Self-esteem in childhood and adolescence: Vaccine or epiphenomenon?

Applied & PreventivePsychology 8:103-117 (1999). CambridgeUniversityPress. Printed in the USA. Copyright © 1999AAAPP0962-1849/99 $9.50

Self-esteem in childhood and adolescence: Vaccine or epiphenomenon? DAVID L. DUBOIS AND HEATHER D. T E V E N D A L E University of Missouri

Abstract

Recent accounts of the adaptive significance of self-esteem during childhood and adolescence have varied dramatically and fueled the emergence of a "self-esteem debate." On one side of the debate, self-esteem is portrayed as a powerful positive influence on youth adjustment. By contrast, the other side has argued that hypothesized effects of self-esteem do not exist at all. A review of empirical findings suggests that both views are oversimplified and inaccurate. The adaptive implications of self-esteem during childhood and adolescence instead appear to be complex and differentiated, ranging from highly beneficial to possibly even negative. Recent results indicate the importance of considering (a) multiple, distinct facets of self-esteem; (b) the moderating influence of youth characteristics, environmental experiences, and processes in the formation and maintenance of self-esteem; and (c) bidirectional, recursive linkages between self-esteem and adaptive functioning throughout development. The adaptive implications of self-esteem for children and adolescents also appear to be most usefully investigated within the context of broader frameworks that allow for consideration of the role of self-esteem as an intervening or mediational process and its interdependent relationships with other aspects of the developing self-system. Implications for interventions designed to enhance youth self-esteem are discussed. Keywords: Adolescents, Children, Development, Prevention, Self-esteem, Self-system

Positive feelings about the self are widely assumed to be important to healthy developmental outcomes. Theoretically, high levels of self-esteem promote emotional well-being and stability (Hatter, 1993), social and behavioral adaptation (Bromley, 1978), academic achievement (Purkey, 1970), and even resilience to the emergence of disorder (Rutter, 1987; Werner & Smith, 1982). The final report of the widely publicized California Task Force to Promote Self-Esteem and Personal and Social Responsibility (1990) went still farther in recent years to propose that self-esteem is "the likeliest candidate for a social vaccine, something that inoculates [youth] against the lures of crime, violence, substance abuse, teen p r e g n a n c y . . , and educational failure" (p. 4). The enthusiastic acceptance of such possibilities by educators and others during the past several decades has led to a remarkable proliferation of practices to promote the self-esteem of chil-

dren and adolescents (Kohn, 1994). Consequently, we now live in a society in which all youth are likely to be exposed at different points in their development to programs and policies that are directed toward the goal of self-esteem enhancement. The Self-Esteem Debate Although considerable public and private resources continue to be expended on esteem-enhancement activities, the assumptions underlying such practices have become the subject of increased scrutiny and criticism. Several scholars have adopted a highly skeptical stance toward the presumed importance of self-esteem and instead argued that it is likely to be of little or no consequence for healthy developmental outcomes (Damon, 1995; Kohn, 1994; Seligman, 1993). In terms that are no less provocative than the competing metaphor of self-esteem as "social vaccine," Seligman (1993) asserted that "low [or high] self-esteem is an epiphenomenon, a mere reflection that your commerce with the world is going badly [or well]. It has no power in itself' (p. 241). At the same time, the contrasting perspective that self-esteem makes a significant contribution to the adaptive outcomes of children and adolescents continues to be well represented in

This research was supportedby a grant to the first author from the William T. Grant Foundation. The authors are grateful to Roy Baumeister, Debora Bell-Dolan, Bruce Compas,RobertFelner, David Geary,Susan Harter, Brad Heil, Lizette Peterson, and Diane Ruble for their valuable feedback on earlier drafts of this article. Send correspondence and reprint requests to: David L. DuBois, 210 McAlester Hall, Department of Psychology, University of Missouri-Columbia, Columbia, MO 652ll. E-mail via Internet to psydavid@showme. missouri.edu 103

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the literature (Harter, 1993; Smelser, 1989). These disparate viewpoints are referred to in the present article as the "selfesteem debate" (cf. Edwards, 1995). An overview of empirical support for each side of the debate is presented, followed by a review of recent findings indicating a more complex, differential relationship between self-esteem and adaptive outcomes during development. In a concluding section, the self-esteem debate is revisited and recommendations are offered for both future research and intervention. Self-Esteem As "Vaccine" Empirical support for views emphasizing the adaptive significance of self-esteem during childhood and adolescence can be found in the literatures of psychology and related fields such as education, medicine, and sociology. High levels of self-esteem among youth have been linked to a variety of favorable outcomes, including positive mood and happiness (M. Rosenberg, 1985), life satisfaction (Huebner, 1991), physical fitness and desirable health practices (Doan & Scherman, 1987; Yarcheski & Mahon, 1989), adaptive classroom behavior (Lerner et al., 1991), and academic achievement (Hattie, 1992). Conversely, children and adolescents lacking in self-esteem have been indicated to be more prone to symptoms of depression and anxiety (Ohannessian, Lerner, Lerner, &von Eye, 1994; Rosenberg, 1985; Towbes, Cohen, & Glyshaw, 1989), interpersonal difficulties such as loneliness (Ammerman, Kazdin, & Van Hasselt, 1993) and rejection by peers (East, Hess, & Lerner, 1987), conduct problems/delinquent behavior (Cole, Chan, & Lytton, 1989; Hinde, Tamplin, & Barrett, 1993; E R. Rosenberg & M. Rosenberg, 1978), and a wide range of health-risk behaviors and outcomes, including substance use (Schroeder, Laflin, & Weis, 1993), gang membership (Wang, 1994), teen pregnancy (Crockenberg & Soby, 1989), obesity (Jarvie, Lahey, Graziano, & Framer, 1983), eating-disorder symptomatology (Brooks-Gunn, Rock, & Warren, 1989), and suicidal tendencies (Lewinsohn, Rohde, & Seeley, 1993). Longitudinal studies, although relatively few in number, are particularly noteworthy because of their potential to shed light on the degree to which the levels of self-esteem experienced by youth influence adaptive outcomes at later points in development. The methodologically strongest of the investigations have controlled for initial or "baseline" levels of functioning in analyses and thus are prospective in design. Several of these studies have found evidence of hypothesized adaptive benefits for high levels of self-esteem among developing youth, including facilitation of favorable outcomes in domains such as academic performance and health behavior and, conversely, when absent (e.g., feelings of self-derogation) increased susceptibility to negative outcomes such as depression, eating disorders, substance use, and suicidal behavior (see Table 1). Notably, several investigations also have found levels of self-esteem assessed during childhood

and adolescence to have utility in the prediction of functioning during adulthood (Hanser, 1998; Kaplan, Robbins, & Martin, 1983; R. E. L. Roberts & Bengston, 1993; Slomkowski, Klein, & Mannuzza, 1995; Werner & Smith, 1992; Zuroff, Koestner, & Powers, 1994). Self-Esteem As "Epiphenomenon" It is nonetheless equally possible to discern support from the literature for views that question the adaptive significance of self-esteem for developing youth. Thus, although the adaptive correlates of self-esteem during childhood and adolescence have been demonstrated to be quite wide ranging, the magnitude of these relationships is so weak in many instances as to raise concerns regarding their practical significance (Kohn, 1994). Despite the popularity of views linking self-esteem with academic achievement, for example, an average correlation of only .22 was found between the two types of measures across studies (Hattie, 1992). In other words, the associations reported typically have accounted for less than 5% of the variance in criterion measures of school performance. Similar results have been obtained in research examining the relationship of self-esteem to various other aspects of youth behavior and health (Giblin, Poland, & Ager, 1988), including substance use (Schroeder et al., 1993) and teenage pregnancy (Crockenberg & Soby, 1989). According to the "epiphenomenon" viewpoint (Seligman, 1993), it is also the case that the associations observed in prior research may be attributable entirely to the self-esteem of youth rising and falling in response to varying degrees of adaptive success or failure rather than to any effects of selfesteem on levels of functioning. The significant findings of the prospective studies referred to previously argue against this perspective. Nevertheless, numerous other investigations with this type of design have failed to detect any appreciable influence of self-esteem on similar outcomes (see Table 1). The overall pattern of findings across prospective studies is thus inconsistent and in many instances indicative of a lack of hypothesized effects of self-esteem. Of further note are several investigations in which findings have implicated high levels of self-esteem in maladaptive patterns of functioning, including greater use of alcohol and drugs (DeSimone, Murray, & Lester, 1994; Olmstead, Guy, O'Malley, & Bentler, 1991), initiation of sexual intercourse at earlier ages (Crockett, Bingham, Chopak, & Vicary, 1996; Jessor & Jessor, 1975), delinquent behavior and gang involvement (Baumeister, Smart, & Boden, 1996), and poorer academic performance (Skaalvik & Hagtvet, 1990). Interestingly, this possibility that high levels of self-esteem may contribute to maladaptive patterns of functioning for youth under certain sets of circumstances is not addressed by views on either side of the debate concerning the rote of self-esteem in child and adolescent development.

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Table 1. Prospective Investigations of Hypothesized Effects of Self-Esteem on Adjustment During Childhood and Adolescence Study

Sample

Research design

Findings

Supportive results Lewinsohn, Roberts et al. (1994); Lewinsohn, Rohde, & Seeley (1994) Kaplan & Robbins (1983)

1,508 high school students

Two assessments, 14 months apart

2,896 junior high school students

Rosenberg, Schooler, & Schoenbach (1989)

1,886 boys from Youth in Transition Study

Self-derogation assessed in 7th grade; suicidal ideation and suicide attempts assessed in 8th and 9th grades Two assessments, early 10th grade and late llth grade

Rumberger (1995)

17,424 students from National Educational Longitudinal Study 4,694 young adolescents

Assessment of self-esteem in 8th grade and school drop-out status at 2-year follow-up Two assessments, 7th and 8th grades

Kaplan (1976)

Kaplan, Johnson, & Bailey (1988) Kaplan, Smith, & Pokorny (1979)

2,288 young adolescents 328 girls

Warheit et al. (1995)

4,983 6th and 7th grade boys 594 11-12 year-old gifts

Button, Sonuga-Barke, Davies & Thompson (1996)

Three assessments, 7th, 8th, and 9th grades Self-derogation assessed in 7th grade, pregnancy outcome followed up for 5 years Assessed in fall of 2 consecutive school years Initial assessment and 4-year follow-up

Rotheram-Borus, Rosario, Reid, & Koopman (1995)

136 homosexual and bisexual males, ages 14-19

Robertson & Simons (1989)

244 adolescents, ages 13-17 1,471 boys from Youth in Transition Study 1,658 7th, 9th, and 1lth graders

Two assessments, 1 year apart Three assessments, early 10th, late 1lth, and late 12th grades Assessed annually for 3 years

654 adolescents, ages 17-20

Two assessments, 4 years apart

7,270 6th graders

Assessed annually for 4 years Assessed in 9th, 10th, or 11th grade, pregnancy outcome followed for 1 year Pregnancy outcome followed until age 19

Four assessments over a 1-year period

Ratings of lower self-esteem predicted future cases of depression and suicide attempts Ratings of greater self-derogation predicted reports of suicidal ideation and suicide attempts

Evidence that lower levels of self-esteem increased depressive symptoms and delinquent behavior Youth reporting higher self-esteem were significantly less likely to drop-out of school Ratings of self-derogation associated with subsequent adoption of deviant behaviors Effect of self-rejection on illicit drug use Gifts who later became pregnant reported significantly greater initial self-derogation Self-rejection/derogation predictive of greater alcohol and cigarette use Girls reporting lower self-esteem developed more severe signs of eating disorders Ratings of higher self-esteem among youth who demonstrated improvements in protected sexual risk acts

Nonsupportive results Bynner, O'Malley, & Bachman (1981) McCarthy & Hoge (1984)

Newcomb, Bentler, & Collins (1986); Stein, Newcomb, & Bentler (1987) Bertrand & Abernathy (1993) Vernon, Green, & Frothingham (1983)

Plotnick (1992)

858 low-income gifts, ages 13-19

1,142 White gifts, ages 15-17, from National Longitudinal Study of Youth

Initial ratings of self-esteem did not predict later depressive symptoms Lack of support for effects of self-esteem on delinquent behavior or educational attainment Lack of evidence for effects of self-esteem on delinquent behavior or grades No evidence of effects of self-esteem on levels of alcohol or substance use Ratings of self-esteem did not predict onset of smoking No significant difference in ratings of self-esteem between girls who became pregnant and those who did not No relationship between ratings of self-esteem and later risk for pregnancy

contmued

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Table 1. Continued Study

Sample

Researchdesign

Hoge, Smit, & Crist (1995)

322 6th graders, ages 11-13

Byrne (1986)

929 9th- 12th graders

Assessed at the beginning and end of 6th and 7th grades Two assessments, 6 monthsapart

Klesges et al. (1992)

132 children

Initial assessmentof self-esteemfollowedby three annualassessments of bodyfat

Findings Lackof evidencefor effectsof self-esteemon grades Lack of evidencefor effectsof self-esteemon gradesor reading achievement Ratings of self-esteemdid not predictlaterlevelsof bodyfat

Note. All studiesincludedcontrolfor initial,baselinescoreson the criterionmeasurein analysesexaminingself-esteemas a predictor of later scoreson the criterion.

Beyond the Self-Esteem Debate When taking all available findings into account, it must be acknowledged that neither the "vaccine" or "epiphenomenon" views of self-esteem enjoys particularly strong or convincing support. There are, however, several promising trends in research that move beyond these relatively simplistic, one-sided views regarding the adaptive significance of self-esteem during development.

Adaptive Significance of Multiple Facets of Self-Esteem In the vast majority of studies, self-esteem has been assessed simply by having youth rate themselves on a series of generally phrased items that pertain to their overall feelings of self-worth (e.g., "On the whole, I am satisfied with myself'). In contrast to the relatively global and undifferentiated nature of such measures, recent research reflects a growing interest in more refined assessments that target multiple, distinct facets of the self-esteem of youth. The facets of selfesteem investigated include (a) domain-specific evaluations of the self, (b) separate positive and negative dimensions of self-evaluation, (c) presented feelings of self-worth evident in observable behavior, and (d) stability of self-esteem. Domain-specific self-evaluations. Research provides strong support for multidimensional frameworks of self-esteem and, relatedly, self-concept among school-age children and adolescents in which multiple, distinct aspects of selfevaluation are distinguished from one another and viewed as potentially significant influences on adaptation (DuBois, Felner, Brand, Phillips, & Lease, 1996; Harter, 1983, 1990; Hattie, 1992; Marsh, Byrne, & Shavelson, 1992). In accordance with this work, there is a substantial accumulation of findings pertaining to the adaptive significance of different domains of self-evaluation for children and adolescents. Favorable evaluations by youth of their academic skills and abilities, for example, have been found to be a robust correlate of higher levels of academic achievement (Hattie, 1992) and in longitudinal research have been indicated to have

positive effects on future levels of achievement (Marsh & Yeung, 1997; M. Rosenberg, Schooler, Schoenbach, & Rosenberg, 1995; Skaalvik & Hagtvet, 1990), even when controlling for objective levels of ability (Marsh, 1990). In other research, negative evaluations of body image have been implicated as contributing not only to both eating-disorder symptomatology (Attic & Brooks-Gunn, 1989; BrooksGunn et al., 1989) and obesity (Klesges et al., 1992; Kolody & Sallis, 1995), but also depressive symptoms (AllgoodMerten, Lewinsohn, & Hops, 1990), whereas less positive views of the self relating to school and family relations have been linked differentially to both conduct problems (Cole et al., 1989) and substance use (Young, Werch, & Bakema, 1989). Profiles of self-evaluations across multiple domains also have been found to exhibit significant relationships with youth adjustment in several investigations (Harter & Whitesell, 1996; Koenig, Howard, Offer, & Cremerius, 1984; Lenerz & Gamble, 1986), even when controlling for levels of global self-esteem associated with differing profiles (DuBois, Bull, Sherman, & Roberts, 1998; DuBois, Felner, & Brand, 1997). Findings from this research indicate, for example, that a pervasive pattern of unfavorable appraisals of the self across multiple domains may significantly increase risk for a wide range of adaptive difficulties (DuBois et al., 1997, 1998; Harter & Whitesell, 1996; Koenig et al., 1984). It also appears that more variable patterns of self-evaluation may promote certain aspects of adjustment but interfere with others. Illustratively, a profile reflecting relatively more favorable views of the self pertaining to school and family in comparison to peer relations and associated domains (e.g., body image) has been linked to positive patterns of conduct and academic achievement but also implicated in greater risk for emotional difficulties during early adolescence when peer-oriented concerns are likely to be important for the overall well-being of many youth (DuBois et al., 1997, 1998). Cumulatively, results indicate that domain-specific aspects of self-evaluation are important to consider during development both separately and in combination with one another. Signif-

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icant increases in understanding and prediction of the adaptive correlates of selfesteem seem likely to occur with greater usage of relevant, multidimensional assessment instruments (Harter, 1990). Negative and positive dimensions of self-evaluation. Another concern receiving attention is the possibility that negative and positive dimensions of self-evaluation have distinct influences on youth adjustment. In a recent study investigating this issue (Owens, 1994), longitudinal analyses of data for a large, national sample of adolescent boys indicated independent (i.e., nonoverlapping) effects of both negative and positive dimensions of self-evaluation on grades as well as levels of delinquent behavior. Effects on depression also were evident, but limited to negative selfevaluations (i.e., self-depreciation). Owens (1994) concluded that future researchers should "closely examine the relations between positive and negative dimensions of selfesteem and relevant outcomes or correlates and not simply assume that selfesteem is a unidimensional construct measured by indicators that all have the same relations with external variables" (p. 405). This conclusion is similar to that reached in more extensive research that has investigated the adaptive correlates of positive and negative dimensions of self-evaluation among adult samples (Brown, Andrews, Bifulco, & Veiel, 1990). As further investigations with children and adolescents include separate measures of positive and negative dimensions of self-esteem (e.g., Patterson, 1997), outcomes in different areas may be able to be identified that are particularly sensitive to one or the other aspect of self-evaluation. Presented self-esteem. Aspects of self-esteem evident in the observable behavior of children and adolescents also have received consideration (Demo, 1985; Harter, 1990). Dimensions of self-esteem corresponding to the experienced and presented self have been distinguished in this regard (Savin-Williams & Demo, 1983a) with the former encompassing "the self as evaluated by the individual" (p. 124) and the latter "that dimension which an individual verbally and non-verbally reveals to the social world" (p. 123). Based on the findings of a series of studies that included measures of both experienced self-esteem (i.e., self-report and interview assessments) and presented self-esteem (i.e., observer and peer ratings), Savin-Williams and Demo (Demo, 1985; Savin-Williams & Demo, 1983a, 1984; Savin-Williams & Jacquish, 1981) concluded that the two could be reliably distinguished with their estimated degree of correlation ranging from moderately strong (r = .57) to weak (r = .12) across different groups. Because of the nearly exclusive reliance on self-report measures of self-esteem in research investigating its adaptive correlates, available findings primarily address experienced aspects of self-esteem rather than presented aspects, such as those that may be evident to observers such as parents or teachers. This is a significant concern given that the two types of measures could reveal differential patterns of relationship between self-esteem and criterion indices of

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adjustment. Illustrative in this regard are the findings of a study in which both self-report and teacher ratings of selfesteem were examined along with several other measures in relationship to discrepancies between elementary school children's self-perceptions of their academic competence and more objective measures obtained from teachers and standardized tests (Connell & Ilardi, 1987). Analyses comparing children who either underrated or overrated their compe,tence relative to the views of teachers revealed a problematic pattern of adjustment for overraters. Overraters had greater self-reported and teacher-reported anxiety and, according to teacher ratings, lower self-esteem, poorer coping strategies (e.g., greater use of denial), and less internalized selfregulatory styles. Interestingly, however, these youth nevertheless self-reported significantly higher self-esteem than underraters (Connell & Ilardi, 1987). Thus, it appears that even when self-reported high levels of self-esteem are linked to unfavorable patterns of adjustment among children and adolescents, relationships in more expected directions may be revealed upon consideration of observer ratings of selfesteem. Observational measures may be particularly useful in this regard for detecting low levels of self-esteem that youth are unwilling or unable to acknowledge directly themselves because of defensive or self-enhancing tendencies. Self-esteem stability. Prior research has concerned itself almost entirely with the adaptive implications of the levels of self-esteem that youth are experiencing at particular points in time. This approach is limited, however, because it fails to consider the significance of change or fluctuation that may be evident in the self-esteem of children and adolescents across time and situations (M. Rosenberg, 1985). Correlational estimates have indicated considerable overall stability in levels of self-esteem during development across periods ranging from a few months to several years (Alsaker & O1weus, 1992; Block & Robins, 1993; Simmons & Blyth, 1987), but have been criticized as masking potentially important patterns of differential change and stability across subgroups of youth within samples (Hirsch & DuBois, 1991). In accordance with this latter concern, several recent investigations have documented contrasting longitudinal trajectories of change in self-esteem during the period of transition from childhood to adolescence (Hirsch & DuBois, 1991; Seidman & Hsueh, 1997; Zimmerman, Copeland, Shope, & Dielman, 1997). Noteworthy among the trajectories identified is a pattern of markedly declining self-esteem for as many as 1 in 5 youth in each sample. Significant differences have been found on measures of adaptive outcomes associated with trajectories, including a pattern of notably greater impairment across a wide range of areas of functioning for the trajectory involving a steep decline in self-esteem over time (Hirsch & DuBois, 1991; Seidman & Hsueh, 1997; Zimmerman et al., 1997). Many youth also report more short-term, day-to-day fluctuations in their feelings about themselves (M. Rosenberg, 1985; Savin-Williams & Demo, 1983b; Verkuyten, 1995).

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This type of lack of stability in self-esteem has been suggested to be indicative of fragile or vulnerable feelings of self-worth and thus increased susceptibility to adaptive difficulties (Kernis, 1993; J. E. Roberts & Monroe, 1994). In accordance with this perspective, short-term fluctuations in the self-esteem of children and adolescents have been implicated in less favorable patterns of functioning in several investigations (M. Rosenberg, 1985; Tevendale, DuBois, Lopez, & Prindiville, 1996; Verkuyten 1992, cited in Verkuyten, 1995; Waschull & Kernis, 1996). Waschull and Kernis (1996), for example, found that instability in self-esteem among elementary school children was associated with lower reported levels of intrinsic motivation for classroom learning as well as a greater tendency to report reasons for becoming angry that reflected threats to self-esteem. Findings in most instances have remained significant even when controlling for scores on more commonly used measures that are oriented toward assessing the typical or "baseline" levels of self-esteem that children and adolescents experience. It appears therefore that short-term stability in self-esteem may be an influential factor in adaptive outcomes during development independent of the levels of self-esteem that are most characteristic or representative of youth.

Moderating Influences Most research to date has focused on delineating overall patterns of relationship between self-esteem and child and adolescent adjustment outcomes. As a result, relatively little attention has been given to the manner in which relationships may vary in strength and possibly even direction depending on other relevant factors. Findings addressing this concern suggest the importance of moderating influences pertaining to: (a) characteristics of youth, (b) background levels of environmental stress and disadvantage, and (c) processes involved in the formation and maintenance of self-esteem. Youth characteristics. Characteristics of youth, including age, gender, and race/ethnicity, have been found to moderate associations between indices of self-esteem and adjustment in several investigations. Findings that indicate a stronger pattern of association between self-esteem and academic achievement for White youth in comparison to Black youth are illustrative in this regard (Hattie, 1992). Longitudinal results have further revealed a weakening pattern of correlation during the secondary school years for African American students, particularly Black males (Osbourne, 1995). These latter findings are consistent with the disidentification hypothesis (Steele, 1992), according to which feelings of self-worth become increasingly detached from academic achievement among African American youth as they progress through their schooling. Other results suggest a role for race in moderating the relationship between self-esteem and attitudes and behaviors that place youth at risk for the development of eating disorders (Lawrence & Thelen, 1995). In this research conducted with third- and sixth-grade elementary school students, ratings of lower global self-esteem were found to be a

significant predictor of dieting behavior among White students, but not among African American students. Results again, however, implicated age and gender as additional moderating variables. For example, whereas less positive ratings of physical appearance self-concept predicted weight concerns for both White and African American sixth-graders, this was the case only for White students among third-graders (Lawrence & Thelen, 1995). The authors noted that this pattern of findings may reflect differences in the immediate socialization contexts of younger White and African American children that tend to give way to greater commonalities in influences at later stages of development (e.g., societal attitudes about thinness). It is of further interest that a significant association was found between ratings of physical appearance self-concept and dieting behavior only among White girls, not among African American gifts or boys in either age group. These types of complex patterns of results in which linkages between self-esteem and criterion measures are revealed to be dependent on various combinations of youth characteristics seem likely to become increasingly commonplace as researchers expand their samples to draw from more diverse populations. In view of this trend, conclusions that have been offered previously concerning the adaptive significance of self-esteem for youth in the absence of attention to possible group differences may require reconsideration. Environmental stress and disadvantage. Findings also indicate a moderating role for experiences of environmental stress and disadvantage. Among children and adolescents exposed to stressful life circumstances, positive feelings of selfworth have been theorized to assume heightened significance in promoting healthy outcomes (Rutter, 1987; Werner & Smith, 1992), whereas unfavorable evaluations of the self (i.e., low self-esteem) have been viewed in a corresponding manner as intensifying vulnerability to the emergence of disorder (Hammen, 1992). Findings consistent with these perspectives have been reported in several investigations. In longitudinal research, for example, Kaplan et al. (1983) found that ratings of self-rejection during early adolescence were a stronger predictor of psychological distress at a 10-year follow-up among individuals who had experienced various types of stressful events during the intervening period. Conversely, findings of the Kauai Longitudinal Study (Werner, 1986; Werner & Smith, 1982, 1992) provide support for selfesteem as a protective factor promoting resiliency among youth exposed to conditions of environmental risk and disadvantage (e.g., extreme poverty). In this research, an interview rating of self-esteem obtained at age 18 discriminated between youth from high-risk backgrounds who had and had not developed serious problems in coping by that point in their development (Werner, 1986; Wemer & Smith, 1982) and subsequently was found to be a significant predictor of the overall quality of adult adaptation assessed at approximately 32 years of age (r = .24 for males, r = .41 for females; Werner & Smith, 1992). Based on higher order patterns of interaction that have been obtained, it also appears that the

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adaptive significance of self-esteem for youth encountering environmental stress may be intensified in the presence of other risk factors, including low levels of social support (D'Anna, Cafasso, & Jose, 1995) as well as a negative attributional style (Robinson, Garber, & Hilsman, 1995) or external locus of control (Kliewer & Sandler, 1992). Overall, available findings highlight youth experiencing environmental adversity as a group for whom self-esteem deserves special consideration as a factor contributing to adaptive outcomes.

Processes in the formation and maintenance of self-esteem. The processes that youth rely on for achieving and maintaining feelings of self-worth also may have important implications for the role of self-esteem in shaping adaptive outcomes. An emphasis on normative and realistic sources of feelings of self-worth during development (e.g., success in school) may promote a strong sense of personal self-efficacy, thereby enhancing the adaptive value of resulting high levels of self-esteem (Rutter, 1987). Consistent with this possibility, several studies have reported favorable adjustment outcomes for youth who score high on measures of both selfesteem and efficacy beliefs, including greater levels of academic achievement (Franks & Marolla, 1976), reduced rates of cigarette smoking (Botvin et al., 1993), and a higher quality of adaptation during adulthood (Werner & Smith, 1992). In a corresponding manner, high levels of self-esteem that lack a strong normative or realistic basis may offer relatively few adaptive benefits and even be implicated in negative patterns of adjustment (Crockenberg & Soby, 1989; Kaplan, 1986). Research findings considered previously demonstrate the potential for youth with high levels of self-esteem to be engaged in various patterns of problem behavior (e.g., delinquency). It also will be recalled that a relative absence of positive views of the self relating to normative contexts of development (e.g., family) as well as inflated or unrealistic appraisals of the self have been implicated in negative patterns of youth adjustment. In further relevant research, Harter (1986) found that elementary school-age children who overrated their cognitive competence relative to teachers exhibited greater levels of maladaptive classroom behavior in comparison to children whose ratings were more in agreement with those made by teachers. Similarly, a recent study of 62 aggressive and 53 nonaggressive secondand third-graders (Hughes, Cavell, & Grossman, 1997) found that aggressive children exhibited inflated ratings of personal competence and relationship quality relative to external ratings obtained from mothers, teachers, and peers, whereas this was not the case for nonaggressive children. Colvin, Block, and Funder (1995) also found less favorable psychological adjustment and fewer social skills for older adolescents who tended to describe themselves more favorably than either trained examiners or friends. Cumulatively, based on available findings, it seems that high levels of selfesteem lacking a realistic or normative foundation may be at least as likely to inhibit positive youth adjustment as they are

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to facilitate it in the ways that have been emphasized by most theorists. One mechanism suggested to contribute to negative outcomes in the absence of normative or realistic bases for selfesteem is the lack of fit that this may represent with important aspects of the surrounding social environments of youth, including the views and expectations of significant others in their lives (e.g., parents), as well as the adaptive demands and norms they encounter both in primary settings of development (e.g, school) and the larger society or culture (DuBois et al., 1998). In accordance with this possibility, several indices of social-contextual incongruity in factors contributing to self-esteem were found to predict less favorable scores on measures of adjustment among a sample of young adolescents (DuBois et al., 1998). The aspects of incongruity in-volved included descriptive views of the self and standards for self-evaluation that were relatively more favorable and lenient than parental views and standards, respectively, as well as a lack of emphasis on the domains of school and family as sources of self-esteem relative to peer relations and related domains (e.g., body image). An important counterpoint to these findings is provided, however, by another important emerging line of research that has focused on false-self be-. havior among adolescents (Harter, 1997; Harter, Marold, Whitesell, & Cobbs, 1996; Hatter, Waters, & Whitesell, 1997). Those adolescents reporting the highest levels of false-self behavior (i.e., a tendency to act in ways that do not reflect one's true self or "real me") have been found to report significantly poorer psychological adjustment (e.g., depression). False-self behavior has been indicated, in turn, to stern to a considerable degree from the perceptions that adolescents have of their relationships with significant others (e.g., parents) and the extent to which they feel they need to suppress their true selves in order to obtain the support and acceptance of these individuals (Harter et al., 1996). Accordingly, although it may be beneficial in many respects for youth at this age to hold views and aspirations pertaining to themselves that conform to those of important others in their lives as well as those of the broader society, it appears that doing so at the expense of fostering expression of their emerging mac selves may be associated with its own costs. Further examination of processes involved in the formation and maintenance of self-esteem from these types of socialcontextual perspectives offers a promising framework for increasing understanding of conditions under which feelings of self-worth are likely to be implicated in favorable or unfavorable patterns of youth adjustment.

Bidirectional, Recursive Effects Although self-esteem may influence adaptive outcomes during development (see Table 1), this clearly does not preclude the potential for patterns of youth adjustment to have a reciprocal influence on levels of self-esteem. Consistent with this possibility, favorable trends in adaptive functioning such as academic success and social competence have been

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indicated to promote positive feelings of self-worth among youth (Bynner, O'Malley, & Bachman, 1981; M. Rosenberg, Schooler, & Schoerbach, 1989), whereas adaptive difficulties such as obesity (Kolody & Sallis, 1995), problem behavior (McCarthy & Hoge, 1984; Simmons & Blyth, 1987) and depressive symptoms (M. Rosenberg et al., 1989) in a corresponding manner have been found to be associated with declines in self-esteem. When considered in combination with evidence of contributions of self-esteem to outcomes in similar areas (see Table 1), these findings suggest the potential for mutually reinforcing, ongoing patterns of influence between self-esteem and different aspects of youth adaptation. Gains in academic achievement that are facilitated by self-esteem, for example, may further enhance feelings of self-worth, thus setting the stage for additional achievement in school and continued recursive cycles of influence. During the course of development, these types of bidirectional effects could prove to be self-sustaining (at least in part) and thus provide an important mechanism whereby short-term, immediate effects of self-esteem are maintained and amplified over time. The evidence for bidirectional, recursive linkages between self-esteem and the adjustment of children and adolescents also clearly adds to the impetus to move beyond views associated with either side of the self-esteem debate. Whereas these views emphasize only one or the other direction of causal influence, an integrative framework that accommodates both possibilities would be more consistent with available findings.

Self-Esteem As Mediator of Other Influences on Youth Adjustment The role of self-esteem in mediating other influences on youth adjustment is a significant concern (Sandier, Miller, Short, & Wolchik, 1989). Most studies of the adaptive correlates of self-esteem, however, have incorporated relatively little, if any consideration of factors from which feelings of selfworth may be derived. Furthermore, based on prevailing views of self-esteem as having an exclusively favorable role in child and adolescent adjustment, other investigations have simply examined self-esteem as an outcome of various possible influences without exploring the nature of the relationship that self-esteem, in turn, has to different facets of youth adjustment. In an exception to these trends, several studies have broadened their focus to systematically examine self-esteem as a possible mediator of other influences on youth adjustment outcomes. Self-esteem has been conceptualized in this research as an "intervening process" through which various types of individual and socioenvironmental factors may exert effects on different aspects of adaptation during development. In accordance with this perspective, intermediary, positive effects of social support on self-esteem have been indicated to be important in accounting for the adaptive benefits of supportive relationships for children and adolescents (DuBois, Felner, Sherman, & Bull, 1994; Harter, 1986; Short, Sandler, & Roosa, 1996). Similarly, the adverse consequences that

stressful events and other negative social experiences (e.g., parental rejection) can have for feelings of self-worth have been implicated in pathways leading to negative outcomes such as substance use (Simons & Robertson, 1989), delinquent behavior (Brendgen & Bukowski, 1997) and suicidal ideation (Shagle & Barber, 1993, 1995). As these findings illustrate, research considering a mediational role for self-esteem within different contexts offers significant promise for increasing understanding of psychological mechanisms underlying pathways to health or disorder during development.

Self-Esteem and the Developing Self-System A final important issue receiving consideration is the role of self-esteem within the developing self-system (Connell & Wellborn, 1991; Harter, 1983; Sroufe, 1990). Primary among the concerns addressed is the possibility that the implications of self-esteem for adaptive outcomes are dependent on the extent and nature of the linkages that self-esteem exhibits with other components and processes of the self-system. Several findings suggesting a moderating role for components (e.g., attributional style) and processes (e.g., false self behavior) of the self-system already have been noted in preceding sections of this review. Several theorists (e.g., Rutter, 1987) have argued that the adaptive benefits of self-esteem are especially likely to be enhanced when feelings of selfworth occur in combination with strong beliefs in personal efficacy. In accordance with this view, it will be recalled that high scores on measures of both self-esteem and perceived self-efficacy have predicted positive youth outcomes in several investigations (Botvin et al., 1993; Franks & Marolla, 1976; Werner & Smith, 1992). In a significant recent extension of this research, a composite measure of self-system processes tapping self-esteem (i.e., feelings of self-worth) together with associated perceptions of both competence and relatedness to others was found to be implicated consistently in pathways to more favorable school performance and adjustment across three different samples of African American youth (Connell, Spencer, & Aber, 1994). Overall, available findings are thus consistent with the possibility of important interdependencies between self-esteem and relevant other areas of the developing self-system in shaping adaptive outcomes during development. Conclusions and Recommendations

The Debate Revisited: Self-Esteem As Vaccine or Epiphenomenon ? At the outset of this article, markedly contrasting views regarding the adaptive significance of self-esteem during childhood and adolescence were described. The "self-esteem debate" fueled by such accounts has, in its most extreme form, pitted the view of self-esteem as "social vaccine" and powerful causal agent (California Task Force, 1990; Smelser, 1989) against one in which self-esteem is merely an "epiphe-

Self-Esteem in Childhood and Adolescence

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terdependent relationships with other aspects of the developing self-system. Based on these findings, a preliminary model of the role of self-esteem in adjustment during childhood and adolescence is presented in Figure 1.

M o d e r a t i n g I n f lt • Youth C.haraeteri~ * Environmental E:~ • Processes in Form Maintenance of S,

Figure 1. Proposed model of the role of self-esteem in adjustment during childhood and adolescence. nomenon" having no significance whatsoever as a shaper of adaptation (Seligman, 1993). Available findings indicate that neither position provides a particularly accurate or enlightening account of the actual state of affairs, at least as it seems likely to exist with respect to the role of self-esteem in the lives of developing youth. Results instead point to a complex and differentiated relationship between self-esteem and the adjustment of children and adolescents. The specific parameters of this relationship only just have begun to be delineated. Nevertheless, current knowledge and understanding does indicate the following:

Self-esteem in childhood and adolescence is multifaceted with significant implications for adaptation that are influenced by the specific facets of self-esteem under consideration (e.g., domain-specific evaluations of the self), moderating factors including youth characteristics, background environmental experiences, and processes in the formation and maintenance of self-esteem, and bidirectional, recursive linkages between self-esteem and levels of functioning over the course of development; furthermore, the adaptive implications of self-esteem are most usefully investigated within the context of broader frameworks that allow for consideration of the role of selfesteem as an intervening or mediational process and its in-

Directions for Future Research Further study is needed to clarify more fully the complex role of self-esteem in child and adolescent development. Available findings suggest several promising directions to pursue in future research. 1. Conceptualization and assessment of self-esteem as a muItifaceted construct within the context of the developing self-system. The adaptive significance of multiple, distinct facets of self-esteem is one issue clearly meriting further investigation. Measures that yield information concerning only global, undifferentiated feelings of self-worth, despite their continued popularity, will not be adequate for this purpose. Assessment strategies are needed that instead reflect a multifaeeted view of the construct. Relevant facets of the selfesteem of developing youth in this regard include domainspecific evaluations of the self that may be differentially important for particular areas of functioning (e.g., school achievement), separate positive and negative dimensions of self-evaluation, degree of stability in feelings of self-worth across time and situations, and presented aspects of selfesteem conveyed through behavior. Similar recommendations concerning the measurement of self-esteem have been offered previously without much noticeable effect (e.g., Wylie, 1974). Nevertheless, the growing number of studies in which multifaceted assessments of seff-esteem have been shown to be useful for predicting the adaptive outcomes of children and adolescents should serve as an impetus for greater attention to this concern in future research. It seems likely to be most useful for investigations pursuing this direction to consider multiple facets of self-esteem from a comprehensive and integrative perspective. The potential benefits of this approach are illustrated by the findings of those studies that have examined the adaptive implications of multiple domains of self-evaluation for youth from a profile-based perspective. A related concern is the need to further examine the role of self-esteem in child and adolescent adjustment within the broader context of the developing self-system. To address this aim, measures should be expanded to incorporate consideration of theoretically relevant self-system processes and components (e.g., self-efficacy beliefs) and the potential significance of theh" interdependencies with self-esteem in shaping adaptive outcomes. 2. Investigation of influences moderating the relationship of self-esteem to youth adjustment. There is also a need for greater understanding of influences that may moderate the consequences of self-esteem for adaptive outcomes during development. Differences found relating to youth characteristics (e.g., gender) and background environmental experiences (e.g., stressful events) are noteworthy in this regard.

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These results indicate a need for samples that are diverse along dimensions such as gender, race/ethnicity, and age as well as levels of exposure to conditions of life stress and disadvantage. The possibility of enhanced adaptive benefits of self-esteem when normative, realistic sources of feelings of self-worth (e.g., experiences of efficacy) are salient also deserves further investigation, as do the potential negative implications for functioning when this type of foundation is lacking (e.g., unrealistically positive views of the self). 3. Long-term, prospective studies of self-esteem and adaptive outcomes. The long-term adaptive implications of selfesteem during childhood and adolescence are a further significant concern. Available findings indicate more positive outcomes during adulthood for youth high in self-esteem, but are limited to a relatively small number of investigations. Bidirectional, recursive linkages between self-esteem and focal aspects of functioning (e.g., academic achievement) that may both sustain and amplify effects over the course of development also require further study. To address these concerns, long-term prospective studies are needed in which selfesteem and criterion aspects of adjustment are assessed on multiple occasions over extended portions of development and examined with respect to their ongoing interrelationships with one another across time. Another promising approach is the identification of contrasting trajectories of change and stability in self-esteem during different periods of childhood and adolescence. These types of trajectories may have implications for outcomes that are not able to be fully detected when considering only the levels of self-esteem that are associated with a particular point in development. 4. Research examining the role of self-esteem as a mediator of other influences on adjustment. A final promising direction involves investigation of self-esteem as a mediator of other influences on child and adolescent adjustment. This approach offers a means of more clearly elucidating the role of self-esteem in processes that account for the effects that various individual and socioenvironmental factors have on adaptive outcomes during development. Greater attention to embedding examination of self-esteem within analytical frameworks that include both hypothesized antecedents and consequents also would provide the opportunity for more theoretically grounded inquiry into the role of self-esteem in child and adolescent development. These types of investigations may facilitate understanding of conditions that are associated with differential implications of self-esteem for youth adjustment and, relatedly, may help to avoid potentially erroneous assumptions about the desirability of self-esteem as an outcome in the absence of consideration of its associations with relevant facets of youth adaptation.

Implications for Intervention Pending further research in the directions indicated, what implications do current findings have for interventions focusing on the enhancement of self-esteem among children and adolescents? As noted previously, there has been increased criticism of such programs in recent years (Damon, 1995;

Kohn, 1994). In accordance with these concerns, evaluation outcome data indicate only modest, short-lived increases in self-esteem for youth participating in most programs (Hattie, 1992) and even fewer, if any effects on targeted aspects of adjustment such as academic achievement (Scheirer & Kraut, 1979) or problem behavior (Dryfoos, 1990). 1 To date, however, programs have not reflected an adequate appreciation of the relatively complex, differentiated relationship between self-esteem and youth adjustment that is suggested by empirical research. Greater attention to this concern in both the design and evaluation of esteem-enhancement interventions for youth could yield substantially more positive results. 1. Design interventions to enhance multiple facets of selfesteem and relevant other self-system components. Esteemenhancement programs for youth have focused primarily on increasing global or overall feelings of self-worth. This is a significant limitation given the potential that a more multifaceted and differentiated approach to esteem enhancement would seem to offer for insuring positive youth outcomes. One promising avenue to pursue is the design of interventions to address specific domains of self-evaluation that are most relevant to program goals. Thus, it may be that intervention components focusing on body image are especially important for the prevention of eating disorders, whereas strategies directed toward academic components of selfesteem are of greatest value when seeking to promote school performance. Profiles of self-evaluation across multiple domains also seem useful to consider in the design of programs as a means of facilitating the attainment of overall configurations of views of the self that are likely to contribute to positive outcomes. Further possible innovations that could be geared toward other facets of self-esteem include training in coping strategies to minimize short-term fluctuations in feelings of self-worth, practices to allow youth to achieve greater consistency between experienced and presented aspects of self-esteem, and activities tailored specifically toward either positive or negative dimensions of self-evaluation. Corresponding, multifaceted assessments of self-esteem incorporated into evaluation protocols for programs would allow for increased sensitivity to possible influences on diverse aspects of youth self-esteem. It also may be of significant value for interventions to both address and measure other relevant components of the developing self-system (e.g., self-efficacy beliefs). This type of further broadening of the scope of esteem-enhancement programs would allow for a more integrative and comprehensive approach and thus potentially yield stronger results. 2. Focus programs on realistic, normative sources of selfesteem with adequate fit to the surrounding environment. The sources of self-esteem emphasized in programs constitute a further area of concern. Most programs are curricular in for1More favorableresults were found in a recent meta-analysisof the effectiveness of esteem-enhancementprograms for children and adolescents (Haney & Durlak, 1998). Significantlimitationsin availablefindings,however, continued to be noted (e.g., lack of demonstratedeffectsat follow-up assessments).

Self-Esteem in Childhood and Adolescence

mat and consist of exercises in which youth are encouraged to appreciate their strengths and inherent worth as persons (e.g., selectively identifying positive personal characteristics). A significant limitation with this approach is that youth may adopt positive views of themselves even in instances when such views are neither realistic nor adequately supported by relevant personal behavior or accomplishments (cf. Damon, 1995). Available research, it will be recalled, suggests that gains in self-esteem that accrue in this manner may offer relatively few, if any, adaptive benefits. To address this concern, the scope of esteem-enhancement interventions should be expanded to incorporate elements focused more on normative developmental sources of feelings of self-worth (cf. Crockenberg & Soby, 1989). These types of programs might include skill-development and goal-setting components as well as an emphasis on increasing opportunities for success and positive recognition in meaningful pursuits (e.g., extracurricular activities). In view of the possibly enhanced adaptive value of efficacy-linked feelings of self-worth (Rutter, 1987), esteem-enhancement interventions with this latter type of orientation could turn out to be a particularly effective means of facilitating the attainment of desired outcomes in programs. In pursuing such an approach it may be important to include provisions to ensure that the bases for selfesteem fostered not only represent an adequate fit with the youth's surrounding environment (DuBois et al., 1998), but also allow for expression of distinctive attributes of the emerging self (Harter, 1997). 3. Target programs to specific populations. Most esteemenhancement interventions have been designed in a relatively generic manner and have been evaluated only in terms of their effects on relatively narrowly defined groups of youth (e.g., White, middle class). Consequently, there has not been a systematic effort to adapt program aims and materials to the needs of youth from diverse backgrounds or to examine variability in outcomes across such groups. The need for greater attention to this concern is underscored by the manner in which various characteristics of youth (e.g., race/ethnicity) have been indicated to moderate the relationship of selfesteem to adjustment outcomes during development. Illustratively, in order to ensure that interventions are optimally sensitive to issues confronting youth who belong to racial and ethnic minority groups, it may be necessary to incorporate components that focus specifically on concerns that are relevant for such youth (e.g., development of a positive racial/ethnic identity). Children and adolescents from back-

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grounds of environmental stress and disadvantage are also clearly deserving of increased consideration. Protective benefits of self-esteem for such youth could translate into differentially strong program outcomes, thus helping to establish esteem enhancement as an effective intervention strategy for youth from high-risk backgrounds. Evaluating and attempting to facilitate the role of self-esteem in mediating the effects of other types of interventions with populations of youth at risk seems a further promising avenue to explore. 4. Intervene to directly promote adaptive functioning. With few exceptions, esteem-enhancement interventions have sought to produce gains in focal areas of adjustment (e.g., academic achievement) indirectly via strategies designed to increase feelings of self-worth. In view of the evidence for bidirectional, recursive patterns of influence between selfesteem and adaptive outcomes, it may be useful to expand programs to also include elements that are intended to directly facilitate targeted aspects of functioning (e.g., tutoring to improve performance in school). This approach would offer the opportunity to initiate mutually reinforcing linkages between self-esteem and youth adjustment and thus facilitate the attainment of more lasting and substantial program outcomes. Concluding Comments Several noteworthy leads are available for researchers to pursue in their efforts to better understand the adaptive significance of self-esteem during development. The overall picture that is conveyed, however, is much less straightforward than typically has been assumed. This state of affairs may be dissatisfying to those who are heavily invested in supporting views associated with either side of the selfesteem debate and perhaps even overwhelming to others who are faced with the task of developing esteem-enhancement interventions for youth that are adequately informed by the existing base of empirical knowledge. Alternatively, research and interventions focused on self-esteem and its implications for child and adolescent adjustment could either be continued largely along past lines or, as some have suggested (e.g., Kohn, 1994), abandoned altogether. Neither of these options seems defensible to us. We are reminded in this regard of the observation that, "For every problem there is a simple answer that is wrong. ''2 Further investigation of promising developments in recent research and careful consideration of their implications for intervention will be necessary in order to ensure that this admonition does not go unheeded. 2 Seymour Sarason (1995, p. 62) attributed this quote to H. L. Mencken.

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