Social isolation and sociocultural diversity

Social Isolation and Sociocultural Diversity Jack Hill ABSTRACT Gne of the major phenomena which has to be explained by any theory of organic evolution is biological diversity; and, similarly, so&cultural diversity must be explained by any satisfactoty theory of so&cultural evolution. In both cases, isolation (between biological species or between human groups) is the key. Unlike biological isolation between species, social isolation is an active force because human groups can choose to increase or decrease the extent of their differentiation from other specific groups. This gives it an evolutionary potential that biological isolation does not have. Each evolutionary human group may be classified by its primary characteristic: territory, descent, occupation, interest, language or idea, and examples of each type are discussed. Each isolate develops secondary attributes which distinguish it from other equivalent isolates, and it is these attributes which constitute sociocultural diversity. The whole system is energized by competition for prestige between equivalent groups. Non-violent forms of this competition are discussed, as are the development of new social isolates and the role of diffusion. The positive side of social isolation is the production of diversity, but its negative side brings conflict and violence which ate not considered here.

Introduction Any theory of sociocultural evolution must provide an explanation of sociocultural diversity, just as neo-Darwinism provides an explanation of biological diversity. Whether organic evolution is seen in terms of neo-Darwinism or in terms of other scientific theories (e.g., Ho & Fox, 1988), reproductive isolation between species is the key to diversity, and there are biological mechanisms which promote it (Ridley, 1993, pp. 389-393). If lines of descent were not isolated, biological divergence would be impossible. But this is not a peculiarity of organic evolution-any evolutionary process where divergence between collectivities occurs must involve some form of isolation between those collectivities. Unfortunately, the significance of isolation between evolutionary groups in sociocultural evolution has not always been appreciated and it is seldom mentioned in the literature.JZrikson(1966) referredbriefly to what he called “pseudospeciation,” a term which covers some of the effects of social isolation, but the i&a was not worked out in any detail.

Jack IiJU, 18 Garden Street, Lewes. East Sussex, England BN7 ITJ. Journal of Social and Evolutionary Systems19(2):157-169 ISSN: 1061-7361

Copyright 8 19% by JAI Press, Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.

157

158 -JACK

HILL

Complete geographical isolation, where the groups are unaware of one another’s existence, certainly performs this function, but it cannot account for all cases on its own. I, therefore, introduced the idea of social isolation (Hill, 197 1,1978), in which the members of group A see themselves as forming a distinct entity from groups B........Z. Social isolation differs from geographical and biological isolation in being active rather than passive; because the entities are not merely able to diverge in response to differing environmental factors, they can deliberately seek to increase their distinctness from one another. Also unlike biological isolation, which is permanent, social isolation can break down to allow previously separate groups to merge. For this reason sociocultural evolution, unlike organic evolution above the species level, is reticulate rather than bifurcate. “Social isolation” is not just “us/them” under a fancy name, for “us/them” is an isolated ad hoc factor which has no specified relationship to any so&cultural process, whereas “social isolation” forms part of a structured model that recognizes the crucial role of isolation in evolution (Hill, 1978). Examples of social isolation may be classified according to the primary characteristic distinguishing the groups. As a result of isolation, secondary attributes are acquired, and it is these which bring diversity (see below). Just as the driving force of intra-group evolution is competition for prestige between individuals (Hill, 1988), so that of inter-group evolution may be seen as competition for prestige between groups separated by social isolation. The prestige of human groups, like that of individuals, is composed of status and performance, the status of a group being an attribute of its formal position in the “world” to which it belongs. Professional football clubs in England, for example, belong to ranked divisions, but within each division all clubs have the same status. Erestige among groups of equal status varies according to performance, i.e., according to goal achievement. Goals will vary with the “world” the group belongs to, but their achievement will always lead to an increase in group prestige, the respectful attention paid to the group by the members, or at least the leaders, of other groups. As individual prestige is engendered within a group (Hill, 1984), so group prestige originates within the “world” the group belongs to. Group size may affect group prestige directly qua size, or indirectly through its effect on goal achievement. Normally the effect of an increase in size will be positive but it may sometimes be negative as when a population exceeds the carrying capacity of the environment (Silberbauer, 1972; Marshall, 1976, p. 196; Fii, 1961, pp. 128-143), or in industrial societies when dis-economies of scale reduce goal achievement (Baumol t Blinder, 1985, pp. 405-406), or when group prestige depends upon the previously acquired prestige, or ascribed status, of those admitted to membership, as with the Royal Society in England, so that the group must be kept small if it is not to lose prestige. In small relatively unstructured groups, individual members may increase their own prestige at the same time as that of the group by such relevant activities as playing a game exceptionally well, or producing new evidence to support an idea the group is trying to spread. In large structured groups, the situation is more complex. The de facto leaders will increase their own prestige by increasing that of the group, so that individuals may attach their personal prestige to it by joining the relatively small sub-group of leaders, if they can. Failing that, they may still promote group prestige together with their own by excelling in areas where the group competes. In commercial organizations they may invent new products for the organization to sell, they may improve the efficiency of production methods, or they may be exceptional salespeople. In modem nation states, they may excel in war, in technol-

Social Isolation and Sm*ocultural Diversity -

159

ogy, or in sport; aud in large religious groups they may stand out in those activities which

characterize the group (e.g., preaching or asceticism) or they may increase group membership through proselytism. Outside this, there is no connection between individual prestige and group prestige in large structured groups. Sociocultural divergence may be brought about by the birth of a new social isolate which may be formed geographically by migration, endogamously by setting up novel barriers to intermarriage, occupationally by introducing a new speciality, or ideologically by introducing a new idea. This is the positive side of social isolation, but there is also a negative side which underlies overt aggression between human groups in war, feud, and other forms of conflict. Unfortunately, it is not possible to have one without the other. This negative aspect of social isolation will not be discussed here. Biological Background Rudimentary social isolation occurs among non-human primates. For example, baboon groups may meet (Washboum & devore, 1961) and gorilla groups may mingle (Schaller, 1%3, p. 120), without group membership being affected. Fights between bands of hamadryas baboons (Kummer, 1968) and between chimpanzee communities (Goodall.1986, pp. 488534) exemplify the more aggressive aspects of social isolation. Rhesus groups living in a temple in North India were fairly open but they still had a definite identity as shown by the dominance of one group over all the others (Southwick, Beg & Siddiqi, 1%5). Aggressive encounters between distinct groups of rhesus monkeys on Cayo Santiago were observed by Hausfater (1972). But articulate speech inevitably plays such a large part in the development of social isolation between human groups that too much importance must not be attached to the pre-linguistic phenomenon. Some human individuals are more open in their approach to group membership than others and one would expect their genes to affect this, but their sociocultural environment will be just as influential, and probably more so. Genes impinge on social isolation but their effects are always reinforced or counteracted by so&cultural influences. Racist beliefs and actions cannot be attributed solely to DNA, although genes will inevitably have some effect on the attitude of individuals. The biological background of social isolation, both as regards its occurrence in other species and in the effects of the human genome, seems to pertain more to its negative than to its positive side. This may be because its positive effects cau become apparent only in the presence of human consciousness which permits deliberate planning ahead together with conscious awareness of past events, unlike the primary consciousness of most mammals which may be restricted to the present (Edelman, 1989). Primary Characteristics and Secondary Attributes Territory

Total geographical isolation, where the isolated collectivities simply do not know of one another’s existence, provides no basis for social isolation; but partial geographical isolation, where the groups occupy separate territories but are in communication with one another, furnishes a universal basis for it. The groups concerned may be hunting and food-gathering

160-JACK

HILL

bands, hamlets, villages, tribes, nations; the only proviso is that they must be territorial units. The secondary attributes associated with this form of social isolation include language, dress, buildings and customs, but in all these cases it is difficult to know to what extent the differences are due simply to geographical isolation and how much they have been affected by conscious and deliberate action stemming from social isolation. Geographical isolation far back must be the basis for the differences between Welsh and Erse on the one hand and English on the other, so far back that they belong to different sections of the Indo-European group of languages. But in more recent times, English virtually replaced them as the popular medium of communication. Now, however, their use is being encouraged on social grounds in order to increase the differentiation between the Irish or Welsh and the English. In these two examples, it is geographical separation rather than race which provides the grounds for social isolation, because it is the existence of distinct home territories-Ireland, Wales, and England-which is important. Differences in national or regional costume are probably due initially to geographical isolation, but it is difficult to believe that no element of social isolation, that is, of conscious rivalry, entered into their development. And the same territorial basis applies to food habits, particularly when a geographical factor such as availability or climatic suitability is involved; edible snails are not found in England, for example, nor is the climate warm enough for viniculture on a large scale. But at the same time there is a definite element of social isolation in the concept of national and regional dishes which people from other places are supposed to be incapable of preparing properly. Different regions may also have characteristic houses which the inhabitants are especially proud of, like the trulli that grace a small area of Apulia in southern Italy. In all these cases it is likely that geographical and social isolation have both acted as catalysts. Descent Another common basis for social isolation is descent, but it gives rise to two distinct types of isolation with rather different meanings for socioculturaI evolution. The first type depends on exogamy, where the members of a group marry outside it, and the second is endogamy where they marry within it. To take exogamy first, the relevant collectivities are local descent groups, usually about three generations deep, lineages up to six generations deep, and clans where the genealogical connections may be putative only. As in all cases of social isolation, the primary characteristic leads to secondary attributes. Exogamous groups are often distinguished by their association with a particular plant or animal species, or sometimes with features of the landscape or other natural objects. These totems, as they are called, facilitate reference to the groups and constitute a system of classification (L&-Strauss, 1964, 1966). The bear clan, for instance, is contrasted with the spider clan among the Hopi of Arizona, or the the honey bee clan with the sandfly clan among some Australian tribes of Arnhem Land. In some places, especially in Australia, descent groups often own particular myths and rituals which belong to a cycle, each clan having proprietary rights over a part of it only so that co-operation between all the clans is necessary if the whole cycle is to be performed. This system, like the exogamy itself, emphasizes the mutual interdependence of the groups, and in this way it is quite different from most secondary attributes which emphasize social isolation. Exogamous units cannot diverge very far from one another because inter-marriage necessitates their having a common cultural background, whereas there is no

Social lsolation and Sociocultural Diznmity -

161

such barrier to the divergence of endogamous units, hence their different evolutionary significance. This applies equally whether the descent units (clans) in question are mainly exogamous units or whether, as in many New Guinea societies (Forge, 1972), they are mainly units in a system devoted to the exchange of food and valuables. Endogamous categories based on descent include race, tribe, caste, and class. Race is obviously a most important source of social isolation in complex large scale societies where inter-racial tension can explode into violence. Tribe is important as a source of social isolation mainly in small scale and developing societies, particularly those which are in, or have just emerged from, a colonial phase. In pre-colonial times, tribes were often geographically isolated and this diminished their impact on one another, but the effect of colonialism is usually to combine many originally autonomous societies into a single administrative unit within which members of different tribes are free to mingle in a way that was not possible before. Withdrawal of the colonial power may then leave a complex situation in which the main lines of social isolation are intertribal but tribes are no longer territorial units (Hallett, 1974). Caste in the strict sense is a phenomenon peculiar to India; it is not racial in the usual sense although it probably had a complex origin with descent, occupation, and food taboos all playing a part (Hutton, 1963, pp. 133-191), with all three acting as the primary characteristics of a caste. Class is a feature of stratified societies, although descent classes are less important in modern industrial societies of the late 20th century than they used to be. The secondary attributes of races and tribes may include language and a whole range of cultural traits, although in some cases, as with the Jews in England, for example, the differences are largely confined to the sphere of religion. The greatest range of distinguishing cultural characteristics within a single society may be found in what Smith (1965) referred to as “plural societies” which occur in colonial and ex-colonial territories where Europeans, Indians, Chinese, other Asiatics, and occasionally Amerindians meet in the economic sphere but keep strictly apart in all else. Whether the cultural unions between races in a particular society are close or distant, the secondary attributes have all come into existence as a result of geographical isolation in the past-they have not been developed as a result of present social isolation. However, social isolation may encourage emphasis on certain distinguishing traits that might otherwise disappear, since traits of this kind, particular customs, the wearing of special headgear, the practice of a specific language, all help to integrate the group and are especially useful for keeping up the morale of minorities. Two secondary attributes may, however, be the direct result of present social isolation. One of these is topographical isolation, where a racial group is confined to a ghetto by law, or where members of a group tend to aggregate in a special area because they prefer to live near one another. The other is occupational, where different races tend to specialize in one type of work, as the Jews in Europe, the Chinese in South-East Asia, and the Indians in East Africa have specialized in commerce and finance, partly at least because they were not allowed to own the land needed for other activities. The secondary attributes which distinguish classes include linguistic traits like pronunciation and vocabulary but not language as such. Occupation is the most important attribute since classes are frequently based almost as much on occupation as on descent; occupational classes as such will be discussed below. Occupation is not tied strictly to descent in most class systems-there are always some opportunities for capable individuals to rise above their forebears, and, correspondingly, there is the possibility that other individuals will fall in the scale through lack of ability, ambition, or inherited wealth. The more mobility there is the

162 -JACK

HILL

more likelihood there is of occupation displacing descent as the primary characteristic. Other secondary attributes of descent classes include type of education, clothes, leisure activities, and eating habits (table manners), the first three of which may be tied to money. A rise in the importance of occupational classes and a concurrent decrease in that of descent classes is characteristic of developing industrialism. Occupation The third primary characteristic is occupation. This can provide the basis for a class system and it can give rise to social isolation between occupational groups within a class, as exemplified by demarcation disputes between the members of different trades unions (pelling, 1987, pp. 209-210,223,243-246), although these may be viewed as role disputes rather than disputes between groups. But disputes between a trade union and management over pay or working conditions always illustrate the isolation between classes, and the ease with which such disputes may be resolved is probably an inverse measure of the strength of the underlying opposition between the relevant classes. The secondary attributes of occupational classes are not quite the same as those of &scent classes, and they are based chiefly on money. Linguistic traits and descent are of little consequence, type of education is still important, but general style of living, including size and site of house and make of car, bulks the largest. Interest Classes In addition to descent classes and occupational classes, there is also a third member of the set which can best be called interest classes. They are built around common interests and they cut right across the boundaries of the other classes. There are three main ones, the political class, the sporting class, and what for want of a better name may be called the intellectual class, as well as a host of lesser examples. They should not be confused with organized groups like a political party or a golf club because they are not structured in this way any more than descent and occupational classes; they are simply collections of people who feel they have something in common and who as individuals react favorably to others who appear to have the same interests. The primary characteristic of these classes is their dominant interest, and their secondary attributes include their topics of conversation and appropriate activities like attending political meetings, going to football matches, playing tennis, or going to concerts and art exhibitions. These interest classes impinge on sociocultural evolution because they promote diversity by encouraging different aspects of culture and fostering different sources of prestige. Language Language is frequently a secondary attribute but much less often a primary characteris-’ tic. However, there is one outstanding case; the ancient Greeks, whose colonies spread over the entire Mediterranean area and up into the Black Sea, were very conscious of the fact that they formed a linguistic unit. They had lost any sense of geographical unity with their scattered distribution but language replaced that as the primary source of their group feeling.

Social Isolation and Sociocultural Diversity -

163

Z&US

This leaves social isolation based on ideas. The most important categories here are religious and political; other kinds-academic, artistic, economic, scientific, social, technical, and so on-can also act as primary characteristics, but they usually have a more restricted impact than the political or religious varieties. I&as as primary characteristics take the form of concepts, and every concept must necessarily be opposed to at least one other (Hill, 1989), which is quite consistent with social isolation since that requires the existence of at least two equivalent groups. But there is a significant difference between a primary characteristic based on a concept and one based on territory, descent, or occupation, for whereas the latter do not change with a change in the oppositional context, this is not necessarily true of the former. For example, the French may be opposed in different contexts to the Germans, to the British, or to the Americans, but the territory which constitutes their primary characteristic remains the same. Similarly, a butcher may be opposed to a baker or a candlestick maker, but his/her occupation remains the same throughout. But in the UK, the primary characteristic of the old Labour Party when opposed to the Conservative Party was not the same as when it was opposed to the Communist Party, and tbe primary characteristic of the Church of England opposed to the Roman Catholic Church will be different from its primary characteristic when opposed to Quakerism. The difference between the old Labour and Conservative Parties rested on that between socialism and capitalism, whereas the difference between the Labour and Communist Parties rested on that between gradualism and revolutionism. The difference between the Church of England and the Roman Church is based on the recognition or otherwise of Papal supremacy whereas that between the Church of England and Quakerism depends on the existence or otherwise of an established priesthood. The difference of primary characteristic parallels the difference in meaning of concepts from one particular opposition to another (Hill, 1989). The relevance of particular secondary attributes may also vary with the context, for example, ritual differences between the Church of England and the Roman Church as against the non-existence of ritual in Quakerism. The secondary attributes of political parties include their policies, and those which distinguish party A from party B will not necessarily distinguish it from party C. The secondary attributes of religions are their detailed beliefs, their rituals, their ethical principles, and their symbols; those of political groups are their policies, the details of their philosophies, and their symbols. In both, the symbols may sometimes include a charismatic leader. The fluid nature of the isolating barriers between groups distinguished by ideas must not be taken to mean that these barriers are weaker than those based on territory or descent, as religious conflicts over the centuries and the prolonged international confrontation between capitalist and communist ideologies in the 29th century have shown. The ease with which individuals can change their group depends more upon the strength of the relevant opposition than it does upon whether the primary characteristic is an idea, an occupation, or a territory. The evolutionary significance of groups based on ideas rather than territory or descent is the greater ease with which new groups can be set up, thus increasing sociocultural diversity, so that the more common such groups are in a society the more rapidly it should evolve.

164-JACK

HILL New Social Isolates

A new social isolate represents the expression, or the potential expression, of sociocultural diversity. New territorial isolates come into existence in traditional societies when two parts of what was a single community split. In order for this to happen, there must be unpopulated areas for them to move into, but provided these exist, fission is almost inevitable where there is a growing population. New groups are usually based on kinship as among the Nuer of the Sudan (Evans-Pritchard, 1951, pp. 23-28), the Ndembu of Zambia (Turner, 1957), and the Y(ced}anomam{um}o of Venezuela (Chagnon, 1977). These new isolates in traditional societies will have no immediate effect on sociocultural diversity but over the centuries, provided they do not reunite or die out, they could diverge far enough through the development of different secondary attributes to form distinct cultures, particularly if the terrain reinforces the original social isolation with geographical isolation, as in mountainous country like much of New Guinea. In more developed societies, new territorial isolates can be formed when an empire disintegrates, as happened in South America when various countries won their independence from Spain, or more recently in Africa when the British and French gave up their colonies, and more anciently when the Roman Empire collapsed. As with new isolates in traditional societies, the effect on sociocultural diversity is only potential, but in time the successor states of the Roman Empire greatly increased their diversity. In traditional societies, new isolates based on territory are usually based on descent as well, but new descent groups do not play a part in Western societies as kinship is of little structural importance. The introduction of existing racial groups from other parts of the world is of great significance, however, because they increase both local diversity and especially conflict. The mixing of races on a large scale in modem times began with the intrusion of Europeans into other parts of the world followed by the development of colonial empires; this introduces diffusion, which will be considered in the next section. New isolates in the developed world are based mainly on new ideas or occupations, and both have an immediate effect on so&cultural diversity. New occupations often result from an invention, like railways, aeroplanes, or computers; and others, like traffic warden (Starkie, 1982, pp. 22-23) and social worker, arise directly from the attempt to solve a specific problem. Any new occupation will automatically provide a new source of prestige, some new activity at which to excel, and a point from which new secondary attributes may grow and further divergence become possible. The potential of isolates based on a new idea depends inevitably upon the nature of the i&a-religious and political ones usually have a greater effect than others, but scientific ideas, like those of Rutherford and Bohr on the structure of the atom, can sometimes have incalculable potential for the future of so&cultural evolution. At the time of its inception, a new i&a may need to be nurtured by its advocates in an enclave, otherwise it might be destroyed by gales of wrath or derision, or starved by uncomprehending neglect. These ‘enclaves are new social isolates which provide a potential source of so&cultural diversity through the emergence of secondary attributes. An enclave need not be formally structured, it may be no more than a group of like-minded individuals who are committed to the promotion of some idea. The Aero-Club de France, for example, fostered an interest in flying and prevented the Wright brothers’ breakthrough from being a lone achievement without sequel (Gibbs-Smith, 1970). Like new occupations, novel ideas introduce a

SocialIsolation and Sociocultural Diversity -

165

fresh source of prestige, a new creed to be spread, a new policy to be realized, a new hypothesis to be tested, and consequently provide a point from which further divergence is possible. The ideas on which new isolates are founded may be autochthonous or they may result from diffusion. Diffusion through space will be considered in the next section, but there is also diffusion across time which gives rise to a renaissance. The ideas that the founders of a renaissance have about their model may not be correct but nevertheless they provide the basis for an isolate where the members differentiate themselves from those of their contemporaries who do not accept the new ideas. The best known example is the Italian Renaissance of the 15th and 16th centuries in which humanists repudiated medieval culture while promoting their own ideas about the classical world of Greece and Rome. Humanist ideas were not anti-religious, although they did result in some degree of secularization as shown by the rise in secular subjects in Italian paintings f&m 5% in the 1420s to 20% in the 1530s (Burke, 1974, pp. 37-49). Religious subjects still formed the majority but that is hardly surprising when the Church was a major patron of the arts during much of this period. The new ideas were not slow in being generally accepted as they were adopted early by prestigious families like the Medici, so that no prolonged period of protection in an enclave was necessary. Other renaissances were examined by Toynbee (1954, pp. l-166), who regarded them all as efforts to conjure up the ghosts of dead civilizations, misguided attempts at necromancy which only interfered with the development of the necromancers’ civilization along its own lines. DiffUSi0n

It is often said that diffusion belongs to the so&cultural sphere and is not found in biology, but this is not true for it exists there in the form of gene flow between demes, where the diffusion of genes parallels that of concepts. It is useful to consider the biological phenomenon because its true function of reducing diversity is fully recognized, whereas in the sociocultural sphere diffusion is sometimes thought of as promoting change and hence of increasing diversity. This is because only its local effects are taken into account, where it may indeed produce a temporary increase in diversity, but in the end, if it is successful, its result is to eliminate an original difference between the donor and recipient groups. Diffusion occurs in two forms, micro- and macro-, and this applies equally to cultural and biological’diffusion. The former is exemplified by the regular and continuous diffusion of ideas between countries in constant contact, like England and France or England and the USA, and also by the flow of genes between contiguous demes. Macro-diffusion takes place on the meeting of two societies or two populations that have not previously been in contact. The biological phenomenon can be seen in the intermingling of African and European genes in the USA as a result of the importation of slaves. It has been calculated that the amount of white admixture among American blacks in Oakland, California is about 22% and among those in Charleston, South Carolina about 34% (Reed, 1969). The so&cultural phenomenon is seen most clearly in colonial situations where many European ideas have been eventually established in societies with very different traditional cultures. This plainly shows the role of diffusion in reducing overall diversity since many non-European traits have been lost. In some egregious cases in America and Tasmania it has been the people themselves, and not just cultural traits, that have been lost as result of the European invasion. Successful diffusion depends upon individuals in the recipient group building new mental models, or at least modifying some that they already hold. Without these covert changes

166 -JACK

HILL

there can be no change in the overt behavior pattern of the group, although it is quite possible for diffusion to be forced through at the point of the sword as has sometimes happened with conversion to Christianity and Islam in the past. The unwilling converts may then perhaps construct new models which are concerned solely with public behavior rather than with religious belief, in order to conform to the demands of their conquerors. In voluntary diffusion the new models may bear no more than a reasonable resemblance to those of the donors, for it is only when donor and recipient sociocultures are very similar that diffusion will involve no modification of an idea as it passes from one to the other. Concept pools are not random collections and new ideas which are introduced from outside usually have to be altered so that they tit in. In the diffusion of European artifacts like axes and guns, mental adjustments may be minimal because the new tool will be used for traditional tasks that were previously accomplished less efficiently with traditional tools. A minor reason why such things are readily accepted is that little effort is needed in order to fit them into traditional mental culture, so that their potential value can be grasped immediately, but the major reason is that their ownership brings prestige. This is probably a general rule for voluntary diffusion, those articles which confer prestige will diffuse far more readily than those which do not. In societies where they are not prestigious, as with European artifacts among African pastoralists like the Nuer and the Masai, they are less readily accepted. This is not surprising since the role of diffusion is to reduce diversity by eliminating certain traits in the recipient socioculture. People are unlikely to abandon parts of their culture unless they gain prestige by way of compensation, and the whole process of voluntary diffusion should be seen in this light. In compulsory diffusion the use or threat of force to evade this requirement is like the use or threat of violence by a thief to avoid paying for the goods that are stolen. Non-Violent Competition Between Groups Although social isolation can exist between unorganized collectivities (e.g., races) as well as between groups, active competition is possible only between groups. As mentioned above, groups compete with other equivalent groups for prestige, and the form of the competition therefore depends upon the qualities which bring prestige. There is no competition between groups that are not structurally equivalent: a football club cannot compete with a choral society or a university science department, for example. In all forms of sport, as well as in games like chess and bridge, prestige depends upon the ability of the group members or their appointees, individually or as a team, to defeat their opponents from other groups. I say “appointees” in reference to groups, especially football clubs, where it is not the members themselves who actually play. Competitions of this kind may result in records being broken but they will not result in the exploration of any new paths in sociocultural evolution-whereas this is precisely what will result from competition between science departments as in the search for the structure of DNA (Watson, 1981). It is also what happens when groups compete in the arts, as during the Italian Renaissance which was built on a double helix of competition for prestige, among artists for recognition by prestigious patrons and among patrons for “ownership” of the best artists. The individual patrons were able to act as such only because they were the heads of rich family groups like the Medici and Barberini, or of states like Plorence, Urbino, or the Papacy, so the competition may fairly be said to have been between groups. If we turn now to commerce and competition between manufacturers, the first point to be settled is their primary characteristic, and I would argue that they are distinguished from

SocialkUion

and SocioculturalDiversity -

167

one another essentially by their products. “Smith & Jones, sole makers of the only genuine XYZ since 1832” is an exemplar of a well known class of slogans. Products are what bring manufacturets their prestige, and since these products must be named there is legal protection for the trade marks and brand names which symbolixe them and enable the public to identify them unequivocally (Jeffs, 1989). Indeed, the name and packaging may often be the only things that distinguish a product of one company from the equivalent product of another. Some firms, like armament manufacturers, sell only to experts who are not likely to be misled by trade marks and packaging, but the manufacturers may still be distinguished from one another by the range and quality of their products, and their prestige will be increased by a rise in quality. They compete for orders and their prestige may be measured by the proportion of the total market they win. Profits increase with the number of orders but it is the orders, not the profits, that ate the objects of competition. Many forms of cheating are possible, like putting the old low quality product in attractive new packaging, but if some other firm introduces a similar product that is really superior the packaging will not save the day, although brand loyalty may delay the crash. The introduction of novel products which plays a great part in present day commerce opens up new paths for sociocultural evolution to pursue, and illustrates the positive side of social isolation. Retail trade is similar in that a shop competes for orders and hence for prestige which can be measured by the proportion of the relevant market it takes. But in this case the retailers buy the products rather than manufacture them, and it is up to them to see that the quality of the goods in their shop is high. Profits increase with the number of goods sold, but again the competition is for orders not profits. There is, however, a complication since shops may compete not just for orders as such but for orders from highly prestigious customers, so that the prestige of a shop depends not only on the proportion of the market it takes but also upon how much of that proportion is from the prestigious end of the market. Competition for prestige between religious groups and between trades unions means competition for members, and between political parties it means competition for members and voters, all of whom may be recruited by persuasion or by birth. Birth is the main source of recruitment in established religious groups, but it is less certain later in life since adults can always repudiate their parents’ religious or political beliefs, and they may follow a different career. The need group leaders have to differentiate their group as clearly as possible from rival groups results in the proliferation of secondary attributes which increase sociocultural diversity. In trade unions these attributes comprise the union’s constitution plus the rules that members accept; in political parties they are policies; and in religions they are the detailed beliefs and practices of the members together with the type of building they choose to meet in. A fine example of the last is the development of the baroque style of architecture and painting in Rome from the last decades of the 16th century onwards. It arose from the counter-reformatory decrees of the Council of Trent in 1563 and it was intended to mark off the Roman Church more distinctly from its Protestant rivals, although it was many years after this before it became at all noticeable in art and architecture (Wittkower, 1973; pp. 21-28). conclusion

Social isolation is not just an academic abstraction: it is a reality which has practical significance in the field. No model of so&cultural evolution can explain so&cultural diversity satisfactorily unless it takes social isolation into account, any more than a theory of organic

168 -JACK

HILL

evolution could explain biological diversity without reference to biological isolation, and diversity is after all one of the major phenomena that a theory of evolution has to explain. Without the desire of group leaders to make their group as distinct as possible from other equivalent groups and to win competitions with these groups for various goals, sociocultural evolution would be a jejune affair, and diversity would have to depend upon geographical isolation, a passive factor compared with the active nature of social isolation. But against these positive effects there is its negative role in the suppression of diversity when one group overcomes another, for example, and tries to eliminate its culture. Both these aspects of social isolation have to be taken into account and they both demonstrate the essential reality of social isolation, for sociocultures and for individuals. It is not a metaphor like some evolutionary terms. Looking to the future, we can see that the rapidly diminishing significance of geographical isolation with modem transport means that the significance of social (in contrast to geographic) isolation will increase; and there is always the danger that its negative effects will increase more than its positive ones. We can only try to limit the damage it sometimes causes to humanity through the introduction or strengthening of lines which cut across any line where the polarity has reached dangerous levels. In particular, its negative effects are likely to be found where competition for resources is severe, especially if differential access to resources coincides with some other distinction like religion or race. A possible danger for the future is differential access to computer information which will become a vital resource in human competition for prestige. References Baumol, W. J., & Blinder, A. S. (1985). Economics, 3rd ed. New York: HarcourtBrace Jovanovich. Burke, P. (1974). Tradition and innovation in renaissance Italy. London: FontanaKollins. Chagnon, N. A. (1977). Yqnomumti: thefierce people, 2nd. ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Edelmsn, G. M. (1989). The rememberedpresent. New York: Basic Books. Erikson, E. N. (1966). Ontogeny of ritualixation in man. Philosophic Trunsucfions theRoyal Society, Series B, 25Z. 337-349. Evans-Pritchard,E. E. (1951). Kinship und marriage among the Nuer. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Fii, R, W. (1961). History and traditions ofTihopia. Wellington, New Zealand The Polynesian Society, Memoir No. 33. Forge, A. (1972). The golden fleece. Man(NS), 7,527-540. Gibbs-Smith, C. H. (1970). Aviation: An historical survey. London: H.M.S.O. Goodall, J. (1986). The chimpanzees of Gombe. Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press. Hallett, R. (1974). Africa since 1875: A modem history. AM Arbor, MN: Michigan University Press. Hausfater, G. (1972). Intergroup behaviour of free-ranging Rhesus monkeys (Macacu mulana). Folia Primutologica, 18,7&107. Hill, J. (1971). A model for social evolution. Sociologicul Analysis, 1,61-76. Hill, J. (1978). The origin of sociocultural evolution. Journal of Social and Biological Structures, 1, 377-386. Hill, J. (1984). Prestige and reproductive success in man. Ethology and Sociobiology, 5,77-95. Hill, J. (1988). Reproductive and sociocultural success in a dual evolutionary model. Joumul of Social and Biological Structures, 11, 337-352. Hill, J. (1989). Concepts as units of cultural replication. Joumul of Social and Biological Structures, Z2, 343-355. Ho, M- W., & Fox, S. W. (Eds.) (1988). Evolutionuryprocesses und metaphors. Chichester: Wiley. Hutton, J. H. (1963). Caste in India. London: Oxford University Press.

of

Social Isolation and Sociocultural Diversity -

169

Jeffs, J. (1989). Patents, trade marks and trade names. In Brazier, M. R. et al. (Eds.) Clerk and Lindrell on torts, 16th ed. London: Sweet and Maxwell, pp. 1588-1647. Kmmner, H. (1968). Social orgunisution of Hamadryas Baboons. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Levi-Strauss, C. (1964). Totemism. trans. Needham. R. London: Merlin Press. L&i-Strauss, C. (1966). The suvuge mind. trans. Anon. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. Marshall, L. (1976). The !Kung of Nyae Nyae. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Pelling, H. (1987). A history of British trade unionism, 4th ed. London: Macmillan. Reed, T. E. (1969). Caucasian genes in American Negroes.” Science, 165,762-768. Ridley, M. (1993). Evolution. Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Scientific Publications. Schaller. G. B. (1963). The mountain Gorilla. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Silberbauer. G. B. (1972). The G/wi Bushmen. In Bicchieri, M. G. (Ed.) Hunters and gatherers to&y. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, pp. 271-326. Southwick, C. H., Beg, M. H., & Siddiqi, M. R. (1%5). Rhesus in North India. In devore. I. (Ed.) Primate behaviour: Field studies of monkeys and apes. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, pp. 111-159. Starkie. D. (1982). The nwrorwuy age. Oxford: Pergamon. Toynbee, A. J. (1954). A study of history, vol. LX.London: Oxford University Press. Turner, V. (1957). Schism und continuity in M African society. Manchester University Press. Washbomn, S. L., & devore, I. (1961). The social life of baboons. Scientific American, 204(6), 62-71. Watson, J. D. (1981). The double helix, new ed. Stent, G. S. (Ed.) London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. Wittkower, R. (1973). Art and architecture in Italy 16004750, 3rd ed. Pelican History of Art. Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin.

About the Author Jack Hill is a retired biologist who has published numerous articles in this and other journals on prestige, reproductive success, and altruism in the context of sociocultural evolution. His last article in the Joumul was “Biology, Prestige, and the Origin of States” in vol 17 no 2.