty of Saint Olaf, King of Norway, 1015-1030, who was canonized after his death at the battle of Stiklestad. Thereafter, the Catholic Church spread the rex iustus ideology of Olaf throughout Scandinavia. Historians considered his violent methods of conversion justified. On the other hand, in the thirteenth century the Heimskringla represented the king's violence from heroic, secular and fatalistic--not only Christian--viewpoints. The Turku dissertation stood for a new interpretation of the Saint Olaf legend. In this example of the 'era of freedom' (1719-72), the author applied the theory of natural law which had been introduced into Swedish academic discussion, particularly by Samuel von Pufendorf, and he consciously broke with the Catholic portraits of the Saint. Since the Swedish universities paid particular attention to the religious emphases of natural law, sources like the Heimskringla were perhaps considered more religious than they actually were. In this atmosphere there could be only one definition for King Olaf's violence: cruelty. Copyright © 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd.
A dissertation on practical philosophy, De Sancti Olavi Norwegiae Regis pravo religionis zelo, was disputed in 1738 at the Regia Academia Aboensis, the old university of Turku (in Finland, the country belonged to the Swedish kingdom), by a certain Johannes Tolpo under the guidance of Professor Algoth Scarin (1722-61). In this Latin dissertatio historicopolitica, J. Tolpo treated the violence perpetrated by Oldfr (Olaf) Haraldsson, King of Norway in the years 1015-30. Tolpo debated the king's mission by the sword amongst the Norsemen, his violence in pacifying his rivals, the lesser kings (reguli), and the violent way he ruled. ~ The author's attitude to St Olaf deviated ASKO TIMONEN is an Assistant at the University of Turku. His area of expertise is the description of violence in historical portraits and biographies in later Roman historiography. * I am grateful to Professor S. Dworacki (Universityof A. Mickiewicz),Dr T. Lindkvist(Uppsala University) and Dr R. Tuomi, MAR. Vainio and Mr J. Elomaa (all from the Universityof Turku) for their help and comments. t See Diss. De S. Olavi, esp. 3, 8-10, 12-15 and 41.
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considerably from the portrait given by Snorri Sturluson in his Heimskringla and, to a great extent, from the portraits presented by the Catholic historians, namely Adam of Bremen who was almost a contemporary of Olaf in the eleventh century, and the later Johannes Magnus Gothus (1488-1544) and Johannes Messenius (1579-1636).
Historians of Olaf's world Olaf Haraldsson was canonized after his death at the battle of Stiklestad, fought in 1030 against the forces of Cnut the Great (995-1035), King of the Danes and the English. Owing to his recognition as a saint, Olaf was certainly the best known Scandinavian ruler in the Middle Ages. 2 Indeed, Olaf is known to have been the last western saint who was also accepted by the Byzantine Church.3 The Catholic Church actively supported the production of written literature in Scandinavia. In the case of Olaf Haraldsson, for instance, it wanted to interpret afresh his warlike history which was already firmly established in oral folklore 4 The Latin legends in breviaria--deriving their origin from the Passio Olavi which was written by Archbishop Eysteinn Erlendsson (1161-88)--spread the clerical rex iustus ideologySof the king's life.6 The earliest history of the Scandinavian peoples was written both in Latin and vernacular 7 There was apparently a continuous interchange between languages. One example was the [slendingab6k (The Book of the Icelanders) which the priest Ari Thorgilsson wrote in Icelandic between 1125 and 1132, probably using some Latin source (e.g. Adam of Bremen?). 8 On the other hand, Ari's volume may have been one of For Olaf's historical portrait and cult, see St. Olav, seine Zeit und sein Kult, ed. G. Svahnstr6m, Acta Visbyensia VI (Uddevalla, 1981), esp. the articles of G, A. Blom, E. Hoffmann, M. Blindheim and T. Nyberg; see also T. Nyberg, 'Les royaut6s Scandinaves entre saintet~ et sacralit6', in: La royaut~ sacr~e clans la monde chr~tien, ed. A. Boureau and C. S. Ingerllom, l~d. de l'l~cole des Hautes l~tudes en Sciences Sociales (Paris, 1992), 63-64. 3 S. Undset, Hellig Olav (Oslo, 1930), 57-60; T. K. Derry, A Short History of Norway (London, 1968), 44. 4 p. H. Sawyer, Kings and Vikings (London and New York, 1982), 9-10; S. Bagge, 'Theodoricus Monachus-Clerical Historiography in Twelfth-century Norway', Scandinavian Journal of History, 14 (1989), 118-19, 124; Bagge, Society and Politics in Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford, 1991), 15-6. For the purpose and influence of the rex iustus ideology, see Bagge, 'Theodoricus Monachus', 129 (also n. 49); Bagge, Society and Politics, 16, 66 (n. 2), 67 and 70. 6 For the two manuscript versions of the Passio, see Kulturhistoriskt Lexicon f6r nordisk medeltid (KLNM) B. XII (Helsingfors, 1967), s.v. Olav den hellige (L. Gjerloev), 561-62. The oldest Scandinavian fragment of the Olaf's legend is from the first half of the thirteenth century, see KLNM, 563 and A. Maliniemi, Ziir Oberlieferung der lateinischen Olavuslegende, Ann. Soc. Scient. Fenn. B: XI (Helsinki, 1920); see also KLNM B. XII (1967), 584-88, s.v. Olavslegenden (A. Holtsmark). 7 The Scandinavian writers of these historical works were often priests and chieftains simultaneously, see Bagge, Society and Politics, 15. To examine the Latin tradition of Scandinavian history more closely, we naturally cannot overlook such works (not discussed in this paper) as Brevis Historia Regum Dacie (c. 1185) and Saxo's Gesta Danorum, the Danish chronicle which goes up to the end of the rule of Cnut VI. For the Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum of Adam of Bremen, see below. Bagge, Society.and Politics, 26, reminds us that Ari had the opportunity to use oral (contemporary) tradition for his history of the events in the eleventh century. Ari was born in the late 1060s.
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the sources for the first national history of Norway, the anonymous Historia Norvegiae. In Norway, Latin was used by men of the Church who wrote chronicles of the kings. ~° They were based on skaldic verse and Icelandic sources• Theodoricus Monachus finished such a chronicle in c. 1180, the Historia de antiquitate regum norwagiensium which contains history from the accession of Haraldr hfirfagri (Harald Fairhair) until the death of Sigur0r j6rsalafari (Sigurd the Crusader). ~j Ten years later, Oddr Snorrason munkr published his chronicle of King 61fifr Tryggvason, the Viking who was known as a fervent Christian• Oddr's chronicle was translated from Latin into Icelandic.The saga of St Olaf was written in the first half of the thirteenth century by the famous Icelandic poet, historian and statesman Snorri Sturluson. j3 Ol6fs saga comprises a great part of Snorri's corpus, the Heimskringla which goes as far as the late twelfth century• At the end of the seventeenth century, the Royal Antiquarian of Sweden, Johan Peringski61d, published the valuable biographies of the Heimskringla incorporating into the volume a Latin translation, Historiae regurn septentrtonahum. •
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Interpretations of Olaf's cruelty
Dissertatio historicopolitica and the Heimskringla Peringski61d's edition of the Heimskringla was the most important source for J. Tolpo in verifying St Olaf's unjust religious f~maticism, pravum religionis zelum. ~5 In his preface, Tolpo used the word crudelitas (cruelty), which as a word is literal and commonplace but as a concept is probably more common in ancient Latin literature j6 than in the academic dissertations of modern times (Diss. De S. Olavi, 3; my emphasis): ~'At least Historia Norvegiae was published later (in the beginning of the thirteenth century) than [slendingabdk. Otherwise its milieu is almost unknown, see KLNM, VI (1961), 585-7 (A. Holtsmark) and Bagge, Society and Politics, 16. For the dispute on the influence by Ari, see T. Andersson, 'Kings' Sagas', in: Old Norse--h'elandic Literature: A Critical Guide, ed. C. Clover and J. Lindow (Ithaca, 1985), 197ff. "~ For the Latin sources of Norwegian history, see E. Vandvik, l_zttinske dokument til norsk historie (Oslo, 1959). t~ For the relevance, the dedicatiotl (to Archbishop Eysteinn) and the sources of Theodoricus, see Bagge, 'Theodoricus Monachus', 113 ft. (on the sources esp. 124 In. 32]). ~-' Only this translation, the Saga Oldf~ Tryggvasonar, is preserved; see Bagge, Society and Politics, 19. ~ For the discussion both on the date and the sources of Heimskringla, and the authorship of Snorri, see Bagge, Society and Politics, 14-21 and 23-5. H The title page in its entirety: Heims Kringla, Eller Snorro Sturlasons Nordliindske Konunga Sagor. Sire
Historiae Regum Septentrionalium, a Snorrone Sturlonide, ante secula quinque, patrio sermone antiquo conscriptae. Quas Ex Manuscriptis Codicibus edidit, versione gernina, notisque brevioribus, Indici Po~'tico vel Rerum, sparsim insertis illustravit Johanni Peringski61d. Stockholmiae, Anno Christiano M DC XCVII. ~5Especially the seventh part of the corpus, Continens Historiam Regis Olavi cognomento Sancti, Cap. 58, 72, 111, 115-20. ~ See, for instance, the presentation by E. Mastellone in Bollettino di Studi Latini, 22 (1992), 22-31: 'La crudelth del tiranno e il suo primato tra Giovenale ed Ausonio'. On the concept of crudelitas, see Crudelitas, The Politics of Cruelty in the Ancient and Medieval World, Proceedings of the International Conference, Turku (Finland, 1991), ed. T. Viljamaa, A. Timonen and C. Kr6tzl, Medium Aevum Quotidianum, Sonderband 1I (Krems, 1992).
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A d ilium ordinem Olavum Haraldi Norvegiae regem referendum esse, sunt qui velint non pauci, qui non vitae sanctitate, neque tuendis gentibus devota majestate, potestateque: sed magis c r u d e l i t a t e in cives, sub titulo eos ad Christum adducendi, exercita, Sancti cognomen consecutus, et numen tutelare gentibus septentrionalibus quondam consecratus fuit. J. Tolpo seems to have been somewhat surprised (if not even 'disappointed') that later on, after the king's death, the hatred of the Norsemen towards him turned to pity, their contempt to reverence and the king's sainthood was proclaimed with p o s t m o r t e m m i r a c u l a : 17
Piget referre insipida Papistarum commenta et aniles nugas de plurimis Olavi post mortem miraculis, quae multo cum verborum strepitu enumerat nimis credulus Sturlonides. Pleraque enim ipsi, non dicam revelationi, sed et sanae rationi adversantur. In regard to St Olaf's secular history, the H e i m s k r i n g l a introduced his youth at the time of Viking raids, Chap. 4 - 1 8 in the beginning of his chronicle being descriptions of battles around the Baltic Sea. TM They are based on the skald Sigvatr's V{kingav{sur. 19 According to Snorri, Olaf was a dreadful visitor to the coasts of the Baltic: Deinde in Finlandiam navigabat Olavus, ibique hostiliter grassabatur. Cujus turn metu incolae omnes in saltuosa loca se receperunt, pecora ac facultates omnes una secum abducentes. Rex cum agmine suo per sylvas longius progressus, ad praedia campestria, quae vulgo Herdalensia appellantur. Hic spolia reperta exigua, nullique habitatores 2° Sigvatr's phrase in the context, b e l l u m c r u d e l e H e r d a l e n s e c o n t r a F i n n o s regis f i l i u s t e r t i u m gessit, c u m in m a r i B a l t h i c o p i r a t i c a s n a v e s s p o l i a t u s . . , gives cruelty a heroic connotation. Certainly this Olaf's heroic cruelty during the expedition was by no means exceptional, if we are to believe the sagas.21 J. Tolpo considered that Olaf's use of violence was largely due to his restless youth as a Viking, lacking proper religion and
~7More comprehensively, 15-7. Regarding the earlier unexpected (?) changes of mind of the Norsemen towards Olaf, see the author's astonishment on p. 11: Poenituit quidem adeo Norvegorum muhos, per biennium Danicam expertos crudelitatem, sui in Olavum insensi animi, obstinationisque, ut missis ad eum nuntiis revocarent, et auxilium eidem denuo promitterent, Ast quam mobile sit vulgi ingenium, et quam levi aura in transversum abripiantur studia illorum, quis est, quis nesciat? ~8For the assumption of Olaf's Saga: Bagge, Society and Politics, 34 if. t9 For the Vikingavisur: Sawyer, Kings and Vikings, 33. 2oAn excerpt from Chap. 8, De praelio tertio in Historia regis Olavi, ed. Peringski61d,about Olaf's (not very
successful) raid to the district of the Finns. 21Cf. for instance Egil Skallagrimsson's 'heroic violence', briefly referred by T. Lindkvist, 'The Politics of Violence and the Transition from Viking Age to Medieval Scandinavia', in: Crudelitas, 143.
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morality to distinguish right from wrong.22 Unfortunately, Tolpo did not develop this argument further. In general, his analysis seemed to be strictly contradictory to what Snorri said about the king's nature: Rex Olavus miti erat ingenio, moribusque apt& (ff.), also putting words into Sigvatr's mouth: Moderator regni, jura hominibus tamforensia quam maritima praescribere solebas. 23 The main criticism of the dissertation was, in fact, directed towards Olaf's struggle for power, under the pretence of promoting Christian faith in Norway (Diss. De S. Olavi, 8-10; my emphasis): 24 Nam capto statim post adventum suum et exulatum misso Haquino Jarlo prorege, a regulis brevi et populo Norvagico, communibus suffragiis, postquam illis sua studia et jura privilegiorum inviolata servaturum, immo aucturum semet sancte spospondisset, rex lectus ac proclamatus est anno supra millesimum decimo quinto aut sexto. Datam autem civibus fidem, non diu servavit. Sub titulo enim propagandae religionis Christianae in eos promiscue igne ferroque saevire, et detrectantes eandem capite plectere, membris mutilare, argento emungere, aut saltem in exilium pellere coepit
(ff.). Tolpo drew attention to Olaf's violence against the inhabitants of Norway, his persecution particularly of the leaders of the opposition, the five reguli, who became tired of his tyranny, tyrannidis ejus pertaesi~ 5 This choice of expression 26 indicates, in my opinion, that the author tried to establish the reasons for the violence more from Olaf's mind (psyche) than from his political environment. If this is really so, why did Tolpo not consider more closely the violent society of Olaf's adolescence, as I mentioned above? For an answer to this question I propose: Tolpo was extremely careful not to sympathize at all with Olaf 27 and, conforming to this, he presented Olaf's cruelty almost as a family weakness (inherited defect). 28 22 Diss. De S. Olavi, 31 : Videtur illud in excusationem vitae morumque Olavi posse obtendi, quod secuis illis natus Juerit, quibus, in illo septentrionis angulo, veri numinis ignorantia, barbaries summa morum, justi rectique colendi inscitia non familiis privatim modo, sed et summae imperii civilis praesidebat. See also p. 32: Piraticae rei ab anno aetatis XII. innutritum, et artes illas, fini vitae sociali atque civili repugnantes, quamdiu non fixam, alicubi stationem imperii haberet, strenue sectatam fuisse, "ex antecedentibus [paginis] clarum est. Tolpo asks: In illo vero vitae genere, ad disciplinam justi et aequi et denique magnae fortunae culture, quae quaeso praeparatio doctrinae, quae morum sperari potuit ? 23 Historia regis Olavi, Chap. 66 [ed. PeringskiiSld, 435-6]: De consuetudine regis Olavi, including carm. 52 by Sigvatr. 24Cf. also Diss. de S. Olavi, 15 (my emphasis): Nec est quod dubitemus, Olavum suae dominandi, et imperium dilatandi libidini praetexuisse istum religion& zelum et homines ad deum perdacendi studium. 2~ Diss. de S. Olavi, 9-10: lta animos sibi nuper, vitrici ope, conciliatos brevi exacerbavit, praesertim cum quinque regulos tyrannidis ejus pertaesos ex improviso opprimeret, et unum oculis, alterum lingua, caeteros exilio mulctaret. 26 See also Diss. de S. Olavi, 10: cives pertaesi adamantini regis sui principatus, and 12: animis vero ~rannidis pertaesis. 27This can be concluded easily from the opening words of his argument, on p. 31: Videtur illud in excusationem vitae rnorumque Olavi posse obtendi (for the continuation, see n. 22 above). Reasons for Tolpo's method will be discussed below in this paper. 2~ Diss. de S. Olavi, 4, n. (b): De hoc Haraldo Ericus Olavi narrat, quod pirata insignis in Svethia factus, nemini pepercerit. Eundem filium non dissimilem moribus proseminasse; eidemque, puta Haraldo, talionis jure, reginam Svethiae neque pepercisse, nemo mirabitur (my emphasis).
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This dissertation upon Olaf's p r a v u m religionis z e l u m accentuates only one aspect of the king's life and activities: his violent mission. It was also, according to Snorri, an important reason for the conflict between the leaders of Opplandene and Olaf. Snorri tells us that Olaf severely punished 'apostates' (Cap. 72 D e itinere regis in U p l a n d i a s [ed. Peringski61d, 467 f.]) 29 Hic sedulo inquisitiones de Christianae religionis exercitio apud incolas institutae sunt, ea tum occasione plurimis quae sacri cultus collapsa erant, in ordinem iterum redactis, usque adeo huic curae intento rege, ut obstinato animo paganos sectati ritus, in exilium propulsi sint, aliis manus pedesque amputati vel oculi excoecati, quidam patibulo affixi, capita aliis detruncata, nemini adeo parcebat rex, quos veri numinis cultum aversari cognovit. But, as regards Olaf's violence, the account of the H e i m s k r i n g l a is not as one-sided as one would imagine when reading Tolpo's dissertation. According to Snorri, Olaf seemingly was evil and greedy for power, but the insidious reguli were also similarly evil. 3° Olaf was afraid of them, especially of a certain Hroerekr who was vir c o n s i l i o acer, s e v e r i q u e ingenii. Therefore, Olaf put out his eyes and arrested him. The fate of the other reguli was likewise miserable 3~ for fear and suspicion led Olaf to use violence against them. However, judging from the choice of words, Olaf's rivals were worse than the king himself. The skaldic verses in Snorri's account favour Olaf, as in Ch. 74 (Song 60 of Ottarr svarti): Rex quinque regulos domavit, eorumque fraudulenta consilia gravi poena ultus est, reges minus cautos sibi insidiantes meritis suppliciis affecit.32 In addition, Snorri's appraisal of Olaf as a king and a man is very flattering, his devotion to the Christian faith not being his only characteristic. For Snorri, Olaf was a hero, the only one who actually dared oppose the might of the great Cnut. Snorri praised Olaf for his serious efforts to create a civilized state by putting an end to the raids. Social order had to be created by discipline (Cap. 192 [ed. PeringskiiSld, 733]): Frequens illis temporibus mos obtinuerat in Norvegia, ut virorum nobilium di-
29Cf. also Cap. 111, De Halogalandiae incolis [ed. Peringski61d, 553], cap. 117, De itinere regis Olavi in Uplandias [561-652], and cap. 129 [595], the Arnorus Jada Scaldus (Am6rr jarlaskald): Rex per Uplandiam urendo grassabatur, regi irato legionum suarum duci, populus obedire cogebatur: antiqui parere noluerunt, ideoque laqueo suspensi sunt. antea vario marte dimicatum erat.
3oIn my opinion, it is difficult (impossible?) to find anyone guilty of starting the violence in this case. Snorri lets Olaf's antagonists speak against Olaf in Cap. 73 led, Peringski61d, 468]: De dolosis regulorum Uplandensium consiliis: Mox igitur instituto colloquio, sermonem orsus est Raumiae regulus, de expeditione Olavi Crassi prolixe memorans, deque cladibus ac injuriis summis quibus incolas passim afficere soleat, alios jugulando, alios mutilando, vel in exilium agendo, bonis item fortunisque illorum sibi vindicatis, qui se adversum loqui audeant. ~ See Cap. 74, De regum Uplandensium mutilatione [ed. Peringski61d, 472 ff.].
32Cf. Carm. 61 and 62.
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tiorumque civium filii in militiam proficiscerentur pro acquirendis sibi opibus, piraticam expeditionem exercendo, tam in peregrinis regionibus quam intra patriae limites. Postquam vero Olavus regni habenas suscepisset, regnum suum undique expurgavit, sublatis latrociniis atque caedibus. Et veto pacis publicae perturbatores, legumque perfractores gravi supplicio capitali affecit. In Snorri's narrative, Olaf's missionary work civilizing the country and his conflict with Cnut and the r e g u l i of Opplandene, were not to be considered as wholly separate incidents. Of course we should not emphasize the connection between his various activities too much 33 However, J. Tolpo's argument--for which he used Snorri as his source--for the Christianization of the country as an example of Olaf's power politics can be accepted only with the following reservations: (i) Tolpo was probably too selective in using Snorri as his source, (ii) he did not explain at all Snorri's method of narrative, and (iii) he interpreted Snorri's text as too religious. 34
O l a f in s o m e C a t h o l i c h i s t o r i a n s
On the other hand, the Catholic historians referred to by J. T o l p o - - A d a m of Bremen, Johannes Magnus and Johannes Messenius--described 'the violent' Olaf in almost entirely laudatory terms. Accordingly, there is no hint of Olaf's lust for power. Adam of Bremen approved of the motives for Olaf's warfare. In his G e s t a Hammaburgensis e c c l e s i a e p o n t i f i c u m , which is probably the most important written source for the history of Northern Europe in the eleventh century, Adam tells us that for Olaf the continuous war against Cnut was more a necessity than a delight, and that the Danes fought for power, whereas the Norsemen, under the direction of Olaf, fought for the liberty of their country 35 According to Adam, Olaf ruled in peacetime i u d i c i o et iustitia. He particularly emphasized the king's missionary passion for the Christian faith: Olaf drove out paganism and superstition from Norway. 36 Adam, the m a g i s t e r s c h o l a r u m , gives Olaf a better press than he does for other disciples of Christianity, such as 61~ifr Tryggvason and Harald har0r~i6i (Hardrada). The former was 'a cruel s e m i b a r b a r u s ' , the latter 'was hated by all because he cruelly 33See Bagge, Society and Politics, 90: 'the king clearly takes initiatives in various fields, but there is little connection between them'. I agree with Bagge, 105, considering Olaf's mission and power politics: 'Still, he [Snorri] is not blind to the political aspects of the process [Christianisation]'; see also Bagge, 106-7. 34For the proportion of the religious and secular fields in Snorri's narrative about Olaf, see Bagge, Society and Politics, 106-7. 35Adam of Bremen, De Hamburgske Aewrkebispers Historie, ed. C. L. Henrichsen (Koebenhavn, 1930), 120; Adami Bremensis Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, ed. C. A. Christensen, Codex Havniensis (Copenhagen, 1948), 59. 36Gesta, lib. II, 57: Si quando aut tempus a bellorum motibus quietus erat, idem Olaph iudicio et iustitia regnum gubernavit. Inter cetera enim virtutum opera magnum dei zelum habuit. Ira ut maleficos de terra disperderet, quibus cure tota barbaries exundet. Precipue Norvegia talibus monstris plena e s t . . . Hos omnes et huiusmodi beatissimsu rex Olaph persequi decrevit, ut sublatis scandalis firmus in regno suo religio christiana claresceret . . . Ira divini et augures, magi et incantatores ceterique satellites antichristi ibi habitant; cf. 61. See also lib. 2, cap. 40.
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suppressed tyrants, burnt down churches, persecuted people, and devoted himself to idolatry, in order to win back his people's support'. 37 Olaf Haraldsson, in contrast, converted people to Christianity, co-operating with Grimkell, the Bishop of Bremen. 38 The G o t h o r u m S u e o n u m q u e H i s t o r i a 39 of Johannes Magnus Gothus, the last Catholic archbishop in Uppsala (1523-26), mainly criticized King Cnut the Great. Johannes Magnus wrote this Swedish history after leaving for exile in 1526 4° According to him, Olaf, p a t r i a e l i b e r t a t i s a s s e r t o r 4~ despite his cruel methods in propagating the Christian faith, was a victim of the tyrant Cnut and Olaf's untrustworthy Norwegian compatriots 42 In other words, Johannes Magnus represented Olaf as a martyr who owed his sanctity to his death (Lib. XVIII, cap. 1 [ed. Schiirer, 659]): Enimvero post soceri Olavi Sueonici Regis fata, tam domi a suis Norvegianis, quam foris a Danis continuo bellorum insultu impugnabatur. Cujus impugnationis praecipua causa erat susceptae fidei Christianae defensio, pro qua dilatanda Olaus omnem operam navans, potius voluit vitam et regnum, quam fidem in Christum amittere. Nec satis esse putabat, quod Pontifices et Sacerdotes continue, et ubique in ejus regno Christi Evangelium praedicarent, sed novo rerum ordine ipse Rex Apostoli vice fungens, circuibat civitates, vicos, villas, salutarem Christi doctrinam ubique disseminans, nulli ejus transgressori parcendo, sed illos, qui ab ea semel accepta resilire parabat, acriter punire non distulit, ne quisquam Regem Regum, per quem Reges regnant, impune offendisse videretur. Johannes Messenius was Professor of j u r i s e t p o l i t i c e s at Uppsala University in 1609-13, the State Archivist of Sweden, and Associate Judge of the Court of Appeal (1614-16). Although Messenius wrote his vast (20 l i b r i ) manuscript of Scandinavian
37For Olaf Tryggvason, see ed. Christensen, 52; ed. Henrichsen, 104; for Harald Hardrada, ed. Christensen, 80, and ed. Henrichsen, 165. 38See ed. Henrichsen, 120; ed. Christensen, 59. 39 Gothorum Sueonumque Historia (ex probatis antiquorum monumentis collecta, & in xxiv libros redacta, autore Jo. Magno Gotho, Archiepiscopo Upsalensi) led. Z. Schtirer, 1617]. For Saint Olaf: S. Olaus rex Norvegianus, lib. XVII, 21-XVIII, 5 led. Sch/irer, 654-67].
40His exile was one result of the conflict between the Roman Church and the Swedish realm; the book was printed in 1553. 4~See, lib. XVII, cap. 21 [ed. Schtirer, 654]: Hic a primis adolescentiae suae annis mores suos ira ad omnem probitatem accommodavit, ut facile omnibus persuaderetur, quod respublica Norvegiana ejus ductu aliquando in pristinam dignitatem et libertatem restituenda esset. . . Eaque pietate in patriam suam ductus, omnes convivos suos induxit, ut abrogata exterorum dominatione, se prudenter et celeriter in libertatem vendicaret; cf. 655 and 656. 4: See the text under the following headlines of Lib. XVIII, cap l [ed. Schiirer, 659]: S. Olaus obfidem Christi gravissimas persecutiones sustinuit; S. Olaus a Danis impugnatur, quia fidem Christi promovet; cap. III: Canuti Dani astutia [ed. Schiirer, 664]; cap. V: Norvegianorum pars pro S. Olavo, pars contra eum stabat (major veto imprudentium civium humerus erat) [ed. Schiirer, 666]. cap. V: Canutus rex Danorum per insisidias occidi fecit S. Olavum led. Schiirer, 666]; cap. V: Haraldus frater S. Olavi fugit ad Constantinopolim. Norvegiani post mortem Olavi saeva tyrannide Danorum opprimuntur led. Schiirer, 666-7].
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history, the Scondia Illustrata (Chronologiae Scondianae) 43 as early as the years 1616-35, the work was not published in an abridged form (14 libri) until 1700-05, long after his death. The reasons for the delay were political: in 1616 Messenius was accused of a secret correspondence with some Polish Catholics, as well as sympathizing with Sigismund III who in 1599 was forced out of his position as head of the Swedish-Polish Personal Union. The court passed a death sentence on Messenius. However, King Gustavus II Adolf reduced the punishment to imprisonment in the castle of Kajana (mod. Kajaani, in northern Finland). The Scondia lllustrata was written during these years in prison. The portrait of Olaf in the Scondia Illustrata conforms to the opinins of Magnus: Olaf preaches, while Cnut intrigues.44 Because the nature of the volume (a general history) did not allow detailed narrative, Messenius concentrated on the religious message: pio mandato Olaf drove idolatory from Norway, killed enemies and confiscated their properties. Like Johannes Magnus, Messenius did not moralize on Olaf's measures in strengthening his own position of power (ed. Peringski61d, 78-9): Adversariorum vero primarios occidit, et Suenonem Erici Jerl Filium in Sueciam, Haquinumque in Angliam profugere compellit; ipsemet Nidrosiam ex Vichia prefectus sub tempus brumae, civitatem restaurat; ecclesiam S. Clementis illic suscitat; leges Haquini Adelstenii nonnihil auctas denuo promulgat, et cultum abrogat idolorum ubique, ac reluctantes huic pio mandato, vita bonisque spoliat... Quando rigidis admodum S. Olai edictis in idolatras prolatis, bini regulorum offendi, et ipsis protinus superatis, uni oculos eruit, ac alteri linguam praescidit, ita gentilium compescens tumultus, Christumque ipsemet pagatim incolis annuncians.
Olaf's 'cruelty' and natural law Needless to say, J. Tolpo broke with the Catholic portraits of Saint Olaf. In my opinion, his subject (perhaps rather than the very' treatment of it) excellently mirrors the academic currents of thinkingduring the 'era of freedom' in Sweden (1719-72). In 1738 at the old University of Turku, Tolpo's dissertatio historico-politica on Saint Olaf's pravum religionis zelum contributed to the critical Swedish academic discussion on the old Catholic order--and indirectly to the influence of Lutheran orthodoxy over the absolute Carolingian regime in Sweden between 1680 and 171845
4~ Johannis Messenii Scondia illustrata, seu Chronologia de rebus Scondiae, hoc est, Sueciae, Daniae, Norvegiae, atque una lslandiae, Gronlandiaeque, tam ecclesiasticis quam politicis, a mundo cataclysmo, usque annum Christi MDCXII, gestis primum edita, et observationibus aucta a Johanne Peringski61d, Stockholmiae, anno Christi MDCC. 44 See ed. Peringski61d, 8 0 - I ; cf. Magnus, ed. Schiirer, 659-60. 45 For the good relations between the monarchy and Church during the period of absolutism, see B. Lindberg, 'The Doctrine of Natural Law in 17th Century Sweden', in: Samuel yon Pufendorf 1632-1982." En riittshistoriskt symposium i Lund 15-16 januari 1982 (Lund, 1986), 80.
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It was the theory of natural law which provided the foundation for this discussion at the Swedish universities.46 Naturally, in Sweden attention was focused on the religious emphases in the doctrine later than in, for example, Brandenburg and the Netherlands. Besides, at Turku University natural law itself was for a long time--until the 'era of freedom'--poorly represented as compared with conservative Aristotelianism 47 The theory of natural law was introduced in philosophy most comprehensively by the Dutchman, Hugo Grotius in his De jure belli ac pacis (1625) and by the German, Samuel von Pufendorf in two treatises, De jure naturae et gentium (1672) and De officio hominis et civis (1673) 48 In Sweden 49 the moderate pioneer of natural law was the prominent humanist and founder of classical philology Johannes Schefferus, Professor of the law of nature and nation at Uppsala 5° (1665). In 1668, Samuel von Pufendorf was summoned to the University of Lund as professor juris naturae et gentium. Later, in 1677, Pufendorf was appointed Royal State Historiographer of Sweden. Consequently, he became the most influential and respected theorist in the discussion on natural law at Swedish universities: j The criticism of J. Tolpo's dissertation directed towards Olaf's struggle for power under the pretence of promoting the Christian faith, followed the Pufendorfian doctrines about the separation of Church and State and religious tolerance.52 Olaf's methods in founding the Norwegian state were not suited to Pufendorf's ideal: agreement with the people: 3 Olaf, instead, used physical coercion. Criticizing this, J. Tolpo as a supporter of the 'Pufendorfian stoicism', 54 disagreed to a degree with the theories of Thomas Hobbes
46 As well attested even by Tolpo, Diss. de S. Olavi, 44 (see esp. my emphasis): Cujusque rei exemplum esse potest hoc de religione ejusque coactionis moralitate problema, quod a pontificiis aliter, (*) a nostratibus et praecipue juris naturae consultis aliter expendi solet (* = referring to J. L. Mosheim's dissertation De poenis haereticorum). 47 For the position of natural law at Turku University between 1655 and 1720, see B. Lindberg, Naturriitten i Uppsala 1655-1720 (Uppsala, 1976), 180-82. See also L. BjiSrne, 'Pufendorf und Finnland', in: Samuel yon Pufendorf 1632-1982 (Lund, 1986), 90-1. 48 See H. Denzer, Moralphilosophie und Naturrecht bei Samuel Pufendorf (Miinchen, 1972), passim. 49 For the doctrine of natural law at the Swedish universities, see Lindberg, Naturriitten, passim; 'The Doctrine of Natural Law', in: Samuel yon Pufendorf 1632-1982 (Lund, 1986), 71 ft. 5o Schefferus' main treatise (in handwritten form) is: Sciagraphia juris naturae; for Schefferus' moderacy (or conservatism, i.e. Aristotelianism), see Lindberg, Natturriitten, 58, 62-6; Lindberg, 'The Doctrine', 72. 5~ For Pufendorf's impact in Sweden, see Lindberg Naturriitten, passim; briefly, Lindberg, 'The Doctrine', 71-80, esp. 71-72; L. Nil6hn, 'On the Use of Natural Law. Samuel von Pufendorf as Royal Swedish State Historian', in: Samuel yon Pufendorf 1632-1982 (Lund, 1986), 52-70. 52 Pufendorf presented hs views on the relations between the State and the Church and religious tolerance in 1687 in the De habitu religionis Christianae ad vitam civilem (=Von natur und eigenschaft der christlichen religion und kirche in ansehen des biirgerlichen lebens und staats); see Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 210-18; Lindberg, Naturriitten, 47-50; Lindberg, 'The Doctrine', 76-80. 53 More comprehensively: Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 160-205; Lindberg, Naturriitten, 18-53. 541 agree with Lindberg, Naturriitten, 20: Pufendorfs naturrgitt kan beskrivas sore stoisk moralfilosofi och romersk riitt moderniserade reed hjiilp av naturvetenskaplig metod. For Pufendorf's indebtedness to the Stoic moral philosophy, see his Eris Scandica, quae adversus libros de jure naturae et gentium objecta diluuntur (1686), 122: ego enim Stoicorum sanae sententiae proxime accedo; see also Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 259.
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that the state's monopoly of the means of physical coercion is necessary to guarantee social order and that for this reason people consent to authorize a sovereign: 55 Sunt non ignota clarissimorum virorum nomina, qui sub exemplo populorum tantum non omnium, piraticam, ceu primum virtutis militaris tirocinium in majoribus nostris, non dicam excusare, sed et laudare sustinuerint; inprimis cum in expeditionibus suis oderint non nisi armatos: colonos et mercatores non attigerint, sed defenderint. Verum cum sit vitiosus ille consensus gentium vetustus; ad statum Hobbesianum animantis magis quam rationalem hominis respiciens . . . . In this regard, Tolpo's criticism of Hobbes's theory is still relevant today.56 Tolpo seems to have been acquainted particularly with Samuel von Pufendorf's De officio hominis et civis, when he wrote: obligationem colendi numinis omnem, quae dissentiat ab illo modo, de cujus honestate in conscientia quis, sive vere sive falso persuasus fuerit, quandoquidem animam ipsam cultus divini, puta spontaneitatem destruit, eandem esse non logiken latreian sed crudelem et perinde peccaminosam.57 In J. Tolpo's criticism of Saint Olaf's religious policy can also be found some 'pro-Finnish tones '58, which, in fact, conformed with the doctrine of natural law.
55Diss. De S. Olavi, 32; see also 45; Hobbes, besides, supported Epicurean doctrines, see Denzer, Moralphilosophie 259. However, in his De cive (1642), Hobbes essentially disagreed with Jean Bodin's ideas on the role of violence in the birth of a state (J. Bodin, Six livres de la Rgpublique, 1576), see Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 188-90 (for Hobbes's influence on Pufendorf, see Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 351; Lindberg, Naturriitten, 33 f.); for the relation between the thinking of Bodin and Pufendoff, Lindberg, Naturri~'tten, 35 and 142. 56 For Hobbes's ideas on the relationship of the concepts of authority and coercion: Leviathan (which came out in 1651), ed. C. B. Macpherson (Harmondsworth, 1968), 22-7; 223 and 226. For modem observations on Hobbes, in this regard, cf. L. Green, The Authority of the State (Oxford, 1988), 150-52; esp. 152: 'Thus, for Hobbes, the essential step in the creation of authority is not the fact that the capacity for coercion appears on the scene, but rather that this capacity is created by an individual submission of judgement and w i l l . . . Where Hobbes fails is in trying to show that it is rational to surrender oneself to an omnipotent and self-interested sovereign who would be tempted to be an extortionist or who could be bribed by others to extort'; D. Beetham, The Legitimation of Power (London, 1991), 138-9, esp. 139: "Hobbes's theory of [state's] legitimacy is wrong in supposing that the effective enforcement of rules is a sufficient ground for obligation regardless of their content'. ~7 Diss. De S. Olavi, 44, n. (a); for logike latreia, see n. (b): Rom. XII, 1. In addition, Tolpo also refers to Pufendort's ardent and infamous treatise, De statu lmperii Germanici (the edition ref. to by Tolpo: De statu imperii Germanici, ad Laelium fratrem, dominum Trezolani, liber unus, cum scholiis Thornasii et Titii, Halle, Magdeburg, 1714), in which the latter introduced the concept of civitas regularis, the regular state (all power in one hand, and one will in the body politic), as an opposite of the Holy Roman Empire. For the criticism by Tolpo of the position of religion in a state where force is used in propagating religion, see Diss. De S. Olavi, 45-7: restat, ut demonstremus, in illo quoque statu, ubi coactioni vel praecipuus locus esse solet, natura quasi quodam privilegio religionem supra omnem imperii severitatem evectam esse (ft.). ~8 These were common in the humanism of Finland during the eighteenth century (e.g. in the works of Daniel Juslenius and Henrik Gabriel Porthan).
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Indirectly--through his references to the Turku dissertation of M. Fontenius, De Sancto Henrico Fennorum Apostolo (1737)--he reminded us that Olaf's motives for his violent mission to the inhabitants of Norway were as unjust as were the motives of another sainted king, Eric of Sweden, in his crusade against the Finns.59 However, Fontenius's dissertation--the discussion at Regia Academia Aboensis of the mission and work of the Apostle of Finland, Saint Henry, compared to the policies of the above-mentioned sainted kings, especially St Olaf must be the subject of another 60 essay.
~9 For these references to Fontenius's dissertatio historica, see Diss. De S. Olavi, 9 n. (v), and 50 n. (1); for the first-mentioned: adde Diss. de S. Henrico nuperrime habitam, 37-8 [vult SCHEFFERUS non praecise religionis, qua cure imperii proferendi et attrectandi aliena sacra fames numquam non conjuncta fuit: sed saltem regionis suae, hostilitatisque ab illa retundendae caussa ERICUM regem ad arma Fennonibus inferenda prosiluisse, verum si in historiam horum et sequentium temporum vel paullulum nosmet immittere voluerimus, non ex bullis pontificum ipsorum modo, adversus gentem nostram duces et episeopos Svethiae exstimulantium sed et OLAVI, CANUTI Daniae Norvegiaeque, nee non aliorum, infinito numero, regum exemplis clarum evader, eosdem praestigiis infatuatos episcoporum suorum, alienigenas gentes, ipsosque cives suos, ob non receptam temere fidem christianam, agris, bonis et denique vita mulctasse: non alio jure, quam gentium tantum non omnium pontificio i l l o . . . (capitals and emphasis ofiginal)]. For Fontenius's arguments on the Swedish interests in Finland: Diss. de S. Henrico, 34 f. 60 In my opinion Fontenius's views about the religious policy of St Henry seem to have been somewhat 'apologetic'; see, for instance, Diss. De S. Henrico, 20-1 and 38 footnote: non Henricum suopte instituto, verum Pontificem Romanum, suo imperio armasse reges ad bella sacra diximus (ft.)]. For the present, I am not convinced that Tolpo's references to these specific pages of Fontenius were unintentional.
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T h e state o f research
Saint Olaf's 'cruelty': violence by the Scandinavian King interpreted over the centuries* Asko Timonen
Department of Classics, University of Turku, FIN-20014 Turku, Finland
Abstract At the end of 1730s the Regia Academia Aboensis of Turku published a dissertation, De Sancti Olavi Norwegiae Regis pravo religionis zelo. The work deals with the cruelty of Saint Olaf, King of Norway, 1015-1030, who was canonized after his death at the battle of Stiklestad. Thereafter, the Catholic Church spread the rex iustus ideology of Olaf throughout Scandinavia. Historians considered his violent methods of conversion justified. On the other hand, in the thirteenth century the Heimskringla represented the king's violence from heroic, secular and fatalistic--not only Christian--viewpoints. The Turku dissertation stood for a new interpretation of the Saint Olaf legend. In this example of the 'era of freedom' (1719-72), the author applied the theory of natural law which had been introduced into Swedish academic discussion, particularly by Samuel von Pufendorf, and he consciously broke with the Catholic portraits of the Saint. Since the Swedish universities paid particular attention to the religious emphases of natural law, sources like the Heimskringla were perhaps considered more religious than they actually were. In this atmosphere there could be only one definition for King Olaf's violence: cruelty. Copyright © 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd.
A dissertation on practical philosophy, De Sancti Olavi Norwegiae Regis pravo religionis zelo, was disputed in 1738 at the Regia Academia Aboensis, the old university of Turku (in Finland, the country belonged to the Swedish kingdom), by a certain Johannes Tolpo under the guidance of Professor Algoth Scarin (1722-61). In this Latin dissertatio historicopolitica, J. Tolpo treated the violence perpetrated by Oldfr (Olaf) Haraldsson, King of Norway in the years 1015-30. Tolpo debated the king's mission by the sword amongst the Norsemen, his violence in pacifying his rivals, the lesser kings (reguli), and the violent way he ruled. ~ The author's attitude to St Olaf deviated ASKO TIMONEN is an Assistant at the University of Turku. His area of expertise is the description of violence in historical portraits and biographies in later Roman historiography. * I am grateful to Professor S. Dworacki (Universityof A. Mickiewicz),Dr T. Lindkvist(Uppsala University) and Dr R. Tuomi, MAR. Vainio and Mr J. Elomaa (all from the Universityof Turku) for their help and comments. t See Diss. De S. Olavi, esp. 3, 8-10, 12-15 and 41.
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considerably from the portrait given by Snorri Sturluson in his Heimskringla and, to a great extent, from the portraits presented by the Catholic historians, namely Adam of Bremen who was almost a contemporary of Olaf in the eleventh century, and the later Johannes Magnus Gothus (1488-1544) and Johannes Messenius (1579-1636).
Historians of Olaf's world Olaf Haraldsson was canonized after his death at the battle of Stiklestad, fought in 1030 against the forces of Cnut the Great (995-1035), King of the Danes and the English. Owing to his recognition as a saint, Olaf was certainly the best known Scandinavian ruler in the Middle Ages. 2 Indeed, Olaf is known to have been the last western saint who was also accepted by the Byzantine Church.3 The Catholic Church actively supported the production of written literature in Scandinavia. In the case of Olaf Haraldsson, for instance, it wanted to interpret afresh his warlike history which was already firmly established in oral folklore 4 The Latin legends in breviaria--deriving their origin from the Passio Olavi which was written by Archbishop Eysteinn Erlendsson (1161-88)--spread the clerical rex iustus ideologySof the king's life.6 The earliest history of the Scandinavian peoples was written both in Latin and vernacular 7 There was apparently a continuous interchange between languages. One example was the [slendingab6k (The Book of the Icelanders) which the priest Ari Thorgilsson wrote in Icelandic between 1125 and 1132, probably using some Latin source (e.g. Adam of Bremen?). 8 On the other hand, Ari's volume may have been one of For Olaf's historical portrait and cult, see St. Olav, seine Zeit und sein Kult, ed. G. Svahnstr6m, Acta Visbyensia VI (Uddevalla, 1981), esp. the articles of G, A. Blom, E. Hoffmann, M. Blindheim and T. Nyberg; see also T. Nyberg, 'Les royaut6s Scandinaves entre saintet~ et sacralit6', in: La royaut~ sacr~e clans la monde chr~tien, ed. A. Boureau and C. S. Ingerllom, l~d. de l'l~cole des Hautes l~tudes en Sciences Sociales (Paris, 1992), 63-64. 3 S. Undset, Hellig Olav (Oslo, 1930), 57-60; T. K. Derry, A Short History of Norway (London, 1968), 44. 4 p. H. Sawyer, Kings and Vikings (London and New York, 1982), 9-10; S. Bagge, 'Theodoricus Monachus-Clerical Historiography in Twelfth-century Norway', Scandinavian Journal of History, 14 (1989), 118-19, 124; Bagge, Society and Politics in Snorri Sturluson's Heimskringla (Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford, 1991), 15-6. For the purpose and influence of the rex iustus ideology, see Bagge, 'Theodoricus Monachus', 129 (also n. 49); Bagge, Society and Politics, 16, 66 (n. 2), 67 and 70. 6 For the two manuscript versions of the Passio, see Kulturhistoriskt Lexicon f6r nordisk medeltid (KLNM) B. XII (Helsingfors, 1967), s.v. Olav den hellige (L. Gjerloev), 561-62. The oldest Scandinavian fragment of the Olaf's legend is from the first half of the thirteenth century, see KLNM, 563 and A. Maliniemi, Ziir Oberlieferung der lateinischen Olavuslegende, Ann. Soc. Scient. Fenn. B: XI (Helsinki, 1920); see also KLNM B. XII (1967), 584-88, s.v. Olavslegenden (A. Holtsmark). 7 The Scandinavian writers of these historical works were often priests and chieftains simultaneously, see Bagge, Society and Politics, 15. To examine the Latin tradition of Scandinavian history more closely, we naturally cannot overlook such works (not discussed in this paper) as Brevis Historia Regum Dacie (c. 1185) and Saxo's Gesta Danorum, the Danish chronicle which goes up to the end of the rule of Cnut VI. For the Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum of Adam of Bremen, see below. Bagge, Society.and Politics, 26, reminds us that Ari had the opportunity to use oral (contemporary) tradition for his history of the events in the eleventh century. Ari was born in the late 1060s.
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the sources for the first national history of Norway, the anonymous Historia Norvegiae. In Norway, Latin was used by men of the Church who wrote chronicles of the kings. ~° They were based on skaldic verse and Icelandic sources• Theodoricus Monachus finished such a chronicle in c. 1180, the Historia de antiquitate regum norwagiensium which contains history from the accession of Haraldr hfirfagri (Harald Fairhair) until the death of Sigur0r j6rsalafari (Sigurd the Crusader). ~j Ten years later, Oddr Snorrason munkr published his chronicle of King 61fifr Tryggvason, the Viking who was known as a fervent Christian• Oddr's chronicle was translated from Latin into Icelandic.The saga of St Olaf was written in the first half of the thirteenth century by the famous Icelandic poet, historian and statesman Snorri Sturluson. j3 Ol6fs saga comprises a great part of Snorri's corpus, the Heimskringla which goes as far as the late twelfth century• At the end of the seventeenth century, the Royal Antiquarian of Sweden, Johan Peringski61d, published the valuable biographies of the Heimskringla incorporating into the volume a Latin translation, Historiae regurn septentrtonahum. •
•
•
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Interpretations of Olaf's cruelty
Dissertatio historicopolitica and the Heimskringla Peringski61d's edition of the Heimskringla was the most important source for J. Tolpo in verifying St Olaf's unjust religious f~maticism, pravum religionis zelum. ~5 In his preface, Tolpo used the word crudelitas (cruelty), which as a word is literal and commonplace but as a concept is probably more common in ancient Latin literature j6 than in the academic dissertations of modern times (Diss. De S. Olavi, 3; my emphasis): ~'At least Historia Norvegiae was published later (in the beginning of the thirteenth century) than [slendingabdk. Otherwise its milieu is almost unknown, see KLNM, VI (1961), 585-7 (A. Holtsmark) and Bagge, Society and Politics, 16. For the dispute on the influence by Ari, see T. Andersson, 'Kings' Sagas', in: Old Norse--h'elandic Literature: A Critical Guide, ed. C. Clover and J. Lindow (Ithaca, 1985), 197ff. "~ For the Latin sources of Norwegian history, see E. Vandvik, l_zttinske dokument til norsk historie (Oslo, 1959). t~ For the relevance, the dedicatiotl (to Archbishop Eysteinn) and the sources of Theodoricus, see Bagge, 'Theodoricus Monachus', 113 ft. (on the sources esp. 124 In. 32]). ~-' Only this translation, the Saga Oldf~ Tryggvasonar, is preserved; see Bagge, Society and Politics, 19. ~ For the discussion both on the date and the sources of Heimskringla, and the authorship of Snorri, see Bagge, Society and Politics, 14-21 and 23-5. H The title page in its entirety: Heims Kringla, Eller Snorro Sturlasons Nordliindske Konunga Sagor. Sire
Historiae Regum Septentrionalium, a Snorrone Sturlonide, ante secula quinque, patrio sermone antiquo conscriptae. Quas Ex Manuscriptis Codicibus edidit, versione gernina, notisque brevioribus, Indici Po~'tico vel Rerum, sparsim insertis illustravit Johanni Peringski61d. Stockholmiae, Anno Christiano M DC XCVII. ~5Especially the seventh part of the corpus, Continens Historiam Regis Olavi cognomento Sancti, Cap. 58, 72, 111, 115-20. ~ See, for instance, the presentation by E. Mastellone in Bollettino di Studi Latini, 22 (1992), 22-31: 'La crudelth del tiranno e il suo primato tra Giovenale ed Ausonio'. On the concept of crudelitas, see Crudelitas, The Politics of Cruelty in the Ancient and Medieval World, Proceedings of the International Conference, Turku (Finland, 1991), ed. T. Viljamaa, A. Timonen and C. Kr6tzl, Medium Aevum Quotidianum, Sonderband 1I (Krems, 1992).
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A d ilium ordinem Olavum Haraldi Norvegiae regem referendum esse, sunt qui velint non pauci, qui non vitae sanctitate, neque tuendis gentibus devota majestate, potestateque: sed magis c r u d e l i t a t e in cives, sub titulo eos ad Christum adducendi, exercita, Sancti cognomen consecutus, et numen tutelare gentibus septentrionalibus quondam consecratus fuit. J. Tolpo seems to have been somewhat surprised (if not even 'disappointed') that later on, after the king's death, the hatred of the Norsemen towards him turned to pity, their contempt to reverence and the king's sainthood was proclaimed with p o s t m o r t e m m i r a c u l a : 17
Piget referre insipida Papistarum commenta et aniles nugas de plurimis Olavi post mortem miraculis, quae multo cum verborum strepitu enumerat nimis credulus Sturlonides. Pleraque enim ipsi, non dicam revelationi, sed et sanae rationi adversantur. In regard to St Olaf's secular history, the H e i m s k r i n g l a introduced his youth at the time of Viking raids, Chap. 4 - 1 8 in the beginning of his chronicle being descriptions of battles around the Baltic Sea. TM They are based on the skald Sigvatr's V{kingav{sur. 19 According to Snorri, Olaf was a dreadful visitor to the coasts of the Baltic: Deinde in Finlandiam navigabat Olavus, ibique hostiliter grassabatur. Cujus turn metu incolae omnes in saltuosa loca se receperunt, pecora ac facultates omnes una secum abducentes. Rex cum agmine suo per sylvas longius progressus, ad praedia campestria, quae vulgo Herdalensia appellantur. Hic spolia reperta exigua, nullique habitatores 2° Sigvatr's phrase in the context, b e l l u m c r u d e l e H e r d a l e n s e c o n t r a F i n n o s regis f i l i u s t e r t i u m gessit, c u m in m a r i B a l t h i c o p i r a t i c a s n a v e s s p o l i a t u s . . , gives cruelty a heroic connotation. Certainly this Olaf's heroic cruelty during the expedition was by no means exceptional, if we are to believe the sagas.21 J. Tolpo considered that Olaf's use of violence was largely due to his restless youth as a Viking, lacking proper religion and
~7More comprehensively, 15-7. Regarding the earlier unexpected (?) changes of mind of the Norsemen towards Olaf, see the author's astonishment on p. 11: Poenituit quidem adeo Norvegorum muhos, per biennium Danicam expertos crudelitatem, sui in Olavum insensi animi, obstinationisque, ut missis ad eum nuntiis revocarent, et auxilium eidem denuo promitterent, Ast quam mobile sit vulgi ingenium, et quam levi aura in transversum abripiantur studia illorum, quis est, quis nesciat? ~8For the assumption of Olaf's Saga: Bagge, Society and Politics, 34 if. t9 For the Vikingavisur: Sawyer, Kings and Vikings, 33. 2oAn excerpt from Chap. 8, De praelio tertio in Historia regis Olavi, ed. Peringski61d,about Olaf's (not very
successful) raid to the district of the Finns. 21Cf. for instance Egil Skallagrimsson's 'heroic violence', briefly referred by T. Lindkvist, 'The Politics of Violence and the Transition from Viking Age to Medieval Scandinavia', in: Crudelitas, 143.
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morality to distinguish right from wrong.22 Unfortunately, Tolpo did not develop this argument further. In general, his analysis seemed to be strictly contradictory to what Snorri said about the king's nature: Rex Olavus miti erat ingenio, moribusque apt& (ff.), also putting words into Sigvatr's mouth: Moderator regni, jura hominibus tamforensia quam maritima praescribere solebas. 23 The main criticism of the dissertation was, in fact, directed towards Olaf's struggle for power, under the pretence of promoting Christian faith in Norway (Diss. De S. Olavi, 8-10; my emphasis): 24 Nam capto statim post adventum suum et exulatum misso Haquino Jarlo prorege, a regulis brevi et populo Norvagico, communibus suffragiis, postquam illis sua studia et jura privilegiorum inviolata servaturum, immo aucturum semet sancte spospondisset, rex lectus ac proclamatus est anno supra millesimum decimo quinto aut sexto. Datam autem civibus fidem, non diu servavit. Sub titulo enim propagandae religionis Christianae in eos promiscue igne ferroque saevire, et detrectantes eandem capite plectere, membris mutilare, argento emungere, aut saltem in exilium pellere coepit
(ff.). Tolpo drew attention to Olaf's violence against the inhabitants of Norway, his persecution particularly of the leaders of the opposition, the five reguli, who became tired of his tyranny, tyrannidis ejus pertaesi~ 5 This choice of expression 26 indicates, in my opinion, that the author tried to establish the reasons for the violence more from Olaf's mind (psyche) than from his political environment. If this is really so, why did Tolpo not consider more closely the violent society of Olaf's adolescence, as I mentioned above? For an answer to this question I propose: Tolpo was extremely careful not to sympathize at all with Olaf 27 and, conforming to this, he presented Olaf's cruelty almost as a family weakness (inherited defect). 28 22 Diss. De S. Olavi, 31 : Videtur illud in excusationem vitae morumque Olavi posse obtendi, quod secuis illis natus Juerit, quibus, in illo septentrionis angulo, veri numinis ignorantia, barbaries summa morum, justi rectique colendi inscitia non familiis privatim modo, sed et summae imperii civilis praesidebat. See also p. 32: Piraticae rei ab anno aetatis XII. innutritum, et artes illas, fini vitae sociali atque civili repugnantes, quamdiu non fixam, alicubi stationem imperii haberet, strenue sectatam fuisse, "ex antecedentibus [paginis] clarum est. Tolpo asks: In illo vero vitae genere, ad disciplinam justi et aequi et denique magnae fortunae culture, quae quaeso praeparatio doctrinae, quae morum sperari potuit ? 23 Historia regis Olavi, Chap. 66 [ed. PeringskiiSld, 435-6]: De consuetudine regis Olavi, including carm. 52 by Sigvatr. 24Cf. also Diss. de S. Olavi, 15 (my emphasis): Nec est quod dubitemus, Olavum suae dominandi, et imperium dilatandi libidini praetexuisse istum religion& zelum et homines ad deum perdacendi studium. 2~ Diss. de S. Olavi, 9-10: lta animos sibi nuper, vitrici ope, conciliatos brevi exacerbavit, praesertim cum quinque regulos tyrannidis ejus pertaesos ex improviso opprimeret, et unum oculis, alterum lingua, caeteros exilio mulctaret. 26 See also Diss. de S. Olavi, 10: cives pertaesi adamantini regis sui principatus, and 12: animis vero ~rannidis pertaesis. 27This can be concluded easily from the opening words of his argument, on p. 31: Videtur illud in excusationem vitae rnorumque Olavi posse obtendi (for the continuation, see n. 22 above). Reasons for Tolpo's method will be discussed below in this paper. 2~ Diss. de S. Olavi, 4, n. (b): De hoc Haraldo Ericus Olavi narrat, quod pirata insignis in Svethia factus, nemini pepercerit. Eundem filium non dissimilem moribus proseminasse; eidemque, puta Haraldo, talionis jure, reginam Svethiae neque pepercisse, nemo mirabitur (my emphasis).
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This dissertation upon Olaf's p r a v u m religionis z e l u m accentuates only one aspect of the king's life and activities: his violent mission. It was also, according to Snorri, an important reason for the conflict between the leaders of Opplandene and Olaf. Snorri tells us that Olaf severely punished 'apostates' (Cap. 72 D e itinere regis in U p l a n d i a s [ed. Peringski61d, 467 f.]) 29 Hic sedulo inquisitiones de Christianae religionis exercitio apud incolas institutae sunt, ea tum occasione plurimis quae sacri cultus collapsa erant, in ordinem iterum redactis, usque adeo huic curae intento rege, ut obstinato animo paganos sectati ritus, in exilium propulsi sint, aliis manus pedesque amputati vel oculi excoecati, quidam patibulo affixi, capita aliis detruncata, nemini adeo parcebat rex, quos veri numinis cultum aversari cognovit. But, as regards Olaf's violence, the account of the H e i m s k r i n g l a is not as one-sided as one would imagine when reading Tolpo's dissertation. According to Snorri, Olaf seemingly was evil and greedy for power, but the insidious reguli were also similarly evil. 3° Olaf was afraid of them, especially of a certain Hroerekr who was vir c o n s i l i o acer, s e v e r i q u e ingenii. Therefore, Olaf put out his eyes and arrested him. The fate of the other reguli was likewise miserable 3~ for fear and suspicion led Olaf to use violence against them. However, judging from the choice of words, Olaf's rivals were worse than the king himself. The skaldic verses in Snorri's account favour Olaf, as in Ch. 74 (Song 60 of Ottarr svarti): Rex quinque regulos domavit, eorumque fraudulenta consilia gravi poena ultus est, reges minus cautos sibi insidiantes meritis suppliciis affecit.32 In addition, Snorri's appraisal of Olaf as a king and a man is very flattering, his devotion to the Christian faith not being his only characteristic. For Snorri, Olaf was a hero, the only one who actually dared oppose the might of the great Cnut. Snorri praised Olaf for his serious efforts to create a civilized state by putting an end to the raids. Social order had to be created by discipline (Cap. 192 [ed. PeringskiiSld, 733]): Frequens illis temporibus mos obtinuerat in Norvegia, ut virorum nobilium di-
29Cf. also Cap. 111, De Halogalandiae incolis [ed. Peringski61d, 553], cap. 117, De itinere regis Olavi in Uplandias [561-652], and cap. 129 [595], the Arnorus Jada Scaldus (Am6rr jarlaskald): Rex per Uplandiam urendo grassabatur, regi irato legionum suarum duci, populus obedire cogebatur: antiqui parere noluerunt, ideoque laqueo suspensi sunt. antea vario marte dimicatum erat.
3oIn my opinion, it is difficult (impossible?) to find anyone guilty of starting the violence in this case. Snorri lets Olaf's antagonists speak against Olaf in Cap. 73 led, Peringski61d, 468]: De dolosis regulorum Uplandensium consiliis: Mox igitur instituto colloquio, sermonem orsus est Raumiae regulus, de expeditione Olavi Crassi prolixe memorans, deque cladibus ac injuriis summis quibus incolas passim afficere soleat, alios jugulando, alios mutilando, vel in exilium agendo, bonis item fortunisque illorum sibi vindicatis, qui se adversum loqui audeant. ~ See Cap. 74, De regum Uplandensium mutilatione [ed. Peringski61d, 472 ff.].
32Cf. Carm. 61 and 62.
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tiorumque civium filii in militiam proficiscerentur pro acquirendis sibi opibus, piraticam expeditionem exercendo, tam in peregrinis regionibus quam intra patriae limites. Postquam vero Olavus regni habenas suscepisset, regnum suum undique expurgavit, sublatis latrociniis atque caedibus. Et veto pacis publicae perturbatores, legumque perfractores gravi supplicio capitali affecit. In Snorri's narrative, Olaf's missionary work civilizing the country and his conflict with Cnut and the r e g u l i of Opplandene, were not to be considered as wholly separate incidents. Of course we should not emphasize the connection between his various activities too much 33 However, J. Tolpo's argument--for which he used Snorri as his source--for the Christianization of the country as an example of Olaf's power politics can be accepted only with the following reservations: (i) Tolpo was probably too selective in using Snorri as his source, (ii) he did not explain at all Snorri's method of narrative, and (iii) he interpreted Snorri's text as too religious. 34
O l a f in s o m e C a t h o l i c h i s t o r i a n s
On the other hand, the Catholic historians referred to by J. T o l p o - - A d a m of Bremen, Johannes Magnus and Johannes Messenius--described 'the violent' Olaf in almost entirely laudatory terms. Accordingly, there is no hint of Olaf's lust for power. Adam of Bremen approved of the motives for Olaf's warfare. In his G e s t a Hammaburgensis e c c l e s i a e p o n t i f i c u m , which is probably the most important written source for the history of Northern Europe in the eleventh century, Adam tells us that for Olaf the continuous war against Cnut was more a necessity than a delight, and that the Danes fought for power, whereas the Norsemen, under the direction of Olaf, fought for the liberty of their country 35 According to Adam, Olaf ruled in peacetime i u d i c i o et iustitia. He particularly emphasized the king's missionary passion for the Christian faith: Olaf drove out paganism and superstition from Norway. 36 Adam, the m a g i s t e r s c h o l a r u m , gives Olaf a better press than he does for other disciples of Christianity, such as 61~ifr Tryggvason and Harald har0r~i6i (Hardrada). The former was 'a cruel s e m i b a r b a r u s ' , the latter 'was hated by all because he cruelly 33See Bagge, Society and Politics, 90: 'the king clearly takes initiatives in various fields, but there is little connection between them'. I agree with Bagge, 105, considering Olaf's mission and power politics: 'Still, he [Snorri] is not blind to the political aspects of the process [Christianisation]'; see also Bagge, 106-7. 34For the proportion of the religious and secular fields in Snorri's narrative about Olaf, see Bagge, Society and Politics, 106-7. 35Adam of Bremen, De Hamburgske Aewrkebispers Historie, ed. C. L. Henrichsen (Koebenhavn, 1930), 120; Adami Bremensis Gesta Hammaburgensis Ecclesiae Pontificum, ed. C. A. Christensen, Codex Havniensis (Copenhagen, 1948), 59. 36Gesta, lib. II, 57: Si quando aut tempus a bellorum motibus quietus erat, idem Olaph iudicio et iustitia regnum gubernavit. Inter cetera enim virtutum opera magnum dei zelum habuit. Ira ut maleficos de terra disperderet, quibus cure tota barbaries exundet. Precipue Norvegia talibus monstris plena e s t . . . Hos omnes et huiusmodi beatissimsu rex Olaph persequi decrevit, ut sublatis scandalis firmus in regno suo religio christiana claresceret . . . Ira divini et augures, magi et incantatores ceterique satellites antichristi ibi habitant; cf. 61. See also lib. 2, cap. 40.
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suppressed tyrants, burnt down churches, persecuted people, and devoted himself to idolatry, in order to win back his people's support'. 37 Olaf Haraldsson, in contrast, converted people to Christianity, co-operating with Grimkell, the Bishop of Bremen. 38 The G o t h o r u m S u e o n u m q u e H i s t o r i a 39 of Johannes Magnus Gothus, the last Catholic archbishop in Uppsala (1523-26), mainly criticized King Cnut the Great. Johannes Magnus wrote this Swedish history after leaving for exile in 1526 4° According to him, Olaf, p a t r i a e l i b e r t a t i s a s s e r t o r 4~ despite his cruel methods in propagating the Christian faith, was a victim of the tyrant Cnut and Olaf's untrustworthy Norwegian compatriots 42 In other words, Johannes Magnus represented Olaf as a martyr who owed his sanctity to his death (Lib. XVIII, cap. 1 [ed. Schiirer, 659]): Enimvero post soceri Olavi Sueonici Regis fata, tam domi a suis Norvegianis, quam foris a Danis continuo bellorum insultu impugnabatur. Cujus impugnationis praecipua causa erat susceptae fidei Christianae defensio, pro qua dilatanda Olaus omnem operam navans, potius voluit vitam et regnum, quam fidem in Christum amittere. Nec satis esse putabat, quod Pontifices et Sacerdotes continue, et ubique in ejus regno Christi Evangelium praedicarent, sed novo rerum ordine ipse Rex Apostoli vice fungens, circuibat civitates, vicos, villas, salutarem Christi doctrinam ubique disseminans, nulli ejus transgressori parcendo, sed illos, qui ab ea semel accepta resilire parabat, acriter punire non distulit, ne quisquam Regem Regum, per quem Reges regnant, impune offendisse videretur. Johannes Messenius was Professor of j u r i s e t p o l i t i c e s at Uppsala University in 1609-13, the State Archivist of Sweden, and Associate Judge of the Court of Appeal (1614-16). Although Messenius wrote his vast (20 l i b r i ) manuscript of Scandinavian
37For Olaf Tryggvason, see ed. Christensen, 52; ed. Henrichsen, 104; for Harald Hardrada, ed. Christensen, 80, and ed. Henrichsen, 165. 38See ed. Henrichsen, 120; ed. Christensen, 59. 39 Gothorum Sueonumque Historia (ex probatis antiquorum monumentis collecta, & in xxiv libros redacta, autore Jo. Magno Gotho, Archiepiscopo Upsalensi) led. Z. Schtirer, 1617]. For Saint Olaf: S. Olaus rex Norvegianus, lib. XVII, 21-XVIII, 5 led. Sch/irer, 654-67].
40His exile was one result of the conflict between the Roman Church and the Swedish realm; the book was printed in 1553. 4~See, lib. XVII, cap. 21 [ed. Schtirer, 654]: Hic a primis adolescentiae suae annis mores suos ira ad omnem probitatem accommodavit, ut facile omnibus persuaderetur, quod respublica Norvegiana ejus ductu aliquando in pristinam dignitatem et libertatem restituenda esset. . . Eaque pietate in patriam suam ductus, omnes convivos suos induxit, ut abrogata exterorum dominatione, se prudenter et celeriter in libertatem vendicaret; cf. 655 and 656. 4: See the text under the following headlines of Lib. XVIII, cap l [ed. Schiirer, 659]: S. Olaus obfidem Christi gravissimas persecutiones sustinuit; S. Olaus a Danis impugnatur, quia fidem Christi promovet; cap. III: Canuti Dani astutia [ed. Schiirer, 664]; cap. V: Norvegianorum pars pro S. Olavo, pars contra eum stabat (major veto imprudentium civium humerus erat) [ed. Schiirer, 666]. cap. V: Canutus rex Danorum per insisidias occidi fecit S. Olavum led. Schiirer, 666]; cap. V: Haraldus frater S. Olavi fugit ad Constantinopolim. Norvegiani post mortem Olavi saeva tyrannide Danorum opprimuntur led. Schiirer, 666-7].
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history, the Scondia Illustrata (Chronologiae Scondianae) 43 as early as the years 1616-35, the work was not published in an abridged form (14 libri) until 1700-05, long after his death. The reasons for the delay were political: in 1616 Messenius was accused of a secret correspondence with some Polish Catholics, as well as sympathizing with Sigismund III who in 1599 was forced out of his position as head of the Swedish-Polish Personal Union. The court passed a death sentence on Messenius. However, King Gustavus II Adolf reduced the punishment to imprisonment in the castle of Kajana (mod. Kajaani, in northern Finland). The Scondia lllustrata was written during these years in prison. The portrait of Olaf in the Scondia Illustrata conforms to the opinins of Magnus: Olaf preaches, while Cnut intrigues.44 Because the nature of the volume (a general history) did not allow detailed narrative, Messenius concentrated on the religious message: pio mandato Olaf drove idolatory from Norway, killed enemies and confiscated their properties. Like Johannes Magnus, Messenius did not moralize on Olaf's measures in strengthening his own position of power (ed. Peringski61d, 78-9): Adversariorum vero primarios occidit, et Suenonem Erici Jerl Filium in Sueciam, Haquinumque in Angliam profugere compellit; ipsemet Nidrosiam ex Vichia prefectus sub tempus brumae, civitatem restaurat; ecclesiam S. Clementis illic suscitat; leges Haquini Adelstenii nonnihil auctas denuo promulgat, et cultum abrogat idolorum ubique, ac reluctantes huic pio mandato, vita bonisque spoliat... Quando rigidis admodum S. Olai edictis in idolatras prolatis, bini regulorum offendi, et ipsis protinus superatis, uni oculos eruit, ac alteri linguam praescidit, ita gentilium compescens tumultus, Christumque ipsemet pagatim incolis annuncians.
Olaf's 'cruelty' and natural law Needless to say, J. Tolpo broke with the Catholic portraits of Saint Olaf. In my opinion, his subject (perhaps rather than the very' treatment of it) excellently mirrors the academic currents of thinkingduring the 'era of freedom' in Sweden (1719-72). In 1738 at the old University of Turku, Tolpo's dissertatio historico-politica on Saint Olaf's pravum religionis zelum contributed to the critical Swedish academic discussion on the old Catholic order--and indirectly to the influence of Lutheran orthodoxy over the absolute Carolingian regime in Sweden between 1680 and 171845
4~ Johannis Messenii Scondia illustrata, seu Chronologia de rebus Scondiae, hoc est, Sueciae, Daniae, Norvegiae, atque una lslandiae, Gronlandiaeque, tam ecclesiasticis quam politicis, a mundo cataclysmo, usque annum Christi MDCXII, gestis primum edita, et observationibus aucta a Johanne Peringski61d, Stockholmiae, anno Christi MDCC. 44 See ed. Peringski61d, 8 0 - I ; cf. Magnus, ed. Schiirer, 659-60. 45 For the good relations between the monarchy and Church during the period of absolutism, see B. Lindberg, 'The Doctrine of Natural Law in 17th Century Sweden', in: Samuel yon Pufendorf 1632-1982." En riittshistoriskt symposium i Lund 15-16 januari 1982 (Lund, 1986), 80.
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It was the theory of natural law which provided the foundation for this discussion at the Swedish universities.46 Naturally, in Sweden attention was focused on the religious emphases in the doctrine later than in, for example, Brandenburg and the Netherlands. Besides, at Turku University natural law itself was for a long time--until the 'era of freedom'--poorly represented as compared with conservative Aristotelianism 47 The theory of natural law was introduced in philosophy most comprehensively by the Dutchman, Hugo Grotius in his De jure belli ac pacis (1625) and by the German, Samuel von Pufendorf in two treatises, De jure naturae et gentium (1672) and De officio hominis et civis (1673) 48 In Sweden 49 the moderate pioneer of natural law was the prominent humanist and founder of classical philology Johannes Schefferus, Professor of the law of nature and nation at Uppsala 5° (1665). In 1668, Samuel von Pufendorf was summoned to the University of Lund as professor juris naturae et gentium. Later, in 1677, Pufendorf was appointed Royal State Historiographer of Sweden. Consequently, he became the most influential and respected theorist in the discussion on natural law at Swedish universities: j The criticism of J. Tolpo's dissertation directed towards Olaf's struggle for power under the pretence of promoting the Christian faith, followed the Pufendorfian doctrines about the separation of Church and State and religious tolerance.52 Olaf's methods in founding the Norwegian state were not suited to Pufendorf's ideal: agreement with the people: 3 Olaf, instead, used physical coercion. Criticizing this, J. Tolpo as a supporter of the 'Pufendorfian stoicism', 54 disagreed to a degree with the theories of Thomas Hobbes
46 As well attested even by Tolpo, Diss. de S. Olavi, 44 (see esp. my emphasis): Cujusque rei exemplum esse potest hoc de religione ejusque coactionis moralitate problema, quod a pontificiis aliter, (*) a nostratibus et praecipue juris naturae consultis aliter expendi solet (* = referring to J. L. Mosheim's dissertation De poenis haereticorum). 47 For the position of natural law at Turku University between 1655 and 1720, see B. Lindberg, Naturriitten i Uppsala 1655-1720 (Uppsala, 1976), 180-82. See also L. BjiSrne, 'Pufendorf und Finnland', in: Samuel yon Pufendorf 1632-1982 (Lund, 1986), 90-1. 48 See H. Denzer, Moralphilosophie und Naturrecht bei Samuel Pufendorf (Miinchen, 1972), passim. 49 For the doctrine of natural law at the Swedish universities, see Lindberg, Naturriitten, passim; 'The Doctrine of Natural Law', in: Samuel yon Pufendorf 1632-1982 (Lund, 1986), 71 ft. 5o Schefferus' main treatise (in handwritten form) is: Sciagraphia juris naturae; for Schefferus' moderacy (or conservatism, i.e. Aristotelianism), see Lindberg, Natturriitten, 58, 62-6; Lindberg, 'The Doctrine', 72. 5~ For Pufendorf's impact in Sweden, see Lindberg Naturriitten, passim; briefly, Lindberg, 'The Doctrine', 71-80, esp. 71-72; L. Nil6hn, 'On the Use of Natural Law. Samuel von Pufendorf as Royal Swedish State Historian', in: Samuel yon Pufendorf 1632-1982 (Lund, 1986), 52-70. 52 Pufendorf presented hs views on the relations between the State and the Church and religious tolerance in 1687 in the De habitu religionis Christianae ad vitam civilem (=Von natur und eigenschaft der christlichen religion und kirche in ansehen des biirgerlichen lebens und staats); see Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 210-18; Lindberg, Naturriitten, 47-50; Lindberg, 'The Doctrine', 76-80. 53 More comprehensively: Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 160-205; Lindberg, Naturriitten, 18-53. 541 agree with Lindberg, Naturriitten, 20: Pufendorfs naturrgitt kan beskrivas sore stoisk moralfilosofi och romersk riitt moderniserade reed hjiilp av naturvetenskaplig metod. For Pufendorf's indebtedness to the Stoic moral philosophy, see his Eris Scandica, quae adversus libros de jure naturae et gentium objecta diluuntur (1686), 122: ego enim Stoicorum sanae sententiae proxime accedo; see also Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 259.
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that the state's monopoly of the means of physical coercion is necessary to guarantee social order and that for this reason people consent to authorize a sovereign: 55 Sunt non ignota clarissimorum virorum nomina, qui sub exemplo populorum tantum non omnium, piraticam, ceu primum virtutis militaris tirocinium in majoribus nostris, non dicam excusare, sed et laudare sustinuerint; inprimis cum in expeditionibus suis oderint non nisi armatos: colonos et mercatores non attigerint, sed defenderint. Verum cum sit vitiosus ille consensus gentium vetustus; ad statum Hobbesianum animantis magis quam rationalem hominis respiciens . . . . In this regard, Tolpo's criticism of Hobbes's theory is still relevant today.56 Tolpo seems to have been acquainted particularly with Samuel von Pufendorf's De officio hominis et civis, when he wrote: obligationem colendi numinis omnem, quae dissentiat ab illo modo, de cujus honestate in conscientia quis, sive vere sive falso persuasus fuerit, quandoquidem animam ipsam cultus divini, puta spontaneitatem destruit, eandem esse non logiken latreian sed crudelem et perinde peccaminosam.57 In J. Tolpo's criticism of Saint Olaf's religious policy can also be found some 'pro-Finnish tones '58, which, in fact, conformed with the doctrine of natural law.
55Diss. De S. Olavi, 32; see also 45; Hobbes, besides, supported Epicurean doctrines, see Denzer, Moralphilosophie 259. However, in his De cive (1642), Hobbes essentially disagreed with Jean Bodin's ideas on the role of violence in the birth of a state (J. Bodin, Six livres de la Rgpublique, 1576), see Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 188-90 (for Hobbes's influence on Pufendorf, see Denzer, Moralphilosophie, 351; Lindberg, Naturriitten, 33 f.); for the relation between the thinking of Bodin and Pufendoff, Lindberg, Naturri~'tten, 35 and 142. 56 For Hobbes's ideas on the relationship of the concepts of authority and coercion: Leviathan (which came out in 1651), ed. C. B. Macpherson (Harmondsworth, 1968), 22-7; 223 and 226. For modem observations on Hobbes, in this regard, cf. L. Green, The Authority of the State (Oxford, 1988), 150-52; esp. 152: 'Thus, for Hobbes, the essential step in the creation of authority is not the fact that the capacity for coercion appears on the scene, but rather that this capacity is created by an individual submission of judgement and w i l l . . . Where Hobbes fails is in trying to show that it is rational to surrender oneself to an omnipotent and self-interested sovereign who would be tempted to be an extortionist or who could be bribed by others to extort'; D. Beetham, The Legitimation of Power (London, 1991), 138-9, esp. 139: "Hobbes's theory of [state's] legitimacy is wrong in supposing that the effective enforcement of rules is a sufficient ground for obligation regardless of their content'. ~7 Diss. De S. Olavi, 44, n. (a); for logike latreia, see n. (b): Rom. XII, 1. In addition, Tolpo also refers to Pufendort's ardent and infamous treatise, De statu lmperii Germanici (the edition ref. to by Tolpo: De statu imperii Germanici, ad Laelium fratrem, dominum Trezolani, liber unus, cum scholiis Thornasii et Titii, Halle, Magdeburg, 1714), in which the latter introduced the concept of civitas regularis, the regular state (all power in one hand, and one will in the body politic), as an opposite of the Holy Roman Empire. For the criticism by Tolpo of the position of religion in a state where force is used in propagating religion, see Diss. De S. Olavi, 45-7: restat, ut demonstremus, in illo quoque statu, ubi coactioni vel praecipuus locus esse solet, natura quasi quodam privilegio religionem supra omnem imperii severitatem evectam esse (ft.). ~8 These were common in the humanism of Finland during the eighteenth century (e.g. in the works of Daniel Juslenius and Henrik Gabriel Porthan).
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Indirectly--through his references to the Turku dissertation of M. Fontenius, De Sancto Henrico Fennorum Apostolo (1737)--he reminded us that Olaf's motives for his violent mission to the inhabitants of Norway were as unjust as were the motives of another sainted king, Eric of Sweden, in his crusade against the Finns.59 However, Fontenius's dissertation--the discussion at Regia Academia Aboensis of the mission and work of the Apostle of Finland, Saint Henry, compared to the policies of the above-mentioned sainted kings, especially St Olaf must be the subject of another 60 essay.
~9 For these references to Fontenius's dissertatio historica, see Diss. De S. Olavi, 9 n. (v), and 50 n. (1); for the first-mentioned: adde Diss. de S. Henrico nuperrime habitam, 37-8 [vult SCHEFFERUS non praecise religionis, qua cure imperii proferendi et attrectandi aliena sacra fames numquam non conjuncta fuit: sed saltem regionis suae, hostilitatisque ab illa retundendae caussa ERICUM regem ad arma Fennonibus inferenda prosiluisse, verum si in historiam horum et sequentium temporum vel paullulum nosmet immittere voluerimus, non ex bullis pontificum ipsorum modo, adversus gentem nostram duces et episeopos Svethiae exstimulantium sed et OLAVI, CANUTI Daniae Norvegiaeque, nee non aliorum, infinito numero, regum exemplis clarum evader, eosdem praestigiis infatuatos episcoporum suorum, alienigenas gentes, ipsosque cives suos, ob non receptam temere fidem christianam, agris, bonis et denique vita mulctasse: non alio jure, quam gentium tantum non omnium pontificio i l l o . . . (capitals and emphasis ofiginal)]. For Fontenius's arguments on the Swedish interests in Finland: Diss. de S. Henrico, 34 f. 60 In my opinion Fontenius's views about the religious policy of St Henry seem to have been somewhat 'apologetic'; see, for instance, Diss. De S. Henrico, 20-1 and 38 footnote: non Henricum suopte instituto, verum Pontificem Romanum, suo imperio armasse reges ad bella sacra diximus (ft.)]. For the present, I am not convinced that Tolpo's references to these specific pages of Fontenius were unintentional.