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Social Science Professions and Professionalization
Social Science Professions and Professionalization Felice J Levine and Nathan E Bell, American Educational Research Association, Washington, DC, USA Ó 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Abstract This article focuses on social science professions in the United States. It addresses the nature of these professions, the process of professionalization, degree production and graduate enrollment in social sciences fields, degree completion, and time-todegree. Moreover, this article examines diversity and the social sciences doctoral degree, international comparisons in social sciences doctoral degree production, and the contours of the labor force in these fields.
Introduction to Social Science Professions and Professionalization This article focuses on social science professions in the United States. It addresses the nature of these professions, the process of professionalization, patterns of enrollment and degree production, and the contours of the labor force in these fields. Professionalization refers to the processes through which individuals become professionals. Labor force refers to that portion of the population (in this case of social science professions) that is economically active, meaning either employed or, if unemployed, available to work. Although social science professionals are employed across work sectors, special attention is paid to the social science professoriate.
The Social Sciences as Disciplines and Professions The social sciences refer to a large number of disciplines and interdisciplinary fields that in their own right constitute more than a single profession.1 Disciplines like economics, political science, psychology, and sociology have their own specialized training, expertise, reward structures, associations, networks, and norms that reinforce distinctive professional identities. As scientific fields dedicated to the study of human social phenomena, they share common features. Yet, because of their arenas of expert knowledge, occupational cultures, collegial interactions, labor markets, and their distinctive identities as perceived by others, they comprise different professional groups. Moreover, these professions are not the same as the academic profession, although many persons with advanced social science degrees (especially with doctoral degrees) are academic professionals at universities and colleges.
The Process of Professionalization
with certain core principles and practices. Professionalization can commence during undergraduate education, is central to graduate training, and continues during early career stages.
Research on Social Science Professionalization Research on professionalization dates back to the 1950s. Early research on professionalization focused on the medical (e.g., Becker et al., 1961; Merton et al., 1957) and legal (e.g., Lortie, 1959; Warkov and Zelan, 1965) professions. At the same time, there was also attention to higher education professionals, with initial research focused on faculty (e.g., Caplow and McGee, 1958; Parsons and Platt, 1968) rather than on socialization to academic or scientific professions (an exception is Berelson’s study of graduate education published in 1960). In the more than 50 years since, an important body of research and scholarship has evolved on the socialization to academic and scientific careers.2 Much of this work focuses on graduate departments as the primary socialization site in the vital transition from student to professional (e.g., Austin, 2002; Gardner and Mendoza, 2010; Morrison et al., 2011; Weidman and Stein, 2003). In graduate departments, students learn what is expected and rewarded and, conversely, what constitutes unacceptable practices in their field or discipline. Graduate education aims to develop in students a level of scholarly proficiency through formal (e.g., courses, qualifying exams, dissertations and informal (e.g., attendance at scholarly meetings) training. In particular doctoral programs aim to initiate students progressively into more independent work and autonomous thinking that helps develop professionals who can both master knowledge and produce original work (see Sullivan, 1991). Research on doctoral education makes clear that professionalization depends not just on the quality of the substantive curriculum and research training but also on the quality of advising, mentoring, and peer relationships (see, e.g., Nettles and Millett, 2006).
What Is Professionalization Professionalization involves the development of skills, identities, norms, and values associated with becoming part of a professional group. Through this process, individuals pursuing careers in specific social sciences acquire both substantive and methodological knowledge and develop understandings of their roles that permit them to function as professionals in their fields. By training new entrants and fostering social cohesion and identity, these professions seek to ensure that the work of their sciences will continue congruent
International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2nd edition, Volume 22
Variation and Change in Social Science Professionalization Beyond the shared norms of science that transcend any one discipline, scientific fields differ as to their intellectual tasks, their methods of inquiry, and how their work is done and rewarded (see Austin, 2002). For example, chemistry in comparison to sociology has a longstanding tradition of intensive collaboration on more tightly defined problems. Thus, chemistry students are more closely supervised, work in research teams, and are involved in joint publication. Sociology
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students have more variable sets of exposure – from large-scale teams to research environments with intermittent contact with advisors, more independent work, and less engagement in collaboration. Sociology students, however, work and publish more collaboratively than do anthropology students, who are in a field more influenced by single investigator, ethnographic research (Babchuk et al., 1999). Also, it is important to recognize that professionalization is a dynamic social process. As higher education and social science professions have changed over time, the aims and ambitions of professionalization have also transformed. Graduate programs are still primarily anchored on socializing the next generation of scientists and scholars who can contribute to knowledge production. This longstanding purpose, however, has expanded to include broader aspects of research training (e.g., exposure to peer review, considerations of ethical conduct, oral and written communication). Also, beyond an emphasis on research, there is increasing attention to other aspects of scientists’ roles and responsibilities (e.g., teaching, service, human rights) as well as to professional opportunities in settings outside of the academy.
occupations (ostensibly among those positions that do not require more advanced expertise or skills). Compared to majors in mathematical, physical, and biological sciences, undergraduates typically declare majors in the social sciences later in their academic careers. This is primarily attributable to the scarce attention given to the social sciences as fields of science in the elementary and secondary school curricula. Therefore, many undergraduates have their first exposure to these fields as a part of fulfilling their general education requirements. Despite later exposure to these fields, the social sciences confer a substantial number of bachelor’s degrees. In 1980, even excluding psychology, bachelor’s degree production was higher in the social sciences (93 119) than in the next highest field of science and engineering (63 942 biological and agricultural sciences bachelor’s degrees). Thirty years later, in 2010, bachelor’s degree production (again excluding psychology) continued to be higher in the social sciences (163 071) than in other science and engineering fields (see S&ED, 2013: Table 5).3 Bachelor’s degree production varies considerably within the social sciences. As shown in Table 1, from 1980 to 2010, bachelor’s degree production was substantially larger in psychology than in any other social science field, with political science also sizable. Furthermore, degree production increased over these three decades, but the rate of increase varied by discipline. While bachelor’s degree production in economics increased by 47.4%, in psychology it increased by 129.9%. The varying growth rates of disciplines within the social sciences have resulted in changes over time in the share of social science degrees awarded by individual disciplines. For example, bachelor’s degrees in psychology accounted for 31.3% of all bachelor’s degrees awarded in the social sciences in
Enrollment and Degrees in the Social Sciences Bachelor’s Degrees Undergraduate majors in social science fields constitute the potential pipeline of those who might be attracted to and eligible for becoming social scientists. They also are an important ‘constituent’ group because the number of majors in a discipline shapes the demand for trained faculty members in that area in the academic workplace. Even with only a bachelor’s degree, they represent a sector of the future workforce that may ultimately supply jobs classified as social science
Table 1
Degrees awarded in the social sciences by level, select years, 1980–2010 Year
Bachelor’s degrees Economics Political science Psychology Sociology Other social sciences Master’s degrees Economics Political science Psychology Sociology Other social sciences Doctoral degrees Economics Political science Psychology Sociology Other social sciences
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
19 736 30 164 42 513 19 181 24 038
23 073 32 378 40 237 12 165 17 180
25 41 54 15 22
19 41 72 22 28
083 978 601 974 676
19 400 36 384 74 656 25 683 32 030
25 160 51 540 86 031 28 556 39 315
29 57 97 29 47
2386 10 006 7861 1372 5174
2532 9481 8481 1045 4090
2456 9941 9308 1213 4620
2838 12 802 13 132 1790 5829
2515 13 038 13 806 2000 5807
3504 17 421 16 478 1500 6990
3732 22 083 21 032 1430 8704
927 730 3098 600 1115
959 666 3117 461 1131
1007 734 3281 428 1162
1152 894 3429 540 1292
1086 986 3615 617 1466
1183 990 3323 536 1432
1190 1203 3421 638 1782
587 618 018 993 152
090 649 746 000 332
Source: S&ED, 2013. Science and Engineering Degrees: 1966–2010. Detailed Statistical Tables, NSF 13-327. National Science Foundation, National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, Washington, DC. Tables 5, 12, and 19 (accessed 04.09.13.).
Social Science Professions and Professionalization
Table 2
681
Graduate enrollment in science and engineering, select years, 1980–2011 Year
Engineering Agricultural sciences Biological sciences Computer sciences Earth, atmosphere, and ocean sciences Mathematical sciences Physical sciences Social sciences Social sciences Psychology
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2011
74 335 12 689 47 261 13 578 14 051 15 311 26 934 121 441 80 831 40 610
96 018 11 846 45 709 29 769 15 414 17 563 30 987 110 685 69 964 40 721
107 658 11 563 49 602 34 257 13 977 19 774 34 082 126 128 77 961 48 167
107 201 12 768 58 344 33 458 15 716 18 504 33 399 143 076 89 435 53 641
104 112 12 023 56 282 47 350 13 941 15 650 30 385 133 793 83 327 50 466
120 565 13 123 68 479 47 978 14 836 20 210 36 375 156 709 99 427 57 282
146 501 16 129 75 423 51 234 15 820 23 801 39 694 166 147 111 661 54 486
Source: National Science Foundation, National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, Graduate Students and Postdoctorates in Science and Engineering: Fall 2011 (NSF 13-331), Tables 2 and 3.
1980, but, by 2010, this share had increased to 37.4%. In contrast, economics bachelor’s degrees decreased from 14.6% of all bachelor’s degrees awarded in the social sciences in 1980 to 10.9% in 2010.
Graduate Enrollment As can be seen in Table 2, graduate enrollment in the social sciences has grown steadily over the past three decades, fueled in part by increases in bachelor’s degree production in these fields. At the graduate level, enrollment in the social sciences increased from 121 441 in 1980 to 166 147 in 2011 – up by 36.8%. Graduate enrollment is also larger in the social sciences than in all other science and engineering fields, with enrollees in social science fields accounting for 29.6% of all science and engineering graduate students. While the size of graduate student enrollment in the social sciences is substantial, the growth in enrollment of engineering graduate students over the 1980 to 2011 period approximately doubled, making it a close second.
Master’s and Doctoral Degrees As with bachelor’s degree production, across all fields of science master’s and doctoral degree production has visibly increased since the 1980s (see S&ED, 2013: Tables 12 and 19). In the social sciences, master’s degree production overall increased from 1980 to 2010, largely attributable to substantial growth in political science and psychology (see Table 1). Master’s degrees in engineering also grew substantially within this time frame. At the doctorate level, degree production in the social science disciplines has grown only modestly, largely attributable to an increase in doctorate degrees in political science and in the broad category covering other social science fields. While in 1980 doctoral degree production in social sciences fields (6470) was larger than in other science and engineering fields, by 2010, degree production in social sciences (8234) was outpaced by production in biological and agricultural sciences (9036). Within the social sciences, there were variations in doctoral degree production by discipline (see Table 1). Over the period
from 1980 to 2010, the number of doctoral degrees awarded in psychology was substantially higher than in other social science disciplines. In 2010, psychology conferred 3421 doctoral degrees, five times more than sociology and nearly three times more than economics (although about 40% of the psychology doctorates awarded in 2010 were clinical doctorates). While doctoral degree production in psychology continues to outpace degree production in other social sciences fields, the rate of increase in psychology over the 30-year period (10.4%) is lower than in political science (64.8%), other social sciences (59.8%), and economics (28.4%).
Doctoral Degree Completion and Time-to-Degree The duration of doctoral education remains a concern in higher education despite a decrease in time-to-degree over the last two decades. Based on the most recent data available from the National Science Foundation (see S&ED, 2010: Table 31), doctoral students in the social sciences tend to take longer to complete their degrees than students in other fields of science and engineering. In the social sciences, the median time-to-degree in 2010 was 7.7 years; this figure trailed the physical sciences (6.7 years), life sciences (6.8 years), and engineering (6.9 years). Doctoral students in the social sciences, however, typically complete their doctorates more rapidly than those in humanities, where the median time-to-degree in 2010 was 9.3 years. Moreover, completion rates are a significant consideration (see Table 3). According to the Council of Graduate Schools (2008), approximately 56% of social science doctoral students and 55% of doctoral students in mathematics and the physical sciences complete their degrees within 10 years. These rates are visibly lower than the ones of doctoral students in engineering (64%) and the life sciences (63%). All fields of science and engineering, however, have a higher 10-year completion rate than in the humanities (approximately 49%). Financial support for doctoral students is a relevant factor in considering time-to-degree and lower completion rates. On average, doctoral students in social sciences receive less nonloan financial support than students in other fields of science and engineering. According to 2010 data from the National Science Foundation (S&ED, 2010: Table 35), doctoral students
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Table 3 Cumulative 10-year completion and attrition rates for students entering doctoral programs between 1992–93 and 1994–95, by broad field Rates by years since entering program Broad fields Completion rates Engineering Life sciences Math and physical sciences Social sciences Humanities Attrition rates Engineering Life sciences Math and physical sciences Social sciences Humanities
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
7.1 17.1 34.6 48.5 56.8 60.8 62.6 63.6 4.2 9.4 21.7 42.6 53.7 59.6 61.9 62.9 2.5 8.9 23.4 39.3 48.2 52.2 53.9 54.7 6.7 11.5 20.5 31.0 40.9 47.5 52.7 55.9 2.8 6.1 11.8 19.8 29.3 36.7 44.6 49.3 20.2 23.1 24.1 25.0 25.8 26.4 26.6 26.7 17.1 21.0 22.3 23.7 24.9 25.6 26.0 26.2 26.1 30.8 32.7 34.1 35.4 36.2 36.6 36.9 16.7 20.0 22.0 23.4 24.4 25.5 26.4 26.9 14.9 18.4 20.7 23.8 26.7 29.1 30.6 31.7
Source: Council of Graduate Schools, Ph.D. Completion and Attrition: Analysis of Baseline Program Data from the Ph.D. Completion Project.
in the social sciences are more likely to primarily finance their doctoral education through their own resources (27.1%) compared to students in physical sciences (4.4%), engineering (4.5%), and life sciences (8.9%). As a result, 60.8% of social sciences doctorate recipients in 2010 graduated with debt, compared with fewer than half of the doctorate recipients in other fields of science and engineering (S&ED, 2010: Table 38).
Diversity and the Doctoral Degree Gender Since the 1980s, there has been a dramatic increase in women receiving doctoral degrees across all fields of science and engineering (see S&ED, 2013: Tables 19, 23, 25, 35, 40, 41, and 46). In 2010, 13 548 women received science and engineering doctoral degrees, a number which is more than three times higher than the 3961 women who earned such degrees in 1980. These numbers also represent a substantial difference in the shares of all science and engineering doctoral degrees awarded to women (40.9% of all science and engineering degrees in 2010 compared to 22.3% in 1980). Furthermore, fields vary considerably in the proportion of doctorates awarded to women, with the social sciences and the biological sciences conferring a much higher proportion of doctorates to women than the physical sciences and engineering. There are notable differences within the social sciences as well (see S&ED, 2013: Tables 40, 42–45). In 1980, men earned the majority of the doctorates awarded in all social science fields, with psychology having the highest percentage of degrees earned by women (42.3%) and economics the lowest (12.5%). By 2010, women earned the majority of the doctorates awarded in psychology (69.8%), sociology (60.8%), and other social sciences (54.8%), but earned well under half of the degrees in political science (42.9%) and economics (34.5%).
Race/Ethnicity The data on earned doctorates for racial and ethnic minorities who were US citizens or permanent residents were first reported in the 1970s. In 1980, across all fields of science and engineering, the number of persons of color receiving doctorates was quite small (814, or 6% of all doctoral degrees awarded to US citizens in science and engineering fields; see Hoffer et al., 2001: Table 8). The numbers of minorities earning doctorates in science and engineering and the proportion of science and engineering doctorates earned by minorities increased noticeably over the next three decades (S&ED, 2010: Table 23). By 1990, minorities earned 1963 science and engineering doctorates (or 12.3% of all science and engineering doctorates awarded to US citizens and permanent residents). By 2010, this number more than doubled to 4584 science and engineering doctorates (21.5%). There are important differences across fields of science in the proportion of doctorates awarded to racial/ethnic minority groups (see S&ED, 2010: Table 23). Of the doctorates earned in engineering in 2010, 16.9% were Asians and 4.2% were black4; similarly, Asians received 10.5 and 11.1% of the doctorates, respectively, in the physical and life sciences, with blacks receiving only 3.0 and 5.1% of the doctorates in these fields. In contrast, greater balance across racial/ethnic minority groups is evident in social science fields. The percentage earning doctorates is more than 6%, respectively, for Asians, blacks, and Hispanics. The proportion of American Indians/ Alaska Natives earning doctorate remains low (well under 1%) across all broad fields (see S&ED, 2010: Table 24). Across the social sciences, racial/ethnic minorities differ in the percent of doctorates being earned (see S&ED, 2010: Table 24). For example, in 2010, economics and sociology awarded 22.7 and 22.3% of their doctorates, respectively, to racial/ethnic minorities, with psychology and political science somewhat lower at 19.2 and 18.3%, respectively. In contrast, anthropology was considerably lower – awarding only 14.7% of its doctorates to racial/ethic minorities. Asians earned higher proportions of doctorates in economics (11.8%) than in other social science fields, while blacks earned their highest share of doctoral degrees in sociology (8.9%).
Non-US Recipients The numbers of non-US citizens on temporary visas earning doctorates in science and engineering almost doubled over the past three decades (see Table 4). In 2010, non-US citizens earned 33.4% of all science and engineering doctorates awarded in the US, up from 15.6% in 1980 (see S&ED, 2010: Tables 18 and 22). Across broad fields of science and engineering, there is considerable variability in the proportion of non-US recipients of doctorates – ranging from approximately 26% in the life sciences to 51% in engineering. In the social sciences, the shares of doctorates earned by non-US citizens are overall lower than in other fields of science. International students earned 8.9% of all social science doctorates in 1980 and 19.9% in 2010. Within the social sciences, however, there is also variability. Non-US citizens earned the highest share of doctoral degrees awarded in 2010 in economics/econometrics (51.8%) and the lowest shares in psychology (7.9%).
Social Science Professions and Professionalization
Table 4
683
Science and engineering doctorates earned by non-US citizens on temporary visas, 1980 and 2010 1980
2010
Broad field
Total doctorates
Non-US citizen doctorates
Percent non-US citizen
Total doctorates
Non-US citizen doctorates
Percent non-US citizen
Total science and engineering Life sciences Physical sciences Social sciences Engineering
18 088 5501 4071 6037 2479
2814 725 693 535 861
15.6 13.2 17.0 8.9 34.7
34 908 11 266 8319 7771 7552
11 659 2909 3351 1548 3851
33.4 25.8 40.3 19.9 51.0
Source: S&ED, 2010. Doctorate Recipients from US Universities, Science and Engineering Doctorates: Detailed Statistical Tables. National Science Foundation, National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, Division of Science Resources Statistics, Washington, DC. http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/doctorates/ (accessed 06.11.13.), Table 18.
International Comparisons in Doctoral Degree Production As is the case with doctoral degree production generally, doctoral production in the social sciences is higher in the US than in all other countries (see Table 5). In 2008, the latest year for which comparable data are available, over 8900 doctorates were awarded in social sciences in the US (National Science Board, 2012). Russia awarded the second largest number of social science doctorates (over 6800), followed by China (2270), South Korea (2240), and the United Kingdom (2230). In 2008, the US ranked second in terms of the share of all science and engineering doctorates that are in social science fields with 26.7%. First ranked was Russia, with 46.0% of
Table 5 International science and engineering doctorates, select countries, select years, 2000–08 Year Country China All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences Germany All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences Russia All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences South Korea All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences United Kingdom All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences United States All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences
2000
2004
2008
7766 514 6.6
14 858 1309 8.8
28 439 2274 8.0
11 306 1106 9.8
9554 1004 10.5
11 314 1417 12.5
15 745 4375 27.8
16 003 5910 36.9
14 915 6857 46.0
2865 108 3.8
3531 268 7.6
3716 311 8.4
7180 970 13.5
9150 1950 21.3
9470 2230 23.5
25 423 8182 32.2
26 573 8275 31.1
33 359 8904 26.7
The countries shown in this table are large producers of science and engineering doctoral degrees for which longitudinal data were available. Source: National Science Board, Science and Engineering Indicators 2012, Appendix Tables 2.37 and 2.38.
science and engineering doctorates in the social sciences in 2008 (noticeably up from 27.8% in 2000). Also of note is that, while China has a sizable doctorate degree production in science and engineering (in 2008, 28 439 compared to 33 359 in the US), only 8% of the doctorates were in social science.
Current Patterns for New Doctorate Recipients Across all fields, about 57% of new doctorate recipients in 2010 with postgraduation plans had plans for employment; the remaining 43% had plans for postdoctoral study (S&ED, 2010: Table 44). In the social sciences, a slightly smaller share (35%) had plans for postdoctoral study. In the social sciences, as in other fields, increasingly larger shares of newly minted doctorates are pursuing postdoctoral study over time. The shift has been substantial. For example, the share of new doctorate recipients in social sciences pursuing postdoctoral study grew from 15.7% in 1990 to 23.9% in 2000 and to the 35% noted for 2010. Social science doctorate recipients are also more likely to enter the academy than doctorate recipients in other fields of science and engineering (S&ED, 2010: Table 46). Among new social science doctorate recipients in 2010, 59.9% took positions in the academy immediately after the receipt of the doctorate, compared with 52.6% of all new doctorate recipients. Also, while the share of all new doctorates entering the academy has been relatively stable over the past two decades, in the social sciences, the share of new doctorate recipients entering academic employment has increased, rising from 50.3% in 1990 to 59.9% in 2010.
The Social Science Labor Force As noted in the introduction, the labor force includes those persons who are economically active – either employed, or, if unemployed, available for work. In 2010, according to the Current Population Survey conducted by the US Census Bureau, approximately 154 million persons were active in the civilian workforce of the US, including 15 million unemployed persons (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011). Social science professionals constitute only a miniscule segment of this overall labor force (less than one-half of 1%) if such professionals are defined as persons having an advanced degrees (a master’s or doctoral degree) in a social science.
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Employment Status of Social Scientists The overall employment status of those with advanced degree training in the social sciences is quite favorable. According to the National Science Foundation’s Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System (SESTAT), there are about 1 050 000 social science professionals in the labor force (835 000 at the master’s level and 218 100 at the doctoral level). Employment rates for these individuals are strong. In 2010, only 2.0% of doctorate-level social scientists and 5.5% of those with a master’s degree were unemployed (see SESTAT, 20105) – considerably below the overall 9.6% unemployment rate in the US in 2010 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011). Among doctorate-trained social scientists, the vast majority (about 83%) was employed full-time (see SESTAT, 2003), and about 75% are employed in science and engineering occupations, primarily in social science occupations (see SESTAT, 2010).
Social Science Occupations and Professional Training The labor force in the social sciences can be conceptualized as (1) those persons trained in the social sciences or (2) those persons working in social sciences occupations. In contrast to a focus on degree training per se, classification into occupational categories includes persons trained in other fields who are working in these areas but excludes persons with relevant training who are working in other occupational areas (see National Science Foundation, 1999). For example, social science occupations would include persons with doctorates in business who are teaching sociology in a university but would exclude persons with doctorates in sociology managing a business. SESTAT classifies persons into occupations in terms of both work and education. Based on the SESTAT surveys, in 2010, approximately 518 100 persons with a bachelor’s degree or higher were classified as being in a social science occupation. This occupational category includes jobs that vary widely as to the nature of the work and required expertise. Two-thirds (67.3%) of the individuals in social science occupations received their highest degree in a social science field. Furthermore, having an advanced degree beyond the bachelor’s level also matters: the majority of persons working in social science occupations have an advanced degree (see SESTAT, 2010). The value of an advanced degree can further be seen by examining the relationship between bachelor’s, master’s, or doctoral training in a field and working in an occupation classified as being in that same field (i.e., ‘in-field’ occupation). As shown in Table 6, for all fields of science, persons at successively higher degree levels are more likely to be working Table 6
in occupations classified as ‘in-field.’ In the social sciences, 1.8% of those persons with bachelor’s degrees were working in a social science occupation, compared to 17.2 and 64.5%, respectively, of individuals with master’s and doctoral degrees. Moreover, doctoral degree training really matters in social science fields. In comparison to other fields of science and engineering, individuals with bachelor’s and master’s training have a very low presence in an in-field occupation. At the doctoral level, there is far less variability across fields of science and engineering in the proportion of persons working in ‘in-field’ occupations.
Sectors of Employment Examination of doctorate-level professionals in the social sciences shows the centrality of the academic workplace in relation to other work sectors. Four-year colleges and universities are the dominant employer of doctorate-level scientists and engineers. Across all science and engineering fields in 2010, 45.0% of doctorate-level scientists and engineers worked at 4-year colleges and universities; in the social sciences, 46.9% did so. Business/industry also employed large numbers of doctorate-level scientists and engineers, but far less so in social science fields. Across all science and engineering fields, 41.9% were employed in business/industry, with only 38.1% of the social scientists employed in this work sector (see SESTAT, 2010). Although specific disciplines within the social sciences followed this overall pattern, there are important differences. As shown in Table 7, in 2010, more doctorate-level sociologists and anthropologists (70.7%) were employed in 4-year colleges and universities than were social scientists in other fields. In contrast, greater proportions of psychologists (48.4%) and economists (39.9%) were employed in business/industry. For psychologists, this is ostensibly due to the sizable number of psychologists who are in clinical practice.
Wages in Social Science Professions Overall, annual median wages for social scientists are in the same range as other science and engineering fields. In 2012, in US dollars, the median wages for social science professionals were $69 280 for psychologists, $74 960 for sociologists, $91 860 for economists, and $107 420 for political scientists. Other fields of science and engineering report such median 2012 wages as $66 260 for microbiologists, $80 580 for mechanical engineers, $101 360 for mathematicians, and $106 840 for physicists (see Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014).
Percentage of scientists with degree training in field of occupation by employment in field of occupation, 2010 Computer/Math scientists
Life scientists
Physical scientists
Social scientists
Engineers
Degree
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
Bachelor’s Master’s Doctorate
48.0 54.9 74.3
1281 536 69
11.8 38.9 59.6
1260 258 246
19.1 34.8 55.2
397 135 160
1.8 17.2 64.5
3337 789 214
40.0 48.2 56.9
1885 637 157
Table derived from analyses of data in SESTAT, an online database. For information on the specific SESTAT variables used, please contact the principal author. Source: National Science Foundation, Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System (SESTAT).
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Table 7
Doctoral social scientists by field and employment sector, 2010 2-Year College or other school system
4-Year College or medical institution
Government
Business/Industry
Degree
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
Economics Political and related sciences Psychology Sociology and anthropology Other social sciences
1.9 3.9 6.3 4.1 6.5
528 890 7096 1224 1355
47.8 64.0 34.0 70.7 63.0
13 400 14 479 38 150 21 107 13 192
10.4 8.1 11.4 7.0 5.8
2917 1843 12 752 2091 1209
39.9 23.9 48.4 18.2 24.8
11 177 5419 54 310 5427 5189
Table derived from analyses of data in SESTAT, an online database. For information on the specific SESTAT variables used, please contact the principal author. Source: National Science Foundation, Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System (SESTAT).
These occupations include scientists at all education degree levels, as set forth in the 2014 Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) Occupational Outlook Handbook. For scientific and engineering fields, the entry-level education is typically at least a master’s degree. These salaries are in line with salaries of other occupations with typical education requirements of a master’s degree or a doctoral or professional degree (Lockard and Wolf, 2012: Table 6).6
Women and Minorities in the Social Science Labor Force Gender Of the 213 800 employed doctorate-level social scientists in 2010, 52.8% were male and 47.2% were female (see SESTAT, 2010). Employed female social scientists, however, are more likely than employed male social scientists to have received their doctoral degrees in recent years. For example, among social scientists who received their degrees between 1976 and 1980, approximately 70.7% were male. In contrast, of those who received degrees in 2006 or later, only 38.4% were male (see SESTAT, 2010). This pattern holds true in all social science disciplines, with women accounting for larger shares of more recent cohorts than earlier cohorts of employed doctorate-level professionals (see SESTAT, 2010). Males and females with doctorates in the social sciences vary only modestly in terms of sectors of employment. Gender differences within disciplines are more striking than the overall trends. For example, a higher proportion of male than female economists was employed by 4-year colleges and universities (49.6 vs 42.1%), while a higher proportion of female than male sociologists and anthropologists were in business/industry (21.7 vs 15.0%) (see SESTAT, 2010).
Race/Ethnicity Of the 213 800 employed doctorate-level social scientists in 2010, 81.2% were white, non-Hispanic; 11.8% were underrepresented minorities (African-American, Hispanic, or Native American), and 7.0% were Asian.7 The data on doctorate-level social scientists of color in the workforce are consistent with the increase in the production of minority doctorates since the mid-1970s (see SESTAT, 2010). Of those in the workforce in 2010 who received their doctoral degrees between 1976 and
1980, 90.2% were white, non-Hispanic, 6.6% were underrepresented minorities, and 3.1% were Asian. In comparison, of those in the workforce receiving degrees since 2006, 72.6% were white, non-Hispanic, 17.5% were underrepresented minorities, and 9.96% were Asian (see SESTAT, 2010). Employment sector data also point to important differences between minority and white doctorate-level social scientists (see SESTAT, 2010). In 2010, higher proportions of Asians (53.7%) and underrepresented minorities (51.4%) were employed at 4-year colleges and universities than white, nonHispanics (45.7%). In contrast, a higher proportion of white, non-Hispanics were employed in business/industry (39.5%) than Asians (33.2%) and underrepresented minorities (31.6%). The higher proportions of minority doctorates employed in higher education compared to white doctorates may reflect efforts by the academic sector to diversify its workforce in the context of a low number of doctorates of color being trained.
Looking Ahead for the Social Science Professions This article has provided an overview of basic patterns and trends in the preparation and employment of social science professionals. Enrollment and degree patterns suggest that the supply of new social scientists will remain strong at least for the foreseeable future. The current picture and projections also suggest that overall degree production will be met by employment opportunities in academic and nonacademic work sectors. Furthermore, among social science professionals at the doctorate level, higher education will continue to be the dominant employer for social scientists. Psychology is the one exception. As has been the case for more than a decade, psychology (by far the largest of the social science professions) has a larger footprint in business/industry than in the academy, consonant with doctorate training in clinical, practice, and organizational specializations. The proportion has remained relatively stable for quite some time. In both 1997 and 2010, approximately 48% of psychologists were employed in business/industry and 34% were in 4-year colleges or universities. While for economists the academy still remains the primary employer at 47.8%, that number is down approximately 10% and business/industry is up approximately 10% since 1997 (see Survey of Doctorate Recipients, 1999: Table 17; compared to Table 7 above).
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Looking ahead, the BLS anticipates a relatively strong labor market for social scientists (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012). Between 2010 and 2020, BLS projects a 22% increase in new jobs for psychologists, an 18% increase for sociologists, an 8% increase for political scientists, and a 6% increase for economists. In addition, demand for postsecondary teachers, a major occupation for social scientists, is expected to increase by 17% between 2010 and 2020. Employment opportunities and the salary picture also suggest that social science professions are among the occupational groups that will expand somewhat over the years ahead. The data indicate that the growth observed in the 2010–12 period is not merely growth in new jobs to recover jobs lost during the recession that hit especially hard in 2009. There was indeed overall growth in employment of 4.8% across all fields of life, physical, and social science occupations between 2006 and 2010 (see Lockard and Wolf: Table 1). This growth placed it in the top 3 of 22 major occupational groups – at a time when 12 of these groups experienced declines. Because social science professionals at the doctorate level are primarily engaged in scientific research, their capacity to pursue the work that motivated entry into their professions is inextricably tied to the conditions of higher education and the availability of research funds. The current period is a time of uncertainty. Higher education institutions are seeking to provide accessible, affordable, and excellent education. Moreover, they are focused on modernizing their infrastructure and technology, and, at least for research-intensive institutions, serving as environments that can support scientific and scholarly productivity, creativity, and innovation under rapidly changing conditions of accountability, financing, and governance in the US and worldwide (see, e.g., Altbach, 2013; Arum and Roksa, 2011; Bok, 2013; Zumeta et al., 2012). While higher education is undergoing a restructuring, it is also important to keep in mind that the academy is segmented into different types of institutions that employ social science professionals for missions that vary in function and purpose. The forms of work for social science professionals in diverse academic markets (e.g., research universities, liberal arts colleges, 2-year colleges) may change as higher education overall transforms and as sectors of the academy undergo specific changes. Increases in student–faculty ratios, more use of part-time or contractual appointments, or the increased inclusion of massive open online courses are just some of the contingencies that could shape the lives of social science professionals in the academy in the next decade. Research funding also continues to be a salient consideration to the work of social science professionals. The US federal government provides substantial funding each year for basic and applied research (see National Science Board, 2012: Tables 4–35).8 Over a 20-year period, however, funding obligated for social science research has been a small proportion of the total. In 1989, $20.77 billion was invested in research in science and engineering fields – with 4.68% allocated to psychology and the other social sciences. In 2009, the overall federal obligations grew to $63.7 billion, with the share to psychology/social science dropping slightly to 4.09%. Within psychology/social sciences, psychology has over time received more federal funding than the other social science fields (accounting for 3.27% of the 4.09% in 2009).
In comparison to the life sciences that receive over half of federal funds for basic and applied research or to the medical sciences or engineering that each receive better than 15%, the psychology investment is quite limited. Psychology, however, along with mathematics and computer sciences, has had one of the larger growth rates across scientific fields (8.3%) over the same 20-year period. Despite areas of uncertainty, the overall picture for social science professions is favorable. The issues these fields examine and the theories and methods they bring to the study of human, social, and institutional processes hold promise of advancing knowledge that is valuable worldwide. Attention earlier in children’s education to developing an appreciation for and savvy in these sciences would further attract talented undergraduates and also expand policy maker and public understanding of the contributions and significance of these fields.
End Notes 1. The term ‘social science’ as used in this article is intended to mean the social and behavioral sciences. These sciences include a range of disciplines and fields addressed to human and social processes. This article focuses primarily on four professional social science fields (economics, political science, psychology, and sociology) where sufficient national data are available in the United States to examine general trends and contrast these fields to other scientific professions. 2. Although, as noted earlier, scientific and academic professions are distinct, socialization for both are an integral part of the graduate education process. Students are exposed to the features, opportunities, and requirements of academic professions, even if their aspirations as social science professionals lie outside of the academy. 3. Psychology attracts substantial interest among undergraduates – many of whom are drawn to the possibility of clinical or counseling occupations. In 1980, there were 42 513 bachelor’s degrees awarded in psychology; in 2010, there were 97 746 psychology bachelor’s degrees. 4. The term ‘black’ as presented in the data table in S&ED (2010) refers to US citizens and permanent residents who are black/African American. 5. In prior releases of SESTAT, data were available in published tables. The 2010 data, however, are only available in a database where analyses need to be performed. For further information on the specific variables used in any calculations from SESTAT, please contact the principal author. 6. At the time of this writing only 2010 wage data are available for occupations by level of education. The median annual wage for a master’s degree is $60 240 and for a doctoral or professional degree is $87 500. 7. These figures drawn from SESTAT (2010) include US citizens and permanent residents, as well as non-US citizens on temporary visas. 8. In 2009, the federal investment for basic and applied research was $63.7 billion – about 48% of the total federal investment in research and development (National Science Board, 2012: pp. 4–33).
Social Science Professions and Professionalization
See also: Discipline Formation in the Social Sciences; Social Science Infrastructure: North America (Research and Teaching); Social Science Infrastructure: North America (Resourcing and Funding); Social Science Infrastructure: North America (Social Science Academies and Related organizations); Social Science and Universities.
Bibliography Altbach, P.G., 2013. The International Imperative in Higher Education. Global Perspective on Higher Education. Sense Publications, Dordrecht, Netherlands. Arum, R., Roksa, J., 2011. Academically Adrift: Limited Learning on College Campuses. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Austin, A.E., 2002. Preparing the next generation of faculty: graduate school as socialization to the academic career. The Journal of Higher Education 73 (1), 94–122. Babchuk, N., Bruce, K., Peters, G., 1999. Collaboration in sociology and other scientific disciplines. The American Sociologist 30 (3), 5–21. Becker, H.S., Geer, B., Hughes, E.C., Strauss, A.L., 1961. Boys in White: Student Culture in Medical School. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Berelson, B., 1960. Graduate Education in the United States. McGraw-Hill, New York. Bok, D., 2013. Higher Education in America. Princeton University Press, New Jersey. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011. Labor Force Statistics from the Current Population Survey. http://www.bls.gov/cps/cpsatabs.htm (accessed 06.11.13.). Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012. The 2010–20 job outlook in brief. Occupational Outlook Quarterly 56 (1). http://www.bls.gov/opub/ooq/ (accessed 07.11.13.). Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014. Occupational Outlook Handbook, 2014–15 Edition. http://www.bls.gov/ooh/ (accessed 17.01.14.). Caplow, T., McGee, R.J., 1958. The Academic Marketplace. Basic Books, New York. Council of Graduate Schools, 2008. Ph.D. Completion and Attrition: Analysis of Baseline Program Data from the Ph.D. Completion Project. Council of Graduate Schools, Washington, DC. Gardner, S.K., Mendoza, P., 2010. On Becoming a Scholar. Stylus, Sterling, VA. Hoffer, T.B., et al., 2001. Doctorate Recipients from United States Universities: Summary Report 2000. National Opinion Research Center, Chicago. Lockard, C.B., Wolf, M., 2012. Occupational employment projections to 2020. Monthly Labor Review 135, 84–108. Lortie, D.C., 1959. Laymen to lawmen: law school, careers, and professional socialization. Harvard Educational Review 29, 352–369.
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Merton, R.K., Reader, G.G., Kendall, P.L., 1957. The Student-Physician. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA. Morrison, E., Rudd, E., Nerad, M., 2011. Early careers of recent US social science PhDs. Learning and Teaching 4 (2), 6–29. National Science Board, 2012. Science and Engineering Indicators 2012. National Science Foundation, Arlington, VA. http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/seind12/ (accessed 19.01.14.). National Science Foundation, May 3, 1999. Division of Science Resource Studies, 1999. Counting the S&E Workforce – It’s Not that Easy. Issue Brief-NSF-99-344. National Science Foundation, Washington, DC. http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/ issuebrf/sib99344.htm (accessed 22.01.14.). National Science Foundation, 2013. National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics. Graduate Students and Postdoctorates in Science and Engineering: Fall 2011. Detailed Statistical Tables NSF 13-331. Arlington, VA. http://www.nsf.gov/ statistics/sestat/ (accessed 22.08.13.). Nettles, M.T., Millett, C.M., 2006. Three Magic Letters: Getting to Ph.D. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD. Parsons, T., Platt, G.M., 1968. Considerations on the American academic system. Minerva 6 (4), 497–523. S&ED, 2010. Doctorate Recipients from U.S. Universities, Science and Engineering Doctorates: Detailed Statistical Tables. National Science Foundation, Division of Science Resources Statistics, Washington, DC. http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/ doctorates/ (accessed 06.11.13.). S&ED, 2013. Science and Engineering Degrees: 1966–2010. Detailed Statistical Tables, NSF 13-327. National Science Foundation, National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, Washington, DC (accessed 04.09.13.). SESTAT, 2003. Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System 2003. National Science Foundation, Division of Science Resources Statistics, Washington, DC. http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/sestat/ (accessed 22.08.13.). SESTAT, 2010. Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System 2010. National Science Foundation, Division of Science Resources Statistics, Washington, DC. http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/sestat/ (accessed 22.08.13.). Sullivan, T.A., 1991. Making the graduate curriculum explicit. Teaching Sociology 19, 408–413. Survey of Doctorate Recipients, 1999. Characteristics of Doctoral Scientists and Engineers in the United States: 1997, NSF 00-308. National Science Foundation, Arlington, VA. Warkov, S., Zelan, J., 1965. Lawyers in the Making. Aldine Publishing Co., Chicago. Weidman, J.C., Stein, E.L., 2003. Socialization of doctoral students to academic norms. Research in Higher Education 44 (6), 641–656. Zumeta, W., Breneman, D.W., Callan, P.M., Finney, J.E., 2012. Financing American Higher Education in the Era of Globalization. Harvard Educational Press, Cambridge, MA.
Abstract This article focuses on social science professions in the United States. It addresses the nature of these professions, the process of professionalization, degree production and graduate enrollment in social sciences fields, degree completion, and time-todegree. Moreover, this article examines diversity and the social sciences doctoral degree, international comparisons in social sciences doctoral degree production, and the contours of the labor force in these fields.
Introduction to Social Science Professions and Professionalization This article focuses on social science professions in the United States. It addresses the nature of these professions, the process of professionalization, patterns of enrollment and degree production, and the contours of the labor force in these fields. Professionalization refers to the processes through which individuals become professionals. Labor force refers to that portion of the population (in this case of social science professions) that is economically active, meaning either employed or, if unemployed, available to work. Although social science professionals are employed across work sectors, special attention is paid to the social science professoriate.
The Social Sciences as Disciplines and Professions The social sciences refer to a large number of disciplines and interdisciplinary fields that in their own right constitute more than a single profession.1 Disciplines like economics, political science, psychology, and sociology have their own specialized training, expertise, reward structures, associations, networks, and norms that reinforce distinctive professional identities. As scientific fields dedicated to the study of human social phenomena, they share common features. Yet, because of their arenas of expert knowledge, occupational cultures, collegial interactions, labor markets, and their distinctive identities as perceived by others, they comprise different professional groups. Moreover, these professions are not the same as the academic profession, although many persons with advanced social science degrees (especially with doctoral degrees) are academic professionals at universities and colleges.
The Process of Professionalization
with certain core principles and practices. Professionalization can commence during undergraduate education, is central to graduate training, and continues during early career stages.
Research on Social Science Professionalization Research on professionalization dates back to the 1950s. Early research on professionalization focused on the medical (e.g., Becker et al., 1961; Merton et al., 1957) and legal (e.g., Lortie, 1959; Warkov and Zelan, 1965) professions. At the same time, there was also attention to higher education professionals, with initial research focused on faculty (e.g., Caplow and McGee, 1958; Parsons and Platt, 1968) rather than on socialization to academic or scientific professions (an exception is Berelson’s study of graduate education published in 1960). In the more than 50 years since, an important body of research and scholarship has evolved on the socialization to academic and scientific careers.2 Much of this work focuses on graduate departments as the primary socialization site in the vital transition from student to professional (e.g., Austin, 2002; Gardner and Mendoza, 2010; Morrison et al., 2011; Weidman and Stein, 2003). In graduate departments, students learn what is expected and rewarded and, conversely, what constitutes unacceptable practices in their field or discipline. Graduate education aims to develop in students a level of scholarly proficiency through formal (e.g., courses, qualifying exams, dissertations and informal (e.g., attendance at scholarly meetings) training. In particular doctoral programs aim to initiate students progressively into more independent work and autonomous thinking that helps develop professionals who can both master knowledge and produce original work (see Sullivan, 1991). Research on doctoral education makes clear that professionalization depends not just on the quality of the substantive curriculum and research training but also on the quality of advising, mentoring, and peer relationships (see, e.g., Nettles and Millett, 2006).
What Is Professionalization Professionalization involves the development of skills, identities, norms, and values associated with becoming part of a professional group. Through this process, individuals pursuing careers in specific social sciences acquire both substantive and methodological knowledge and develop understandings of their roles that permit them to function as professionals in their fields. By training new entrants and fostering social cohesion and identity, these professions seek to ensure that the work of their sciences will continue congruent
International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2nd edition, Volume 22
Variation and Change in Social Science Professionalization Beyond the shared norms of science that transcend any one discipline, scientific fields differ as to their intellectual tasks, their methods of inquiry, and how their work is done and rewarded (see Austin, 2002). For example, chemistry in comparison to sociology has a longstanding tradition of intensive collaboration on more tightly defined problems. Thus, chemistry students are more closely supervised, work in research teams, and are involved in joint publication. Sociology
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students have more variable sets of exposure – from large-scale teams to research environments with intermittent contact with advisors, more independent work, and less engagement in collaboration. Sociology students, however, work and publish more collaboratively than do anthropology students, who are in a field more influenced by single investigator, ethnographic research (Babchuk et al., 1999). Also, it is important to recognize that professionalization is a dynamic social process. As higher education and social science professions have changed over time, the aims and ambitions of professionalization have also transformed. Graduate programs are still primarily anchored on socializing the next generation of scientists and scholars who can contribute to knowledge production. This longstanding purpose, however, has expanded to include broader aspects of research training (e.g., exposure to peer review, considerations of ethical conduct, oral and written communication). Also, beyond an emphasis on research, there is increasing attention to other aspects of scientists’ roles and responsibilities (e.g., teaching, service, human rights) as well as to professional opportunities in settings outside of the academy.
occupations (ostensibly among those positions that do not require more advanced expertise or skills). Compared to majors in mathematical, physical, and biological sciences, undergraduates typically declare majors in the social sciences later in their academic careers. This is primarily attributable to the scarce attention given to the social sciences as fields of science in the elementary and secondary school curricula. Therefore, many undergraduates have their first exposure to these fields as a part of fulfilling their general education requirements. Despite later exposure to these fields, the social sciences confer a substantial number of bachelor’s degrees. In 1980, even excluding psychology, bachelor’s degree production was higher in the social sciences (93 119) than in the next highest field of science and engineering (63 942 biological and agricultural sciences bachelor’s degrees). Thirty years later, in 2010, bachelor’s degree production (again excluding psychology) continued to be higher in the social sciences (163 071) than in other science and engineering fields (see S&ED, 2013: Table 5).3 Bachelor’s degree production varies considerably within the social sciences. As shown in Table 1, from 1980 to 2010, bachelor’s degree production was substantially larger in psychology than in any other social science field, with political science also sizable. Furthermore, degree production increased over these three decades, but the rate of increase varied by discipline. While bachelor’s degree production in economics increased by 47.4%, in psychology it increased by 129.9%. The varying growth rates of disciplines within the social sciences have resulted in changes over time in the share of social science degrees awarded by individual disciplines. For example, bachelor’s degrees in psychology accounted for 31.3% of all bachelor’s degrees awarded in the social sciences in
Enrollment and Degrees in the Social Sciences Bachelor’s Degrees Undergraduate majors in social science fields constitute the potential pipeline of those who might be attracted to and eligible for becoming social scientists. They also are an important ‘constituent’ group because the number of majors in a discipline shapes the demand for trained faculty members in that area in the academic workplace. Even with only a bachelor’s degree, they represent a sector of the future workforce that may ultimately supply jobs classified as social science
Table 1
Degrees awarded in the social sciences by level, select years, 1980–2010 Year
Bachelor’s degrees Economics Political science Psychology Sociology Other social sciences Master’s degrees Economics Political science Psychology Sociology Other social sciences Doctoral degrees Economics Political science Psychology Sociology Other social sciences
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2010
19 736 30 164 42 513 19 181 24 038
23 073 32 378 40 237 12 165 17 180
25 41 54 15 22
19 41 72 22 28
083 978 601 974 676
19 400 36 384 74 656 25 683 32 030
25 160 51 540 86 031 28 556 39 315
29 57 97 29 47
2386 10 006 7861 1372 5174
2532 9481 8481 1045 4090
2456 9941 9308 1213 4620
2838 12 802 13 132 1790 5829
2515 13 038 13 806 2000 5807
3504 17 421 16 478 1500 6990
3732 22 083 21 032 1430 8704
927 730 3098 600 1115
959 666 3117 461 1131
1007 734 3281 428 1162
1152 894 3429 540 1292
1086 986 3615 617 1466
1183 990 3323 536 1432
1190 1203 3421 638 1782
587 618 018 993 152
090 649 746 000 332
Source: S&ED, 2013. Science and Engineering Degrees: 1966–2010. Detailed Statistical Tables, NSF 13-327. National Science Foundation, National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, Washington, DC. Tables 5, 12, and 19 (accessed 04.09.13.).
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Table 2
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Graduate enrollment in science and engineering, select years, 1980–2011 Year
Engineering Agricultural sciences Biological sciences Computer sciences Earth, atmosphere, and ocean sciences Mathematical sciences Physical sciences Social sciences Social sciences Psychology
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
2011
74 335 12 689 47 261 13 578 14 051 15 311 26 934 121 441 80 831 40 610
96 018 11 846 45 709 29 769 15 414 17 563 30 987 110 685 69 964 40 721
107 658 11 563 49 602 34 257 13 977 19 774 34 082 126 128 77 961 48 167
107 201 12 768 58 344 33 458 15 716 18 504 33 399 143 076 89 435 53 641
104 112 12 023 56 282 47 350 13 941 15 650 30 385 133 793 83 327 50 466
120 565 13 123 68 479 47 978 14 836 20 210 36 375 156 709 99 427 57 282
146 501 16 129 75 423 51 234 15 820 23 801 39 694 166 147 111 661 54 486
Source: National Science Foundation, National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, Graduate Students and Postdoctorates in Science and Engineering: Fall 2011 (NSF 13-331), Tables 2 and 3.
1980, but, by 2010, this share had increased to 37.4%. In contrast, economics bachelor’s degrees decreased from 14.6% of all bachelor’s degrees awarded in the social sciences in 1980 to 10.9% in 2010.
Graduate Enrollment As can be seen in Table 2, graduate enrollment in the social sciences has grown steadily over the past three decades, fueled in part by increases in bachelor’s degree production in these fields. At the graduate level, enrollment in the social sciences increased from 121 441 in 1980 to 166 147 in 2011 – up by 36.8%. Graduate enrollment is also larger in the social sciences than in all other science and engineering fields, with enrollees in social science fields accounting for 29.6% of all science and engineering graduate students. While the size of graduate student enrollment in the social sciences is substantial, the growth in enrollment of engineering graduate students over the 1980 to 2011 period approximately doubled, making it a close second.
Master’s and Doctoral Degrees As with bachelor’s degree production, across all fields of science master’s and doctoral degree production has visibly increased since the 1980s (see S&ED, 2013: Tables 12 and 19). In the social sciences, master’s degree production overall increased from 1980 to 2010, largely attributable to substantial growth in political science and psychology (see Table 1). Master’s degrees in engineering also grew substantially within this time frame. At the doctorate level, degree production in the social science disciplines has grown only modestly, largely attributable to an increase in doctorate degrees in political science and in the broad category covering other social science fields. While in 1980 doctoral degree production in social sciences fields (6470) was larger than in other science and engineering fields, by 2010, degree production in social sciences (8234) was outpaced by production in biological and agricultural sciences (9036). Within the social sciences, there were variations in doctoral degree production by discipline (see Table 1). Over the period
from 1980 to 2010, the number of doctoral degrees awarded in psychology was substantially higher than in other social science disciplines. In 2010, psychology conferred 3421 doctoral degrees, five times more than sociology and nearly three times more than economics (although about 40% of the psychology doctorates awarded in 2010 were clinical doctorates). While doctoral degree production in psychology continues to outpace degree production in other social sciences fields, the rate of increase in psychology over the 30-year period (10.4%) is lower than in political science (64.8%), other social sciences (59.8%), and economics (28.4%).
Doctoral Degree Completion and Time-to-Degree The duration of doctoral education remains a concern in higher education despite a decrease in time-to-degree over the last two decades. Based on the most recent data available from the National Science Foundation (see S&ED, 2010: Table 31), doctoral students in the social sciences tend to take longer to complete their degrees than students in other fields of science and engineering. In the social sciences, the median time-to-degree in 2010 was 7.7 years; this figure trailed the physical sciences (6.7 years), life sciences (6.8 years), and engineering (6.9 years). Doctoral students in the social sciences, however, typically complete their doctorates more rapidly than those in humanities, where the median time-to-degree in 2010 was 9.3 years. Moreover, completion rates are a significant consideration (see Table 3). According to the Council of Graduate Schools (2008), approximately 56% of social science doctoral students and 55% of doctoral students in mathematics and the physical sciences complete their degrees within 10 years. These rates are visibly lower than the ones of doctoral students in engineering (64%) and the life sciences (63%). All fields of science and engineering, however, have a higher 10-year completion rate than in the humanities (approximately 49%). Financial support for doctoral students is a relevant factor in considering time-to-degree and lower completion rates. On average, doctoral students in social sciences receive less nonloan financial support than students in other fields of science and engineering. According to 2010 data from the National Science Foundation (S&ED, 2010: Table 35), doctoral students
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Table 3 Cumulative 10-year completion and attrition rates for students entering doctoral programs between 1992–93 and 1994–95, by broad field Rates by years since entering program Broad fields Completion rates Engineering Life sciences Math and physical sciences Social sciences Humanities Attrition rates Engineering Life sciences Math and physical sciences Social sciences Humanities
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
7.1 17.1 34.6 48.5 56.8 60.8 62.6 63.6 4.2 9.4 21.7 42.6 53.7 59.6 61.9 62.9 2.5 8.9 23.4 39.3 48.2 52.2 53.9 54.7 6.7 11.5 20.5 31.0 40.9 47.5 52.7 55.9 2.8 6.1 11.8 19.8 29.3 36.7 44.6 49.3 20.2 23.1 24.1 25.0 25.8 26.4 26.6 26.7 17.1 21.0 22.3 23.7 24.9 25.6 26.0 26.2 26.1 30.8 32.7 34.1 35.4 36.2 36.6 36.9 16.7 20.0 22.0 23.4 24.4 25.5 26.4 26.9 14.9 18.4 20.7 23.8 26.7 29.1 30.6 31.7
Source: Council of Graduate Schools, Ph.D. Completion and Attrition: Analysis of Baseline Program Data from the Ph.D. Completion Project.
in the social sciences are more likely to primarily finance their doctoral education through their own resources (27.1%) compared to students in physical sciences (4.4%), engineering (4.5%), and life sciences (8.9%). As a result, 60.8% of social sciences doctorate recipients in 2010 graduated with debt, compared with fewer than half of the doctorate recipients in other fields of science and engineering (S&ED, 2010: Table 38).
Diversity and the Doctoral Degree Gender Since the 1980s, there has been a dramatic increase in women receiving doctoral degrees across all fields of science and engineering (see S&ED, 2013: Tables 19, 23, 25, 35, 40, 41, and 46). In 2010, 13 548 women received science and engineering doctoral degrees, a number which is more than three times higher than the 3961 women who earned such degrees in 1980. These numbers also represent a substantial difference in the shares of all science and engineering doctoral degrees awarded to women (40.9% of all science and engineering degrees in 2010 compared to 22.3% in 1980). Furthermore, fields vary considerably in the proportion of doctorates awarded to women, with the social sciences and the biological sciences conferring a much higher proportion of doctorates to women than the physical sciences and engineering. There are notable differences within the social sciences as well (see S&ED, 2013: Tables 40, 42–45). In 1980, men earned the majority of the doctorates awarded in all social science fields, with psychology having the highest percentage of degrees earned by women (42.3%) and economics the lowest (12.5%). By 2010, women earned the majority of the doctorates awarded in psychology (69.8%), sociology (60.8%), and other social sciences (54.8%), but earned well under half of the degrees in political science (42.9%) and economics (34.5%).
Race/Ethnicity The data on earned doctorates for racial and ethnic minorities who were US citizens or permanent residents were first reported in the 1970s. In 1980, across all fields of science and engineering, the number of persons of color receiving doctorates was quite small (814, or 6% of all doctoral degrees awarded to US citizens in science and engineering fields; see Hoffer et al., 2001: Table 8). The numbers of minorities earning doctorates in science and engineering and the proportion of science and engineering doctorates earned by minorities increased noticeably over the next three decades (S&ED, 2010: Table 23). By 1990, minorities earned 1963 science and engineering doctorates (or 12.3% of all science and engineering doctorates awarded to US citizens and permanent residents). By 2010, this number more than doubled to 4584 science and engineering doctorates (21.5%). There are important differences across fields of science in the proportion of doctorates awarded to racial/ethnic minority groups (see S&ED, 2010: Table 23). Of the doctorates earned in engineering in 2010, 16.9% were Asians and 4.2% were black4; similarly, Asians received 10.5 and 11.1% of the doctorates, respectively, in the physical and life sciences, with blacks receiving only 3.0 and 5.1% of the doctorates in these fields. In contrast, greater balance across racial/ethnic minority groups is evident in social science fields. The percentage earning doctorates is more than 6%, respectively, for Asians, blacks, and Hispanics. The proportion of American Indians/ Alaska Natives earning doctorate remains low (well under 1%) across all broad fields (see S&ED, 2010: Table 24). Across the social sciences, racial/ethnic minorities differ in the percent of doctorates being earned (see S&ED, 2010: Table 24). For example, in 2010, economics and sociology awarded 22.7 and 22.3% of their doctorates, respectively, to racial/ethnic minorities, with psychology and political science somewhat lower at 19.2 and 18.3%, respectively. In contrast, anthropology was considerably lower – awarding only 14.7% of its doctorates to racial/ethic minorities. Asians earned higher proportions of doctorates in economics (11.8%) than in other social science fields, while blacks earned their highest share of doctoral degrees in sociology (8.9%).
Non-US Recipients The numbers of non-US citizens on temporary visas earning doctorates in science and engineering almost doubled over the past three decades (see Table 4). In 2010, non-US citizens earned 33.4% of all science and engineering doctorates awarded in the US, up from 15.6% in 1980 (see S&ED, 2010: Tables 18 and 22). Across broad fields of science and engineering, there is considerable variability in the proportion of non-US recipients of doctorates – ranging from approximately 26% in the life sciences to 51% in engineering. In the social sciences, the shares of doctorates earned by non-US citizens are overall lower than in other fields of science. International students earned 8.9% of all social science doctorates in 1980 and 19.9% in 2010. Within the social sciences, however, there is also variability. Non-US citizens earned the highest share of doctoral degrees awarded in 2010 in economics/econometrics (51.8%) and the lowest shares in psychology (7.9%).
Social Science Professions and Professionalization
Table 4
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Science and engineering doctorates earned by non-US citizens on temporary visas, 1980 and 2010 1980
2010
Broad field
Total doctorates
Non-US citizen doctorates
Percent non-US citizen
Total doctorates
Non-US citizen doctorates
Percent non-US citizen
Total science and engineering Life sciences Physical sciences Social sciences Engineering
18 088 5501 4071 6037 2479
2814 725 693 535 861
15.6 13.2 17.0 8.9 34.7
34 908 11 266 8319 7771 7552
11 659 2909 3351 1548 3851
33.4 25.8 40.3 19.9 51.0
Source: S&ED, 2010. Doctorate Recipients from US Universities, Science and Engineering Doctorates: Detailed Statistical Tables. National Science Foundation, National Center for Science and Engineering Statistics, Division of Science Resources Statistics, Washington, DC. http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/doctorates/ (accessed 06.11.13.), Table 18.
International Comparisons in Doctoral Degree Production As is the case with doctoral degree production generally, doctoral production in the social sciences is higher in the US than in all other countries (see Table 5). In 2008, the latest year for which comparable data are available, over 8900 doctorates were awarded in social sciences in the US (National Science Board, 2012). Russia awarded the second largest number of social science doctorates (over 6800), followed by China (2270), South Korea (2240), and the United Kingdom (2230). In 2008, the US ranked second in terms of the share of all science and engineering doctorates that are in social science fields with 26.7%. First ranked was Russia, with 46.0% of
Table 5 International science and engineering doctorates, select countries, select years, 2000–08 Year Country China All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences Germany All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences Russia All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences South Korea All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences United Kingdom All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences United States All science and engineering Social sciences Percent social sciences
2000
2004
2008
7766 514 6.6
14 858 1309 8.8
28 439 2274 8.0
11 306 1106 9.8
9554 1004 10.5
11 314 1417 12.5
15 745 4375 27.8
16 003 5910 36.9
14 915 6857 46.0
2865 108 3.8
3531 268 7.6
3716 311 8.4
7180 970 13.5
9150 1950 21.3
9470 2230 23.5
25 423 8182 32.2
26 573 8275 31.1
33 359 8904 26.7
The countries shown in this table are large producers of science and engineering doctoral degrees for which longitudinal data were available. Source: National Science Board, Science and Engineering Indicators 2012, Appendix Tables 2.37 and 2.38.
science and engineering doctorates in the social sciences in 2008 (noticeably up from 27.8% in 2000). Also of note is that, while China has a sizable doctorate degree production in science and engineering (in 2008, 28 439 compared to 33 359 in the US), only 8% of the doctorates were in social science.
Current Patterns for New Doctorate Recipients Across all fields, about 57% of new doctorate recipients in 2010 with postgraduation plans had plans for employment; the remaining 43% had plans for postdoctoral study (S&ED, 2010: Table 44). In the social sciences, a slightly smaller share (35%) had plans for postdoctoral study. In the social sciences, as in other fields, increasingly larger shares of newly minted doctorates are pursuing postdoctoral study over time. The shift has been substantial. For example, the share of new doctorate recipients in social sciences pursuing postdoctoral study grew from 15.7% in 1990 to 23.9% in 2000 and to the 35% noted for 2010. Social science doctorate recipients are also more likely to enter the academy than doctorate recipients in other fields of science and engineering (S&ED, 2010: Table 46). Among new social science doctorate recipients in 2010, 59.9% took positions in the academy immediately after the receipt of the doctorate, compared with 52.6% of all new doctorate recipients. Also, while the share of all new doctorates entering the academy has been relatively stable over the past two decades, in the social sciences, the share of new doctorate recipients entering academic employment has increased, rising from 50.3% in 1990 to 59.9% in 2010.
The Social Science Labor Force As noted in the introduction, the labor force includes those persons who are economically active – either employed, or, if unemployed, available for work. In 2010, according to the Current Population Survey conducted by the US Census Bureau, approximately 154 million persons were active in the civilian workforce of the US, including 15 million unemployed persons (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011). Social science professionals constitute only a miniscule segment of this overall labor force (less than one-half of 1%) if such professionals are defined as persons having an advanced degrees (a master’s or doctoral degree) in a social science.
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Employment Status of Social Scientists The overall employment status of those with advanced degree training in the social sciences is quite favorable. According to the National Science Foundation’s Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System (SESTAT), there are about 1 050 000 social science professionals in the labor force (835 000 at the master’s level and 218 100 at the doctoral level). Employment rates for these individuals are strong. In 2010, only 2.0% of doctorate-level social scientists and 5.5% of those with a master’s degree were unemployed (see SESTAT, 20105) – considerably below the overall 9.6% unemployment rate in the US in 2010 (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011). Among doctorate-trained social scientists, the vast majority (about 83%) was employed full-time (see SESTAT, 2003), and about 75% are employed in science and engineering occupations, primarily in social science occupations (see SESTAT, 2010).
Social Science Occupations and Professional Training The labor force in the social sciences can be conceptualized as (1) those persons trained in the social sciences or (2) those persons working in social sciences occupations. In contrast to a focus on degree training per se, classification into occupational categories includes persons trained in other fields who are working in these areas but excludes persons with relevant training who are working in other occupational areas (see National Science Foundation, 1999). For example, social science occupations would include persons with doctorates in business who are teaching sociology in a university but would exclude persons with doctorates in sociology managing a business. SESTAT classifies persons into occupations in terms of both work and education. Based on the SESTAT surveys, in 2010, approximately 518 100 persons with a bachelor’s degree or higher were classified as being in a social science occupation. This occupational category includes jobs that vary widely as to the nature of the work and required expertise. Two-thirds (67.3%) of the individuals in social science occupations received their highest degree in a social science field. Furthermore, having an advanced degree beyond the bachelor’s level also matters: the majority of persons working in social science occupations have an advanced degree (see SESTAT, 2010). The value of an advanced degree can further be seen by examining the relationship between bachelor’s, master’s, or doctoral training in a field and working in an occupation classified as being in that same field (i.e., ‘in-field’ occupation). As shown in Table 6, for all fields of science, persons at successively higher degree levels are more likely to be working Table 6
in occupations classified as ‘in-field.’ In the social sciences, 1.8% of those persons with bachelor’s degrees were working in a social science occupation, compared to 17.2 and 64.5%, respectively, of individuals with master’s and doctoral degrees. Moreover, doctoral degree training really matters in social science fields. In comparison to other fields of science and engineering, individuals with bachelor’s and master’s training have a very low presence in an in-field occupation. At the doctoral level, there is far less variability across fields of science and engineering in the proportion of persons working in ‘in-field’ occupations.
Sectors of Employment Examination of doctorate-level professionals in the social sciences shows the centrality of the academic workplace in relation to other work sectors. Four-year colleges and universities are the dominant employer of doctorate-level scientists and engineers. Across all science and engineering fields in 2010, 45.0% of doctorate-level scientists and engineers worked at 4-year colleges and universities; in the social sciences, 46.9% did so. Business/industry also employed large numbers of doctorate-level scientists and engineers, but far less so in social science fields. Across all science and engineering fields, 41.9% were employed in business/industry, with only 38.1% of the social scientists employed in this work sector (see SESTAT, 2010). Although specific disciplines within the social sciences followed this overall pattern, there are important differences. As shown in Table 7, in 2010, more doctorate-level sociologists and anthropologists (70.7%) were employed in 4-year colleges and universities than were social scientists in other fields. In contrast, greater proportions of psychologists (48.4%) and economists (39.9%) were employed in business/industry. For psychologists, this is ostensibly due to the sizable number of psychologists who are in clinical practice.
Wages in Social Science Professions Overall, annual median wages for social scientists are in the same range as other science and engineering fields. In 2012, in US dollars, the median wages for social science professionals were $69 280 for psychologists, $74 960 for sociologists, $91 860 for economists, and $107 420 for political scientists. Other fields of science and engineering report such median 2012 wages as $66 260 for microbiologists, $80 580 for mechanical engineers, $101 360 for mathematicians, and $106 840 for physicists (see Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2014).
Percentage of scientists with degree training in field of occupation by employment in field of occupation, 2010 Computer/Math scientists
Life scientists
Physical scientists
Social scientists
Engineers
Degree
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
Bachelor’s Master’s Doctorate
48.0 54.9 74.3
1281 536 69
11.8 38.9 59.6
1260 258 246
19.1 34.8 55.2
397 135 160
1.8 17.2 64.5
3337 789 214
40.0 48.2 56.9
1885 637 157
Table derived from analyses of data in SESTAT, an online database. For information on the specific SESTAT variables used, please contact the principal author. Source: National Science Foundation, Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System (SESTAT).
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Table 7
Doctoral social scientists by field and employment sector, 2010 2-Year College or other school system
4-Year College or medical institution
Government
Business/Industry
Degree
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
Economics Political and related sciences Psychology Sociology and anthropology Other social sciences
1.9 3.9 6.3 4.1 6.5
528 890 7096 1224 1355
47.8 64.0 34.0 70.7 63.0
13 400 14 479 38 150 21 107 13 192
10.4 8.1 11.4 7.0 5.8
2917 1843 12 752 2091 1209
39.9 23.9 48.4 18.2 24.8
11 177 5419 54 310 5427 5189
Table derived from analyses of data in SESTAT, an online database. For information on the specific SESTAT variables used, please contact the principal author. Source: National Science Foundation, Scientists and Engineers Statistical Data System (SESTAT).
These occupations include scientists at all education degree levels, as set forth in the 2014 Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) Occupational Outlook Handbook. For scientific and engineering fields, the entry-level education is typically at least a master’s degree. These salaries are in line with salaries of other occupations with typical education requirements of a master’s degree or a doctoral or professional degree (Lockard and Wolf, 2012: Table 6).6
Women and Minorities in the Social Science Labor Force Gender Of the 213 800 employed doctorate-level social scientists in 2010, 52.8% were male and 47.2% were female (see SESTAT, 2010). Employed female social scientists, however, are more likely than employed male social scientists to have received their doctoral degrees in recent years. For example, among social scientists who received their degrees between 1976 and 1980, approximately 70.7% were male. In contrast, of those who received degrees in 2006 or later, only 38.4% were male (see SESTAT, 2010). This pattern holds true in all social science disciplines, with women accounting for larger shares of more recent cohorts than earlier cohorts of employed doctorate-level professionals (see SESTAT, 2010). Males and females with doctorates in the social sciences vary only modestly in terms of sectors of employment. Gender differences within disciplines are more striking than the overall trends. For example, a higher proportion of male than female economists was employed by 4-year colleges and universities (49.6 vs 42.1%), while a higher proportion of female than male sociologists and anthropologists were in business/industry (21.7 vs 15.0%) (see SESTAT, 2010).
Race/Ethnicity Of the 213 800 employed doctorate-level social scientists in 2010, 81.2% were white, non-Hispanic; 11.8% were underrepresented minorities (African-American, Hispanic, or Native American), and 7.0% were Asian.7 The data on doctorate-level social scientists of color in the workforce are consistent with the increase in the production of minority doctorates since the mid-1970s (see SESTAT, 2010). Of those in the workforce in 2010 who received their doctoral degrees between 1976 and
1980, 90.2% were white, non-Hispanic, 6.6% were underrepresented minorities, and 3.1% were Asian. In comparison, of those in the workforce receiving degrees since 2006, 72.6% were white, non-Hispanic, 17.5% were underrepresented minorities, and 9.96% were Asian (see SESTAT, 2010). Employment sector data also point to important differences between minority and white doctorate-level social scientists (see SESTAT, 2010). In 2010, higher proportions of Asians (53.7%) and underrepresented minorities (51.4%) were employed at 4-year colleges and universities than white, nonHispanics (45.7%). In contrast, a higher proportion of white, non-Hispanics were employed in business/industry (39.5%) than Asians (33.2%) and underrepresented minorities (31.6%). The higher proportions of minority doctorates employed in higher education compared to white doctorates may reflect efforts by the academic sector to diversify its workforce in the context of a low number of doctorates of color being trained.
Looking Ahead for the Social Science Professions This article has provided an overview of basic patterns and trends in the preparation and employment of social science professionals. Enrollment and degree patterns suggest that the supply of new social scientists will remain strong at least for the foreseeable future. The current picture and projections also suggest that overall degree production will be met by employment opportunities in academic and nonacademic work sectors. Furthermore, among social science professionals at the doctorate level, higher education will continue to be the dominant employer for social scientists. Psychology is the one exception. As has been the case for more than a decade, psychology (by far the largest of the social science professions) has a larger footprint in business/industry than in the academy, consonant with doctorate training in clinical, practice, and organizational specializations. The proportion has remained relatively stable for quite some time. In both 1997 and 2010, approximately 48% of psychologists were employed in business/industry and 34% were in 4-year colleges or universities. While for economists the academy still remains the primary employer at 47.8%, that number is down approximately 10% and business/industry is up approximately 10% since 1997 (see Survey of Doctorate Recipients, 1999: Table 17; compared to Table 7 above).
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Social Science Professions and Professionalization
Looking ahead, the BLS anticipates a relatively strong labor market for social scientists (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2012). Between 2010 and 2020, BLS projects a 22% increase in new jobs for psychologists, an 18% increase for sociologists, an 8% increase for political scientists, and a 6% increase for economists. In addition, demand for postsecondary teachers, a major occupation for social scientists, is expected to increase by 17% between 2010 and 2020. Employment opportunities and the salary picture also suggest that social science professions are among the occupational groups that will expand somewhat over the years ahead. The data indicate that the growth observed in the 2010–12 period is not merely growth in new jobs to recover jobs lost during the recession that hit especially hard in 2009. There was indeed overall growth in employment of 4.8% across all fields of life, physical, and social science occupations between 2006 and 2010 (see Lockard and Wolf: Table 1). This growth placed it in the top 3 of 22 major occupational groups – at a time when 12 of these groups experienced declines. Because social science professionals at the doctorate level are primarily engaged in scientific research, their capacity to pursue the work that motivated entry into their professions is inextricably tied to the conditions of higher education and the availability of research funds. The current period is a time of uncertainty. Higher education institutions are seeking to provide accessible, affordable, and excellent education. Moreover, they are focused on modernizing their infrastructure and technology, and, at least for research-intensive institutions, serving as environments that can support scientific and scholarly productivity, creativity, and innovation under rapidly changing conditions of accountability, financing, and governance in the US and worldwide (see, e.g., Altbach, 2013; Arum and Roksa, 2011; Bok, 2013; Zumeta et al., 2012). While higher education is undergoing a restructuring, it is also important to keep in mind that the academy is segmented into different types of institutions that employ social science professionals for missions that vary in function and purpose. The forms of work for social science professionals in diverse academic markets (e.g., research universities, liberal arts colleges, 2-year colleges) may change as higher education overall transforms and as sectors of the academy undergo specific changes. Increases in student–faculty ratios, more use of part-time or contractual appointments, or the increased inclusion of massive open online courses are just some of the contingencies that could shape the lives of social science professionals in the academy in the next decade. Research funding also continues to be a salient consideration to the work of social science professionals. The US federal government provides substantial funding each year for basic and applied research (see National Science Board, 2012: Tables 4–35).8 Over a 20-year period, however, funding obligated for social science research has been a small proportion of the total. In 1989, $20.77 billion was invested in research in science and engineering fields – with 4.68% allocated to psychology and the other social sciences. In 2009, the overall federal obligations grew to $63.7 billion, with the share to psychology/social science dropping slightly to 4.09%. Within psychology/social sciences, psychology has over time received more federal funding than the other social science fields (accounting for 3.27% of the 4.09% in 2009).
In comparison to the life sciences that receive over half of federal funds for basic and applied research or to the medical sciences or engineering that each receive better than 15%, the psychology investment is quite limited. Psychology, however, along with mathematics and computer sciences, has had one of the larger growth rates across scientific fields (8.3%) over the same 20-year period. Despite areas of uncertainty, the overall picture for social science professions is favorable. The issues these fields examine and the theories and methods they bring to the study of human, social, and institutional processes hold promise of advancing knowledge that is valuable worldwide. Attention earlier in children’s education to developing an appreciation for and savvy in these sciences would further attract talented undergraduates and also expand policy maker and public understanding of the contributions and significance of these fields.
End Notes 1. The term ‘social science’ as used in this article is intended to mean the social and behavioral sciences. These sciences include a range of disciplines and fields addressed to human and social processes. This article focuses primarily on four professional social science fields (economics, political science, psychology, and sociology) where sufficient national data are available in the United States to examine general trends and contrast these fields to other scientific professions. 2. Although, as noted earlier, scientific and academic professions are distinct, socialization for both are an integral part of the graduate education process. Students are exposed to the features, opportunities, and requirements of academic professions, even if their aspirations as social science professionals lie outside of the academy. 3. Psychology attracts substantial interest among undergraduates – many of whom are drawn to the possibility of clinical or counseling occupations. In 1980, there were 42 513 bachelor’s degrees awarded in psychology; in 2010, there were 97 746 psychology bachelor’s degrees. 4. The term ‘black’ as presented in the data table in S&ED (2010) refers to US citizens and permanent residents who are black/African American. 5. In prior releases of SESTAT, data were available in published tables. The 2010 data, however, are only available in a database where analyses need to be performed. For further information on the specific variables used in any calculations from SESTAT, please contact the principal author. 6. At the time of this writing only 2010 wage data are available for occupations by level of education. The median annual wage for a master’s degree is $60 240 and for a doctoral or professional degree is $87 500. 7. These figures drawn from SESTAT (2010) include US citizens and permanent residents, as well as non-US citizens on temporary visas. 8. In 2009, the federal investment for basic and applied research was $63.7 billion – about 48% of the total federal investment in research and development (National Science Board, 2012: pp. 4–33).
Social Science Professions and Professionalization
See also: Discipline Formation in the Social Sciences; Social Science Infrastructure: North America (Research and Teaching); Social Science Infrastructure: North America (Resourcing and Funding); Social Science Infrastructure: North America (Social Science Academies and Related organizations); Social Science and Universities.
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