Sense or nonsense? Traditional methods of animal parasitic disease control

Sense or nonsense? Traditional methods of animal parasitic disease control

veterinary parasito~gy ELSEVIER Veterinary Parasitology 71 (1997) 177-194 Sense or nonsense? Traditional methods of animal parasitic disease control...

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veterinary parasito~gy ELSEVIER

Veterinary Parasitology 71 (1997) 177-194

Sense or nonsense? Traditional methods of animal parasitic disease control T.W. S c h i l l h o r n v a n V e e n Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources, The World Bank, 1818 H Street, Washington, DC 20433, USA

Abstract In recent years, there has been a resurgence of interest in traditional health-care practices in the western as well as in the developing world. In animal health, this has led to further interest in ethnoveterinary research and development, a relatively new field of study that covers traditional practices, ethnobotany and application of animal care practices embedded in local tradition. This development has practical applications for animal parasite control, whether related to epidemiology, diagnostics and therapy, or to comprehensive disease control methods leading to integrated pest/disease management. Examples are provided of traditional practices in diagnostics, herd-, grazing- and pasture-management as well as of manipulation and treatment. Many of these applications indicate a basic understanding of disease, especially epidemiology, by farmers and herders, although not always explained, or explainable, in rational western ways. Although abuse and quackery exist, the application of traditional practices seems to make sense in areas without adequate veterinary services. Moreover, acknowledgment of the value of traditional knowledge empowers local herders/farmers to try to solve their herds' disease problems in a cost-effective way. Traditional practices often make sense, albeit with some regulation to ascertain safety and to prevent abuse. © 1997 Elsevier Science B.V. Keywords: Traditional medicine; Epidemiology; Trypanosomosis; Husbandry; Pastoralism

I. Introduction For most o f the history o f animal husbandry, farmers and herders have relied on empirically derived practices in management and health. Veterinary medicine as practiced today has its origin in traditional medicine as practiced in prehistory in China, India and the Middle East. King Hammurabi of Babylon, for example, laid out laws concerning the fees veterinarians could charge for treatment of cattle and donkeys as early as 1800 BC. Early Buddhist Indian society already worshipped cattle and other 0304-4017/97/$17.00 © 1997 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved. PII S0304-4017(97)00031-9

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animals, and animal health was mentioned in the Rock Edict II of King Ashoka (269-232 BC). It is suggested that animal hospitals were created during his reign (Smith, 1924, quoted by Lodrick, 1981). China, Egypt and later Arabia developed into centers of veterinary and other medical practice knowledge. Schwabe (1978) compared the beliefs and practices of past and present herders in the Nile valley and suggested a long tradition behind contemporary ethnoveterinary practice. Throughout much of history, however, medical knowledge was subordinate to religious certainties, and seen as an empirical art rather than a science. This was also the case with veterinary medicine, and the distinction between traditional practice and 'studied' empirical knowledge was vague, although early veterinary schools tried to distinguish between quackery and rational explanation of disease and their treatment. These attitudes changed drastically in the 20th century, especially after World War II, when chemotherapeutic control of disease became predominant, and when diseases were explained and treated in ways based on understanding of pathophysioiogy and immunology. This change was dominated by a rational western society and its beliefs, and rarely reached the non-western world, apart from mass vaccinations, insecticides, and some (sometimes outdated) antibiotics and anthelmintics. Indeed, the western developments in the elucidation and treatment of animal disease by-passed many livestock owners in poorer developing countries who continued to rely on their age-old methods in disease control and often considered western animal health care expensive, not embedded in local beliefs and concerns, and not always in tune with animal welfare. 1.1. Revival of interest in traditional practices Recent revival of western interest in traditional veterinary medicine followed a revived interest in traditional practices in human health, where disciplines previously considered at the fringes of western medicine, such as acupuncture, manipulative and osteopathic medicine, as well as herbal and holistic medicine are increasingly accepted in western societies. In the USA, for example, the total number of visits to unconventional healers in 1988 was 425 million compared with 388 million visits to primary care physicians (Eisenberg et al., 1993); the total unconventional market was estimated at $13.7 billion. Similar development is seen in animal health where the market in non-conventional medicine is also expanding, and where alternative practices are increasingly becoming mainstream. During its annual convention in 1996, for example, the American Veterinary Medical Association (AVMA) recognized veterinary acupuncture and acutherapy, veterinary chiropractic, physical therapy, massage, homeopathic-, botanical-, nutraceutical-, and holistic veterinary medicine as 'modalities ..... to be offered in the context of a valid veterinarian/client/patient relationship'. In addition, acceptance of certain complementary medical practices is made possible by a better understanding in population medicine of the benefit of 'integrated pest management', similar to that applied to crop agriculture, and by selected evidence that previously irrational treatments can be explained by our better understanding of physiology or epidemiology (van Miert, 1987). Finally, there is a resurgence in the interest in the screening and application of plant and animal extracts for medicinal use. Traditional practices were commonly used in many parts of the world, but were

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rarely recorded in main-stream literature except in anthropology (see for example Lodrick, 1981, on the traditional animal hospitals in India; McCorkle, 1986), in early colonial reports in the context of broader narratives about livestock (for example Larrat, 1939; Nigeria, 1929) or where related to ethnobotany. Interest in traditional animal health care has been enhanced in recent years by a number of studies and reviews, including that of Schwabe (1978), a series of reports by the Veterinary Faculty of the University of Dakar (see for example Ba, 1982), by Tufts University (see Stem, 1996) and by Heifer Project International, by a series of FAO-initiated studies on traditional veterinary medicine in Asia (FAO-RAPA, 1980, 1984a,b,c, 1986, 1991a,b, 1992), and by reviews of O1E (1994), McCorkle and coworkers (McCorkle, 1986, 1989; McCorkle and Mathias-Mundy, 1992) and Bizimana (1994). These developments have coincided with the emergence of a consensus on the validity and importance of indigenous knowledge (IK) and traditional ecological knowledge (TEK), and the risk that such knowledge, including traditional veterinary practice as well as medicine, is to be lost (see Inglis, 1995 for review). 1.2. Risk

On the other hand, the provision of traditional animal health care is unregulated and prone to be affected by abuse and quackery. Indeed, a large proportion of conventional practitioners, whether in human or animal health care, are skeptical about the value of alternative practices; some consider it nonsense. Such skepticism is influenced by western animal health paradigms as well as by economic considerations. However, the surge in interest is indeed leading to opportunistic quackery as well as unwarranted expectations. The latter is especially the case with respect to companion animal health care in the USA and Europe where alternative practices have increased dramatically. There is a genuine need to assess the value of traditional practices under prevailing ecological and economic conditions, and to develop a widely acceptable framework to achieve quality control. This paper attempts to take stock of alternative practices in the understanding and prevention of parasitic animal diseases.

2. Traditional diagnostic practices The timely recognition and risk assessment of disease by farmers varies, and is very much related to the endemicity of the disease, the observational ability of the herders, and the skills of the healer. The difference in observational skills was studied among Koochi women (Afghanistan) by Davis (1996) who found that these women, who are the main animal caretakers, appeared better able to recognize and differentiate between four parasitic diseases (liverfluke, two intestinal worms and lungworms) than men. Similar differences were observed by Delahanty (1996)in coastal Kenya who found that the average number of names for East Coast fever (ECF) recognized by experienced Mijikenda farmers was 3.8, compared with 2.6 by farmers with less than 2 years experience. Various societies recognize great healers, both current and historical, but the lack of

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Table l Common diagnostic observations regarding parasitic disease by African herders Type Observations Suspected disease Region,groups

Reference

Feces

Author

Dry and hard

Chronic liverfluke disease Diarrhea Intestinal parasites Urine Red Babesiosis Peculiar smell (camel) Trypanosomosis (surra) Milk Bone-marrow like flavor Trypanosomosis (surra) Lymph nodes Swellingstarting with East coast fever parotid nodes Generalized swelling Trypanosomosis

Fulani

Mostgroups Variousauthors Fulani, Masaai Variousauthors Rebaris,Tuareg, KiShler-Rollefson,1996 Bedouin,Tuareg Curasson, 1947 Samburu

Heflernan et al., 1996

Samburu

Heffernan et al., 1996

literacy and the often somewhat protective attitude of healers about their skills and know-how have not led to sustainable knowledge and major progress in the field. Curasson (1947) mentioned a famous camel healer in Niger, able to diagnose most diseases by the scent of their expired air; a technology that makes sense at present (as analysis of expired air as a diagnostic tool is now increasingly used in modern medical science to diagnose intestinal diseases). Indeed, most traditional diagnosticians make good use of their senses (see Table 1), either as such or after some manipulations, such as diagnosing surra by mixing camel urine with mud and assessing the smell of the dried mud (KiShler-Rollefson, 1996). Rather than attempting a complete review of the traditional tools and abilities in the diagnosis of parasitic diseases, two examples, e.g. bottle jaw and unthriftiness, and a brief discussion of the opportunities and limitation of ethnosemantic diagnoses are presented to illustrate the value and limitations of traditional diagnostic practices. 2.1. The case o f bottle j a w and unthri[tiness

Submandibular oedema or bottle jaw is a frequent sign of a number of diseases of ruminants, and is most often associated with acute haemonchosis or liverfluke disease. The Maya Tzotzil Indians in Mexico consider this a disease by itself, rather than a secondary effect of these parasitic infections, and consider its cause as either 'sadness' or a result of eating plants commonly found near wells and rivers generically known as nixnam or 'lake flowers' (Perezgrovas, 1996). This syndrome is common as evidenced by numerous names, e.g. lik uo, lik yaal, lik a-lel (with respective transliterations of 'water-necklace', 'saliva bag', or 'juice bag'). The main cause of this syndrome in the Chiapas highlands is liverfluke disease, and the Tzotzil's association with lake flowers and floodplains indicates some understanding of the epidemiology of the disease. Although the link to 'sadness' is more difficult to understand, its treatment with garlic or an extract of Eupatorium ligustrinum, both with anti-inflammatory properties, may indeed help to reduce the bottle jaw, although not its underlying cause.

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A similar relationship between liverfluke disease and wadi (dry river bed) plants (known as talab) is known among sheep herders in central Yemen, who believe that removal of these plants from the wadis will prevent the disease (Kessler, 1987). Fulani herders in eastern Nigeria link liverfluke disease to leeches in animals' drinking water, and assume that such leeches, which are somewhat similar in shape, size and color to the fluke Fasciola gigantica, reach the liver after being ingested. Although their assumption is wrong, also here the linkage makes some sense, as both pests require moist habitats, and water leeches may serve as a proximate indicator for floodplain pastures infested with metacercariae of Fasciola spp. By avoiding leech-infested waters, the herder may incidentally reduce the risk of liverfluke infection. Unthriftiness, a somewhat different syndrome, is recognized by livestock owners worldwide, but the underlying causes differ. African herders consider unthriftiness as a major problem and use common names such as nagana (East Africa), sammore (Hausa), joola (Nigerian Fulfulde), or wilsere (Niger Fulfulde). The underlying causes in Africa include trypanosomosis, chronic liverfluke disease and mineral deficiency. Typical is sammore, the northern Nigerian Hausa name for unthriftiness, and often transliterated as 'trypanosomosis' in areas where this disease predominates; but it is more commonly associated with chronic liverfluke disease in the northern flood-plain areas outside the tsetse-belt. 2.2. Ethnosemantics

Bottle jaw and unthriftiness both illustrate the value of understanding local disease names and their associations, as perceived in that particular area; a field of study commonly known as ethnosemantics (see Good and Good, 1982). Nigerian herders, for example, use different names for what they consider dangerous ticks such as Amblyomma spp. ('koti') compared with less risky ticks ('miri' which include Boophilus spp.). Often the disease names are based on typical clinical signs (the Hausa word huhu seems a typical onomatopoeia for pneumonia) or related to the specific organ affected. Rinderpest in Masaai is called olodua (pancreas) and liverfluke disease in Hausa is chiwon hanta (or liver disease); however, liver (nyongo) disease in Meru may also mean anaplasmosis, referring to the gall bladder and liver changes associated with the chronic form of this disease. The importance and practical application of ethnosemantics was further demonstrated by Delahanty (1996) who studied the understanding by local farmers of ECF, i n preparation of the introduction of ECF vaccination by researchers at the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI) in Kenya. Delahanty found that farmers used four different names for ECF-associated syndromes. These names overlapped somewhat, but indicated a local differentiation of ECF manifestations not used in 'western' science, e.g. ngai for calf theileriosis, homoa for fever, ukongo kuha for tick disease, and ukongo wa kupe for tick fever. Although all are caused by Theileira parva, the keen local observers considered these diseases different, based on signs. This recognition of the use of ethnosemantics in animal-disease diagnostics is not very common, but in this case it not only facilitated the dialogue with local herders, but also indicated that ECF in calves was perceived as an important disease in an area where most tick-borne diseases

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are endemic and probably rarely manifest in adult cattle. When ECF did occur in stressed local cattle or in imports, it was considered as a different disease. Consequently Delahanty suggested that in any disease campaign attention should be given to local semantics and concepts of disease. Grandin and Young (1996) further stressed the importance of careful analysis of producers' perception of disease. They also demonstrated the difference in opinion on disease importance between farmer, traditional healer and trained veterinarian or veterinary assistant. In Meru (Kenya), for example, all three consider helminthosis important, but traditional healers are less concerned about anaplasmosis and more about theileriosis than farmers and veterinarians. Mange, on the other hand, is mainly seen as a problem by farmers and not by healers and veterinarians. Grandin and Young also provided useful detail on the collection of ethnoveterinary data, illustrated by their experiences among Kenyan herders.

3. Understanding of disease pathophysiology and resistance Lack of understanding of pathophysiology is probably the weakest part in the practice of traditional health care. As severely diseased animals are often slaughtered in emergency, some herders and local butchers are able to recognize the pathology of common animal diseases. But, as exemplified by the liverfluke/leech example above, the link to disease causality is rarely well developed. On the other hand, common preventive approaches such as good nutrition or feeding colostrum are recognized as important factors in the animals' well-being and disease resistance. In some cases animals are vaccinated for certain bacterial or viral diseases using crude vaccines (see Schillhorn van Veen, 1996). More relevant with respect to the prevention of parasitic diseases is the understanding by herders of natural vaccination (or 'seasoning') and genetic resistance, in areas where diseases are enzootic. The seasoning concept is most commonly utilized in West Africa where it allows herds to survive under medium tsetse/trypanosomosis pressure on the fringes between savanna and tsetse-infested forest. Animals with some genetic resistance are knowingly exposed to tsetse for limited periods and thus slowly adapt to the infection. Similar processes are used to 'season' camels against surra. Such seasoned camels are highly valued and recognized as afiq (salted) in Sudan, onoloff in Senegal or zaguer in Mauritania (Cauvet, 1947).

3.1. Breeding The plethora and stratification of animal breeds in the world demonstrate the different breeding objectives of herders and their ancestors. Species and breeds are generally best adapted to prevailing local conditions, whether yaks to high mountain pasture or reindeer to tundra. In the tropical and temperate zones, the diversity of domestic animal species is fairly narrow and dominated by ruminants such as cattle, sheep and goats. Especially in Africa and Asia the spatial distribution of the breeds is still a reflection of

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their adaptation to local conditions. Breeding objectives of traditional herders vary and are often various and multipurpose. In some cases, they may relate to short-term interests. Some African tribes were known to breed for special hide-color patterns, later to be used on their shields; white animals are valued for ritual purposes by Saami reindeer herders and some Muturu breeders in the West African forest zone. Other breeding strategies may have more long-term benefits. Many savanna herders select animals based on ability to survive in hostile environment, for alertness to thwart predation by wild animals (the same applies to African poultry), for agility to enable migration throughout rocky hillsides, or for drought resistance. These selection parameters also extend to breeding for disease resistance (whether on purpose or by default), especially in areas with a strong disease pressure. This is especially the case in Africa where disease pressure has been particularly high, both from imported diseases such as contagious bovine pleuropneumonia (CBPP) and finderpest, and through diseases mainly occurring on that continent such as trypanosomosis, heartwater (cowdriosis) and ECF. The most commonly quoted example of natural disease resistance is the trypanotolerance of the humpless dwarf cattle breeds of the West African forests, such as the Ndama, Mayumbe, Muturn and Balou6. The value of such breeds, although long known among their owners, was first studied in the 1970s and led to further elucidation of the genetic basis of trypanotolerance. Herders on the fringe of the West African forest zone showed their understanding of genetic disease resistance by cross breeding with the above breeds and creating hybrids (such as N'Gabou, Bambara, etc.). Certain African breeds are also known to be resistant to haemonchosis and tick infestation (Young et al., 1988; Latif, 1992). However, disease resistance may not always have been the major managed, or natural, selection pressure. For example, sheep in drier areas may have been naturally selected for efficient water use, as are forest banteng cattle in Malaysia and Indonesia (Copland, 1974), and animals in mountainous areas are naturally selected for sturdy bones and gait.

4. Ecological approaches to disease control For decades, savanna and steppe stock-raisers have used strategic and tactical movements to prevent serious attacks of disease. The basis of this knowledge was mainly empirical but has been confirmed by epidemiological studies, especially those of Pavlovsky (1968) in central Asia and Ford (1971) in Africa. The primary objective of the ecological approach is to forestall exposure to fatal diseases such as rinderpest, CBPP, vector-borne diseases, and a variety of directly- and indirectly-transmitted parasitic diseases. The boundary between traditional and modern practice is blurry; the importance of wind transmission of foot and mouth disease after outbreaks, as found in Britain for example, was long known among West African herders who used this knowledge either to avoid or to purposely expose their herds to diseased animals (Schillhorn van Veen, 1996). The options in ecological disease prevention differ when comparing nomadic or

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transhumant livestock systems with settled systems. To keep diseases out, nomads avoid disease exposure through careful herding (see Table 2).

5. Management strategies Arthropod-borne diseases are numerous, and most stockraisers are well aware of the relation between certain diseases and the flies, ticks, mites and mosquitoes that transmit them--as well as of the general worry, discomfort, restlessness, and hence productionlosses that such pests engender. In Africa, for example, herders appear to have an intimate knowledge of the relationship between tsetse flies and trypanosomosis, and use this in their herd-management strategies. Similarly, most stockmen world-wide understand the importance of ticks and, quite often, the relationship between ticks and tick-borne disease. West African stockralsers correctly associate Amblyomma ticks with heartwater disease and with the bacterial skin disease streptothricosis. Early researchers' acceptance, and later proof, of American farmers' suspicion of the role of ticks in the transmission of babesiosis (then known as Texas f e v e r , red water, Spanish staggers and murain; see discussion of semantics above) led to the discovery of the life-cycle of Babesia and ultimately to the eradication of the disease in the USA. It is therefore no surprise that strategies to control flies and ticks typically constitute an important part of stockralsers' response to these diseases. 5.1. Herd movements

Nomadic and transhumant herders in Africa, Middle East, South America and Central Asia employ a common strategy of disease avoidance by moving animals through time and space in such a way as to preclude contagion. Where the geographical and seasonal prevalence of a disease is known, such movements are regular, leading to a broadly systematic nomadism or to a transhumant pattern in which herds spend certain seasons at one camp but move about at other times of the year. The best known example is the seasonal migration of livestock in the savannas of West and Central Africa. Herders move their animals north during the rainy season to avoid the risk of tick- and fly-borne disease (especially trypanosomosis) in the more humid and forested south. During the dry season they take them south in search of better pasture. Detailed accounts of such migrations (e.g. Ford, 1971) indicate that herders are well aware that the risk of exposure to tsetse flies and other disease-bearing arthropods is much greater in the wet season and that these pests concentrate in certain, often wet a n d / o r wooded areas. Similar adaptive patterns of migration in time and space have been reported in the Middle East to prevent tick paralysis (Hadani and Shimshony, 1994). Whether wittingly or not, pastoralists' efforts to avoid disease-beating insects and infested wetlands can have the added bonus of breaking the cycle of other parasitic infections such as liverfluke disease. Many herders correctly link liverfluke disease to grazing in swamps and floodplains. Unless drought intervenes, herders, whether in

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Africa or in the Andes (Balazar and McCorkle, 1989), try to avoid such areas or at least to minimize the time spent there, thereby reducing exposure to contaminated pasture. A major consideration in the annual itinerary of some nomadic or transhumant groups is the need to supply their stock with an optimal diet, not only in terms of overall fodder, but also with respect to specific nutritional needs. Just as African wildlife migrate long distances to reach certain minerals (Weir, 1972), so may pastoralists seasonally drive their herds to salt licks or pans, salty wells, or halophytic pastures (Ba, 1982, and others). In addition to being a part of herders' regular regimen of disease prevention and control, such migrations often form an integral part of pastoral social life, when otherwise isolated groups take the opportunity to gather for rituals and festivities. African savanna stockraisers have also used tactical (as versus seasonal) movements to prevent serious attacks of disease. For example, if it is impossible for them to avoid moving their stock through known fly-belts, especially during the rainy season, they traverse these areas by night when the flies are inactive. Watering schedules and the length of time spent at watering places, too, are adjusted to take account of fly activity. Increasingly, however, African, Middle Eastern and Central Asian herders are restricted in their mobility and, indeed, increasingly face the risk of disease, as urban sprawl and national borders limit their space and movement. In such cases, they may be forced to stay longer in certain areas thereby risking new diseases including babesiosis and coccidiosis. The diarrhea, typical of the latter disease, was also recognized as a risk factor for cattle and small ruminant herds when visiting crowded watering places or vaccination camps, but the cause was unknown. 5.2. Pasture m a n a g e m e n t

Even when land tenure is not well defined, herders do manage their (communal) pasture. African herders, for example, recognize that insects often concentrate in woody areas, and may deliberately overstock pastures so as to keep vegetation down, thus destroying potential tsetse habitat. For the same reason pastoralists may purposely set fire to rangelands and/or cut down vegetation in order to control fly and tick populations, although other reasons (hunting; obtaining good regrowth, etc.) may complement or dominate the decision to burn. Pasture spelling has been used in Australia, controlling Boophilus microplus, but is difficult to apply in more traditional settings in Africa and Asia (Sutherst, 1983), where most ticks have more than one food source and longer survival times. The mobility lost in sedentary systems should be replaced by sound pasture and animal management. In many traditional societies, however, land tenure is generally not allocated to individuals or clearly demarcated, and pasture management is complicated by group decision making. Where functional group decision making is accepted or where individual management is possible, a variety tools to manage the risk of (parasitic) disease are used. Manure removal, for example, has been a practice of settled European farmers for ages, especially with respect to high-value animals such as horses. The usefulness of this labor-intensive practice, has been demonstrated by Herd (1986), who reintroduced horse owners in the USA to this practice, albeit with labor-saving equipment.

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5.3. Grazing management 5.3.1. Rotational grazing

Nomadic and transhumant movement is the ultimate rotational grazing system, but probably more targeted to achieve nutritional security than prevention of disease, although the latter may be an additional benefit. The same applies to vertical movement such as alpine grazing, as well as to set-aside range management systems traditionally seen in the Middle East, known as hima in Arabia, mahjur in Yemen, and also used by the Kurds in Central Asia (Kessler, 1987). It is, indeed, questionable whether such systems contribute significantly to parasite control, especially when regular annual pattems are followed; there is ample evidence of adaptation of, for example, gastro-intestinal helminths to such patterns through phenomena such as arrested development, and peri-parturient and seasonal increase in helminth egg output. These adaptations of parasites to specific seasonal grazing pattems are especially strong in regions with distinct seasonal and grazing differences (Schillhom van Veen and Ogunsussi, 1977; Eckert and Hertzberg, 1994). As noted above, herders recognize that flies are more active, numerous and widespread in humid places and in the rainy than the dry season; likewise for certain times of the day during different seasons. Herders put this practical ecological knowledge to work when directing their herd movements. 5.3.2. Mixed grazing

More or less typical for most traditional animal husbandry systems is the variety of animal species used. A typical West African Fulani herd consists of cattle, sheep and some goats that are herded together. In parts of Russia, floodplain pasture may be shared by ruminants and geese, and Kirghiz herders have a mixed herd of sheep and horses. Only in more extreme natural conditions (and where disease pressure is probably lower) such as semi-desert, tundra and high mountain pasture is it more common to see single-species herds or herds sharing pasture with grazing wildlife. The advantage of mixed and alternate grazing (especially with non-related species such as cattle, horses or, in some African steppe systems, wildlife) on parasite loads with gastrointestinal helminths is well known. 5.4. Housing

Whereas the intent of animal housing is mainly to protect from the elements, there are a number of housing systems that are aimed to protect animals from parasitic diseases. Permanent or seasonal housing a n d / o r hand-feeding of livestock is found in a number of areas (Madagascar, Dhamar plains of Yemen) with a high risk of liverfluke disease. Slatted-floor buildings are a fairly common feature of housing used for raising small ruminants and poultry under humid conditions. Traditional small-ruminant houses, constructed with slatted floors, have been reported from Indonesia to Senegal. They are also used for poultry in parts of Asia, thereby reducing the risk of fecal-borne disease such as coccidiosis. Protection from fly attack is the main reason for housing animals in the wetland

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pastures of southern Sudan where cattle are attacked by numerous biting flies during the wet season.

6. Handling disease 6.1. Manipulation Traditional treatments sometimes use labor-intensive methods such as hand picking of ticks. A major tool to control ticks in most societies, including dog owners in america, has been and still is hand removal. This practice is widespread in west and central africa where herding families remove larger ticks on a daily basis, thereby reducing both the challenge to the host and a population build-up in the field. Removed ticks are destroyed or fed to poultry. The latter are, in many cases, also allowed in cattle corrals and remove ticks directly from resting livestock. These methods are often sufficient to control tick-borne disease (except heartwater disease) in west and central africa where ecf is absent and where wildlife play only a minor role in the epidemiology of diseases of domestic animals. The relevance of this technique may be greater than previously assumed, especially in view of the Meltzer and Norval (1993) application of the concept of 'economic thresholds' in tick control, thereby showing that frequent spraying/dipping may not be economic if tick control is the only purpose. Another tool in fly control, apart from herding, is the use of smoke and smudge fires throughout Africa as well as in some areas of Asia (Yemen) and Latin America. The Nuer cattle herders in southern Sudan keep their animals in smoke-filled byres during the wet season to alleviate the otherwise severe fly attacks (Schwabe and Kuojok, 1981). In addition, a variety of protective harnesses or other tools are used to reduce fly worry.

6.2. Treatment Fulani herders in Northwest Cameroon recognized that 33 out 50 cattle ailments can be treated or prevented by traditional methods (Nuwanyakpa et al., 1995). A wide variety of traditional treatments exist, from surgical removal of Coenurus cysts to the use of worm wood (Artemisia spp. ) in parasite control. In fact, treatment for parasites may have preceded human interventions; sick chimpanzees seek out specific plants such as young leaves of Aspilla, a tropical shrub containing thiarubine with anti-parasitic properties. The reader is referred to the vast literature on botanicals in disease control, including the control of parasitic diseases (see CIKARD, 1996; McCorkle and Balazar, 1996), interest in which is reviving, especially in developing countries. India, for example, has a thriving medicinal industry, commercial cultivation of medicinal plants, a fairly large phytochemical research program, and a total annual volume of trade in medicinal plants of over one billion rupees (Anjarim 1996). Commercial production of medicinal plants is increasing in many countries. Heifer Project International and other development organizations are supporting commercial or backyard cultivation, as well as preparation and storage of common medicinal plants. The objective, apart from the medicinal aspect, is support for a wider effort in promoting biodiversity and conserva-

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tion. Research and validation of new anthelminitic activity is not common (Ibrahim et al., 1983), but many old anthelmintic drugs such as oil of chenopodium, arecoline, rotenone and others are used in traditional or conventional animal treatments. In some cases old remedies have been re-invented, as demonstrated in the use of tobacco extracts in a farmer-managed trial by McCorkle and Balazar (1996). Farmers undertake experiments, and include new 'medicines' in their tool box; many petrol-based products including old engine oil have been tried, often with poor results, against mange and other ectoparasitic diseases.

7. Applications of traditional animal health care in development There is considerable skepticism among professionals over the value of traditional practices and, indeed, there are examples where traditional knowledge is wrong or even harmful. Some South American herders, for example, may withhold water from stock suffering from parasitic or other diarrheas. Indians in the Ecuadorean highlands were not able to differentiate lungworm disease from other pneumonias, and kept their animals in tightly-closed barns; it was only after an earthquake in the early eighties, when many barns were destroyed, that they discovered that animals were healthier when staked outside than kept in barns. There is skepticism regarding both the quality and safety of certain traditional practices. The use of brewers yeast for flea control, for example, was widely promoted by 'natural' pet stores in the USA, but the effect was never demonstrated. Furthermore, in cases of new diseases or multi-factorial disease, not uncommon in this era of changing husbandry systems, no tradition exists and herders may be baffled by such diseases. Nevertheless, a consensus is slowly emerging about the useful application of traditional health care, albeit under specific conditions. These emerging benefits of traditional practices relate to their use in response to the lack of other conventional veterinary services, in the discovery of medicinal use of plants and other materials, as a useful tool in development and, overall, through documentation of traditional practices otherwise likely to disappear. 7.1. Lack o f conventional veterinary care

Where there is no veterinary service, traditional animal health care can be a pragmatic response. The ' western type' animal health coverage in most of Africa as well as in rural Latin America and Asia is shallow, both in terms of quantity and quality. The number of livestock units per veterinarian in Europe, North Africa/Middle East, and sub-Saharan Africa is estimated as 2700, 6300 and 12450, respectively (Schillhorn van Veen, 1993). Although these data are aggregates and very generalized, they demonstrate the relative disadvantage of African livestock owners, many of whom have rarely if ever had access to 'western' animal health interventions apart from mass vaccinations. This disadvantage is not only reflected in numbers, but also in a declining quality of 'western' animal care. Reasons for this decline in quality include the breakdown of

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quality university education in many African countries during the eighties, the failure of public-sector veterinary departments to provide adequate services and the locally prohibitive cost of and associated frequent tampering with ' western' medicines. Furthermore, transport cost of veterinarians, if based on the use of cars and motorbikes, is often prohibitive. Recent moves towards privatization of animal health services in many developing countries force governments and developers to design cost-effective systems (Schillhorn van Veen and de Haan, 1995). Para-veterinary services and traditional animal health care often do provide farmers/herders with an affordable alternative. The choice is not necessarily one or the other, but can be a blend of both western and traditional technologies and services (McCorkle, 1995). Sustainable livestock production systems and integrated disease/pest management are often using traditional knowledge. As previously indicated (Section 1.1), the AVMA recognizes some non-conventional practices, and the Ahmadu Bello University's Faculty of Veterinary Medicine has initiated a training course in traditional animal health-based experience as well as research on this topic in its regular training program. Similar programs have been introduced at the University of Chiapas (Mexico) and in the Faculty of Veterinary Medicine in Debre Zeit (Ethiopia). The International Institute for Rural Reconstruction offers specific toolkits for the application of ethnoveterinary practices, mainly directed at the Asian farmer (IIRR, 1994). Traditional medicine and use of medicinal plants are still a common part of veterinary curricula in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union and China. 7.2. Understanding and appreciating traditional practices as an extension tool

One of the major problems in rural agricultural extension as well as animal health care education in developing countries is the predominance in extension services of non-local, often urban, staff inexperienced in livestock handling and, consequently, the poor relationship with the farm/herder community. The associated insecurity of the extension agents also leads to paternalism, enforced by their better pay, by the government-provided motorbikes, and by the ineffective top-down transmission of simple and often ill-designed extension messages. This paradigm can be overcome by emphasizing the value of traditional knowledge; specifically by asking extension agents to seek further information about local knowledge and practices, thereby developing a dialogue with the client and mutual respect for each others' knowledge. These tools have been very successfully used in the field school training in integrated pest management (RiSling and van de Fliert, 1994) and are increasingly used in the training of paraveterinary auxiliaries (Grandin and Young, 1996; Mathias et al., 1996). Further reinforcement can be achieved by simple on-farm demonstration and validation of the technologies and drugs. McCorkle and Balazar (1996) used this approach in evaluation of simple treatments for keds and intestinal parasites in sheep in the Andes. Although the treatment with tobacco extract and pumpkin seeds was not new (tobacco was already recommended for worm treatment by President Thomas Jefferson and used well into the late thirties in the USA), the rediscovery did empower the users, in this case women, increased their confidence and independence, and enhanced client participation in

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decision making. The latter is presently seen as a crucial factor in modern extension (Niamir-Fuller, 1994). Experiences with the field school model in training farmers in integrated pest management, in Indonesia and Ghana for example, have not only had a major impact on national pest management budgets but, more importantly, have enabled farmers to assess and resolve their pest problems themselves and empowered their decision making. 7.3. Validation and recording

The need for validation is still debated. Although validation of safety of traditional practices and drugs is universally accepted, the need for efficacy testing, using western standards, is not. Agarwal (1995) noted that indigenous knowledge differs from western scientific knowledge on substantive, methodological/epistemological as well as contextual grounds, arguing that indigenous knowledge is more deeply rooted in its environment, and based on different values, and is assessed by different methods. Accordingly, validation and preservation of indigenous knowledge should be done in situ. Ex situ preservation creates a museum for knowledge, and is likely to benefit outsiders. As some practices are risky, or wrong dosing of medicinal extracts can lead to poisoning, validation of safety is a minimal requirement. Efficacy may be more difficult to demonstrate ex situ, and guidelines such as those by WHO (1993) may be helpful. On the other hand much of the information is under threat of being lost, as traditional social patterns are disturbed and many young people move away to cities thereby breaking the cycle of oral and visual transfer of this specialized knowledge. Maintaining such knowledge is part of the IK effort, as well as part of an overall move toward protecting biodiversity. The Veterinary Faculty in Debre Zeit (Ethiopia), for example, has initiated a systematic study with the major objective to collect baseline information on traditional practices and beliefs, to identify and characterize (veterinary) medicinal plants, and to establish a garden for further use of such plants in validation studies. Knowledge of traditional practice is part of biodiversity and of the diversity of knowledge, and this is considered worth protecting and recording. Regrettably, this effort is somewhat blurred by the debate about intellectual property rights over local medicinal plants and over the knowledge in general. Many traditional methods and treatments are not single tools or drugs but a combination of management and, often, a mixture of medicinal treatments. For example, even in technical terms, the assessment of anthelmintic treatment among sheep grazing a Middle Eastern pasture with a good stand of Artemisia spp. (which probably has some antheimintic properties) is likely to be different from that used with sheep grazing heavily fertilized and, from a botanical viewpoint, poor pasture in the Netherlands. Interestingly, Awassi sheep outside such a Middle Eastern environment are highly susceptible to intestinal parasites. In this case, the 'treatment', e.g. grazing pastures with medicinal plants, should be seen in a much wider context. If traditional methods are considered and used in the context of a local social and farming system, and either used as such or blended with other epidemiological or veterinary interventions, then many of these practices may indeed make 'sense'.

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