Sociocultural and identity predictors of body dissatisfaction in ethnically diverse college women

Body Image 16 (2016) 32–40

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Sociocultural and identity predictors of body dissatisfaction in ethnically diverse college women Liya M. Rakhkovskaya, Cortney S. Warren ∗ Department of Psychology, University of Nevada, Las Vegas, NV, United States

a r t i c l e

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a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 12 January 2015 Received in revised form 21 October 2015 Accepted 26 October 2015 Keywords: Ethnic identity American identity Thin-ideal internalization Pressures for thinness Body dissatisfaction Ethnicity

Emerging research suggests that ethnic identity and American identity are associated with mental health in ethnic minorities and European Americans, respectively. Furthermore, although ethnic identity is associated with diminished body dissatisfaction in minority women, the relationship between American identity and body dissatisfaction is unexplored in all ethnic groups. Accordingly, this study examined the relationships among ethnic identity, American identity, thin-ideal internalization, pressures for thinness, and body dissatisfaction in 1018 ethnically diverse college women. Ethnic identity negatively predicted body dissatisfaction for African Americans, and attenuated the relationship between pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction for African Americans and Asian Americans, but not European Americans or Latina Americans. Results for American identity were inconclusive. Findings suggest that ethnic identity may be a protective factor against eating pathology for Asian American and African American women. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Introduction A growing body of research suggests a positive association between ethnic identity and psychological health in ethnic minorities in the United States (USA; Kiang, Witkow, Baldelomar, & ˜ Fuligni, 2010; Martinez & Dukes, 1997; Umana-Taylor, Wong, Gonzales, & Dumka, 2012). Defined as the process of identifying with one’s cultural group and the acceptance of its norms and practices (Phinney, 1996), ethnic identity is associated with increased self-esteem (Martinez & Dukes, 1997), improved academic adjust˜ ment (Umana-Taylor et al., 2012), diminished eating pathology, and/or diminished body dissatisfaction in ethnic minority women (Henrickson, Crowther, & Harrington, 2010; Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014; Stein, Corte, & Ronis, 2010). For example, ethnic identity negatively correlated with disordered eating symptoms in a sample of 93 African American women (Henrickson et al., 2010) and negatively predicted binge eating and fat self-definition in an experimental study of 66 Mexican American women (Stein et al., 2010). Identification of protective factors against body dissatisfaction and eating pathology in women, such as ethnic identity, is particularly important because women are disproportionately affected by eating pathology (from 4:1 to 10:1; American

∗ Corresponding author at: Department of Psychology, University of Nevada, 4505 Maryland Parkway, Las Vegas, NV 89154, United States. E-mail address: [email protected] (C.S. Warren). http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2015.10.004 1740-1445/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Psychiatric Association, 2013). Furthermore, adult and collegeaged women in Western cultures are commonly dissatisfied with their bodies (Frederick, Peplau, & Lever, 2006; Frederick, Forbes, Grigorian, & Jarcho, 2007; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1984) and desire to be thinner (Frederick, Forbes, & Berezovskaya, 2008; Swami et al., 2010). Theoretically, one way that ethnic identity could be protective against body dissatisfaction is by buffering the negative messages perpetuated by mainstream Western media. Specifically, media outlets in Western culture routinely portray the ideal woman as unattainably thin (i.e., the thin ideal; Keel & Forney, 2013; Tiggemann, 2011). According to the Sociocultural Model for eating pathology (Keel & Forney, 2013; Tiggemann, 2011), exposure to and/or awareness of the thin ideal can lead to its acceptance as personally relevant (i.e., thin-ideal internalization). In turn, thin-ideal internalization can result in pressures to become thin, to conform to a usually unattainable body ideal. Extensive research (Cafri, Yamamiya, Brannick, & Thompson, 2005; Grabe & Hyde, 2006; Groesz, Levine, & Murnen, 2002; Juarascio et al., 2011; Thompson & Stice, 2001; Vartanian & Dey, 2013) suggests that thin-ideal internalization and pressures for thinness often result in body dissatisfaction (i.e., negative attitudes and perceptions of one’s body weight and/or shape; Tiggemann, 2011). Ethnic identity may attenuate thin-ideal internalization and/or pressures for thinness in ethnic minority women. Specifically, ethnic identity could make the mainstream, Western (i.e., Eurocentric) ideals less relevant. Alternatively, ethnic identity may orient

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women to larger, curvier body ideals, common in some ethnic minority cultures (i.e., African Americans; Overstreet, Quinn, & Agocha, 2010; Latina Americans; Warren, Gleaves, Cepeda-Benito, Fernandez, & Rodriguez-Ruiz, 2005). Notably, values for curvier body ideals could explain more favorable body image among African American women (Roberts, Cash, Feingold, & Johnson, 2006). Indeed, a recent study found that ethnic identity moderated the relationship between thin-ideal internalization and eating concerns, such that the relationship was weaker for college women with stronger ethnic identity (Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014). However, the effects of ethnic identity on pressures for thinness remain unexplored. Ethnic Identity and Body Dissatisfaction in European American Women Although the protective effects of ethnic identity are wellstudied among minority women (Henrickson et al., 2010; Stein et al., 2010), the nature of these relationships in European American women is unclear. On one hand, high ethnic identity in European Americans could reinforce existing sociocultural attitudes typical of White, American Western culture, including the thin ideal and subsequent body dissatisfaction. As such, high ethnic identity could be associated with higher thin-ideal internalization and/or pressures for thinness among European American women. On the other hand, it is also possible that the protective effects of ethnic identity extend to European Americans such that having a sense of belonging to a cultural group, independent from the values and ideals of that culture, is protective of mental health issues (Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1997; Warren, 2014). Existing research on ethnic identity in European American women is sparse and conflicting (Baugh, Mullis, Mullis, Hicks, & Peterson, 2010; Phinney et al., 1997). Phinney and colleagues (1997) found that ethnic identity predicted higher self-esteem in European American adolescents. However, Baugh and colleagues (2010) found no relationship between ethnic identity and body dissatisfaction in European American women. Furthermore, research in European American women is confounded by the fact that European Americans tend to report considerably lower levels of ethnic identity than ethnic minorities (Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014; Rodriguez, Schwartz, & Whitbourne, 2010). This floor effect suggests that European American women may not view a sense of belonging to their ethnic group as a salient construct to their identity. Consequently, ethnic identity may play little to no role in the development of body dissatisfaction in European American women because it may be less relevant to identity formation in this group. American Identity: A New Way to Examine Cultural Belonging Given conflicting data on body dissatisfaction and ethnic identity for European Americans, American identity, or a sense of identifying with and attachment to the USA (Schildkraut, 2007), may be a better way to examine cultural belonging for this group. Extant research on American identity (Devos & Banaji, 2005; Devos & Heng, 2009) suggests that individuals of European descent may more easily identify with belonging to the cultural values and attributes of the USA, compared to ethnic minority groups with a separate ethnic or cultural history. Devos and colleagues (2005, 2009) attribute this to the fact that, since colonial times, European Americans have represented the dominant, majority group in the USA. As such, there is a tendency for Americans of all ethnic backgrounds to implicitly identify being American with “Whiteness” (i.e., the American = White association; Devos & Banaji, 2005; Devos & Heng, 2009). Accordingly, Schwartz and

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colleagues (2012) showed that European Americans have a higher affirmation and commitment toward the USA than other ethnic groups. Historically, the American = White association likely facilitated American identity formation predominantly among European Americans. As such, for European Americans, American identity may be conceptually similar to ethnic identity in ethnic minority groups. Consequently, it may have similar positive associations with desirable mental health outcomes. In concordance with this hypothesis, a small body of research on American identity in European Americans suggests it has a positive association with selfesteem (Phinney et al., 1997) and sociocultural adaptation (Berry, Phinney, Sam, & Vedder, 2006). Although sparse, these findings suggest American identity may resemble ethnic identity in its protective effects. As such, the protective effect of American identity against body dissatisfaction is also theoretically possible. On the other hand, high American identity may reinforce endorsement of mainstream media pressures and internalization in women. Unfortunately, research on the effects of American identity and body dissatisfaction is lacking in all ethnic groups.

Current Study Research on ethnic and American identity as correlates of body dissatisfaction is sparse in a number of areas. First, while extensive extant findings suggest a negative association between ethnic identity, body dissatisfaction, and/or eating pathology in minority women (Henrickson et al., 2010; Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014; Stein et al., 2010), research examining these relationships in European American women is inconclusive (Baugh et al., 2010; Phinney et al., 1997). Second, extant research has focused exclusively on the positive psychological effects of American identity in European Americans (Berry et al., 2006; Phinney et al., 1997). Theoretically, it is possible that American identity has similar or additive protective effects for ethnic minorities. However, research on the American identity in ethnic minorities is very sparse (e.g., Devos & Heng, 2009; Schwartz et al., 2012). Third, similar to ethnic identity, American identity may also act as a protective factor against body dissatisfaction. To address these gaps in the literature, the overarching goal of this study was to understand the relationships between ethnic identity, American identity, thin-ideal internalization, pressures for thinness, and body dissatisfaction in a large, diverse sample of college women. Specifically, we explored (1) ethnic differences in mean scores of these constructs; (2) whether ethnic and/or American identity predict body dissatisfaction above and beyond thin-ideal internalization and/or pressures for thinness; and (3) whether ethnic and/or American identity moderate the relationship between any thin-ideal internalization/pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction in each ethnic group (i.e., European American, African American, Asian American, and Latina American). Based on a previous study examining ethnic identity (Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014), we predicted that (a) European Americans would score lowest on ethnic identity and highest on American identity, thin-ideal internalization, pressure for thinness, and body dissatisfaction; (b) ethnic identity would moderate the relationships between thin-ideal internalization/pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction, such that the relationship would be diminished for women with stronger ethnic identity; and (c) these relationships would be significant for ethnic minority participants (i.e., African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latina Americans), but not for European Americans. Given the lack of research on the relationship between American identity and body dissatisfaction, we made no predictions on its role in these models.

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L.M. Rakhkovskaya, C.S. Warren / Body Image 16 (2016) 32–40

Method Participants Participants were 1162 undergraduate women enrolled in psychology courses at a large university in Southwestern USA. To be eligible for this study, participants needed to be female, age 18 or over, and self-identify as belonging to one of the four major USA ethnic groups (i.e., European American, African American, Asian American or Latina American). From the original 1162, we removed 144 participants because they did not belong to one of these four ethnic groups or because they identified with more than one ethnic group. No participants were removed due to failed attention checks. This yielded a final sample of 1018 participants. In the final sample, 36.5% of participants identified as European American (n = 372), 13.5% as African American (n = 137), 22.8% as Asian American (n = 232), and 27.2% as Latina American (n = 277). With regard to generational status, 14.7% of participants were first-generation Americans (i.e., born outside of USA; n = 146), 36.0% were secondgeneration Americans (i.e., born in the USA to non USA-born parents; n = 356), 16.8% were 3rd or 4th generation (n = 166), and 31.2% were 5th or greater generation (n = 309). A small number of participants (1.3%, n = 13) did not report generational status. Participants averaged 19.97 years old (SD = 3.85 years) and were of normal weight (BMI M = 23.40, SD = 4.81; De Onis & Habicht, 1996). Univariate ANOVAs indicated that ethnic groups differed significantly by age, BMI, and generational status. Specifically, (1) Asian Americans were significantly younger than European Americans and African Americans; (2) African Americans had significantly higher BMI than all other ethnic groups, while Latina Americans had significantly higher BMI than Asian Americans; and (3) African Americans had significantly higher generational status than all other ethnic groups. Meanwhile, European Americans’ generational status was significantly lower than African Americans, and significantly higher than Asian Americans and Latina Americans.

Procedure This study was approved by the university’s Institutional Review Board (IRB). Eligible students were recruited from psychology courses via the psychology department’s online subject pool (i.e., Sona Systems). Students meeting inclusionary criteria (i.e., female, age 18 and up) were be able to register for the study through the subject pool system. Each participant was automatically assigned a unique numeric code, devoid of any personal identifiers. An individualized link containing that code was sent to the participant through Clicking on the e-mailed link allowed her to complete the study. Informed consent was obtained electronically. Before a participant could begin completing any of the surveys, she must have selected “yes” to give her consent to participate. Individuals who did not consent to the study procedures were not allowed to complete the survey. After consenting, participants were routed to the survey on a separate survey platform (i.e., Qualtrics). Participants were able to log in multiple times to complete all the questionnaires. However, once they completed the final questionnaire and submitted their data, they were not able to log back in and change any of their responses. The questionnaire took approximately 45 min to one hour to complete. To help ensure attentiveness in responding, the survey included three validity measures (i.e., “Please mark Strongly Agree, if you are paying attention”) throughout the questionnaires. After completing the questionnaires, participants were automatically awarded course credit.

Measures Demographics. Participants reported their age, height, weight, race, ethnicity, marital status, parental status, native language, and generational status in the USA. Examples of generational status response items are “First generation = You were born in another country but live in the USA” and “Second generation = You were born in the USA; either parent was born in another country”. As such, higher generational status referred to more generations that a participant and/or her family have lived in the USA. Thin-ideal internalization and pressures. The Sociocultural Attitudes Towards Appearance Questionnaire-4 (SATAQ-4; Schaefer et al., 2015) is a 22-item measure of internalization and endorsement of sociocultural beauty standards in mainstream Western media. The SATAQ-4 has five subscales: Thin-Ideal Internalization, Athletic-ideal internalization, Media Pressures, Family Pressures, and Peer Pressures. For this study the thin-ideal internalization (SATAQ-Thin) and a combined pressures (i.e., media, family and peer pressures summed; SATAQ-Press) subscales were used. Items are rated on a 5-point Likert scale ranging from “Definitely Disagree” to “Definitely Agree”, with higher scores indicating higher endorsement. Examples of questions on the SATAQ-4 are “I want my body to look very lean” and “My peers encourage me to get thinner”. The SATAQ-4 validation (Schaefer et al., 2015) demonstrated that it shows good validity, reliability, and internal consistency. Internal consistency was adequate for the SATAQ-Thin (Cronbach’s alpha = .73 for European Americans; .79 for African Americans; .68 for Asian Americans; and .80 for Latina Americans) and moderate to strong for SATAQ-Press (Cronbach’s alpha = .92 for European Americans; .93 for African Americans; .89 for Asian Americans; and .92 for Latina Americans). Ethnic identity. Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM; Phinney, 1992) is an 18-item scale measuring ethnic attitudes and behaviors. The MEIM has two subscales: Ethnic Identity (EI) and Other-Group Orientation (OGO). We used the Ethnic Identity subscale (MEIM-EI) for all analyses. Responses are recorded on a 4point Likert scale, ranging from “Strongly Disagree” to “Strongly Agree”, with higher scores indicating stronger ethnic identity. According to Phinney (1992), the MEIM has strong internal consistency in college students. Examples of questions on the MEIM-EI are “I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me” and “I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to”. Ponterotto, Gretchen, Utsey, Stracuzzi, and Saya (2003) showed the MEIM to have adequate internal consistency, reliability, and validity. Internal consistency of the MEIM-EI was moderate (Cronbach’s alpha = .87 for European Americans; .85 for African Americans; .86 for Asian Americans; and .87 for Latina Americans). American identity. The American Identity Measure (AIM) is a 12-item self-report scale developed for assessment of the sense of belonging and attachment to the USA (Schwartz et al., 2012). A recent validation (Schwartz et al., 2012) suggested that the AIM has two subscales: American Identity Affirmation (AIM-Aff) and American Identity Exploration (AIM-Exp). As this study focused on a sense of belonging, we used the AIM-Aff subscale for all analyses. Responses are recorded on a 4-point Likert-type scale, ranging from “Strongly Disagree” to “Strongly Agree”, with higher scores indicating stronger American identity. Examples of questions on the AIM are “I am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly Americans” and “I am happy that I am an American”. Schwartz and colleagues (2012) demonstrated the AIM to be adequately reliable, valid, and internally consistent. AIM-Aff internal consistency was strong (Cronbach’s alpha = .93 for European

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Table 1 Means (SDs) and ANOVAs examining demographic and outcome variables by ethnic group. Variable Age Body mass index Generation in the USA Thin-ideal internalization Pressures for thinness Ethnic identity American id. affirmation Body dissatisfaction

European Americans 20.29 (4.38)a 22.90 (4.32)a 3.99 (1.34)a 18.92 (3.86)a 34.63 (12.53)a 2.66 (0.48)a 24.73 (4.64)a 2.98 (1.40)a

African Americans 20.59 (5.44)b 25.88 (6.90)b 4.46 (1.10)b 15.61 (4.72)b 29.86 (13.10)b 2.91 (0.47)b 22.80 (4.67)b 2.52 (1.32)b

Asian Americans 19.30 (2.25)c 22.39 (3.93)a 2.04 (1.11)c 18.00 (3.88)ac 36.73 (11.11)a 2.81 (0.45)ac 23.07 (4.09)bc 2.97 (1.26)a

Latina Americans 19.82 (3.10)a 23.71 (4.27)ac 2.16 (1.01)c 17.62 (4.31)c 34.39 (11.53)a 2.96 (0.44)ad 24.09 (4.12)ac 2.97 (1.27)a

F *

4.45 17.67*** 247.20*** 17.50*** 7.90*** 24.63*** 9.79*** 4.26**

df

2

(3, 991) (3, 996) (3, 990) (3, 772) (3, 784) (3, 987) (3, 966) (3, 971)

.01 .05 .43 .06 .03 .07 .03 .01

Note: High scores = high levels of construct. Means in the same row that do not share a letter in the subscripts differ at p < .05 on post hoc tests with Bonferroni correction. id = identity. Pressures for thinness = combined media, family, and peer pressures. * p < .05. ** p < .01. *** p < .001.

Americans; .91 for African Americans; .91 for Asian Americans; and .91 for Latina Americans). Body dissatisfaction. The Eating Disorder Examination Questionnaire (EDEQ) is a 31-item questionnaire designed to measure self-reported symptoms of eating pathology over the past 28 days, with higher scores indicating higher levels of disordered eating symptoms (Fairburn & Beglin, 1994). The EDEQ has four subscales: Eating Concerns, Weight Concerns, Shape Concerns, and Dietary Restraint. In order to explore body dissatisfaction overall, we combined the Weight Concerns and Shape Concerns subscales into a composite measure (EDEQ-Diss). Subscale items are measured on a 7-point Likert scale, ranging from “No days” to “Every day”. Examples of questions on the EDEQ are “Have you had a definite desire to have a totally flat stomach?” and “How dissatisfied have you been with your shape?”. Berg, Peterson, Frazier, and Crow (2012) demonstrated good reliability, validity, and internal consistency of the EDEQ. Internal consistency was strong for EDEQ-Diss (Cronbach’s alpha = .95 for European Americans; .95 for African Americans; .94 for Asian Americans; and .94 for Latina Americans). Results Statistical Analyses Using IBM SPSS Statistics version 20 for Windows, we used analyses of variance (ANOVAs), Pearson’s correlations, and hierarchical regression to answer the primary study questions. Missing data were handled using pairwise deletion. As age and BMI were highly kurtotic (40.90 and 4.44, respectively), we minimized kurtosis by using inverse transformations (i.e., 1/age; 1/BMI; resulting kurtosis of 6.07 and −0.01, respectively). All variables were z-transformed prior to regression and moderator analyses. To examine mean differences by ethnic group, we completed one-way ANOVAs on age, BMI, generational status, thin-ideal internalization, pressures for thinness, ethnic identity, American identity affirmation, and body dissatisfaction by ethnicity with Bonferroni correction. Following significant F statistics for all ethnic comparisons, we conducted post hoc tests on age, BMI, generational status, thin-ideal internalization, pressures for thinness, ethnic identity, American identity affirmation, and body dissatisfaction by ethnicity. To test American identity affirmation and ethnic identity as predictors of, moderators for, and contributors to unique variance to body dissatisfaction, we ran 4-step hierarchical regression models in each ethnic group. We specified EDEQ-Diss as the outcome variable and entered BMI and generational status in Step 1. In Step 2, we entered SATAQ-Thin and SATAQ-Pressures scores. In Step 3, we entered MEIM-EI and AIM-Aff scores. In Step 4, we added four

interaction terms: MEIM-EI by SATAQ-Thin; AIM-Aff by SATAQThin; MEIM-EI by SATAQ-Press; and AIM-Aff by SATAQ-Press. When significant two-way interactions emerged, we examined moderating effects according to Baron and Kenny’s procedure (1986). We plotted the appropriate SATAQ subscale as the independent variable and EDEQ-Diss as the dependent variable using Interaction! software (Soper, 2010). To most easily depict significant interactions, we plotted each appropriate interaction term continuously, ranging from two standard deviations below the mean to two standard deviations above the mean. We then tested for significant differences between slopes. Mean Differences by Ethnic Group As expected, significant ethnic differences emerged on all study outcome variables (Table 1). Compared to all other ethnic groups, African Americans scored significantly lower on thin-ideal internalization, pressures for thinness, and body dissatisfaction. Meanwhile, European Americans scored significantly lower on ethnic identity than African Americans; and higher on American identity affirmation than African Americans and Asian Americans. Finally, Latina Americans scored significantly higher on American identity affirmation than African Americans. Effect sizes for ethnic differences were moderate for ethnic identity and small for all other variables. Predictors of Body dissatisfaction Table 2 presents hierarchical regression models for thin-ideal internalization, pressures for thinness, ethnic identity, and American identity affirmation as predictors of body dissatisfaction for each ethnic group. European Americans. The overall model was statistically significant and accounted for 50% of the variance in body dissatisfaction. In Step 1, BMI was a significant positive1 predictor for body dissatisfaction. In Step 2, thin-ideal internalization and pressures for thinness were significant positive predictors and additionally explained unique variance in body dissatisfaction. In Step 3, ethnic identity and American identity affirmation were nonsignificant predictors. Similarly, in Step 4, ethnic identity by thin-ideal internalization interaction term, American identity affirmation by thin-ideal internalization interaction term, ethnic identity by pressures for thinness interaction term, and the American

1 The beta values for BMI were negative, but we used inverted BMI (1/BMI) in all regression analyses. This transformation reversed the direction of the relationships. As such, BMI was actually a positive predictor of weight/shape concerns, for all ethnic groups.

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L.M. Rakhkovskaya, C.S. Warren / Body Image 16 (2016) 32–40

Table 2 Predictors of body dissatisfaction by ethnic group. European Americans F(10, 253) = 24.49**

African Americans F(10, 110) = 18.74**

Asian Americans F(10, 171) = 32.88**

Latina Americans F(10, 191) = 12.55**

ˇ

R2

F(df)

ˇ

R2

F(df)

ˇ

R2

F(df)

ˇ

R2

F(df)

Step 1 BMI† Generational status

−0.28** −0.07

.08**

11.15** (2, 251)

−0.57** −0.11

.33**

26.20** (2, 108)

−0.37** −0.13

.15**

14.83** (2, 169)

−0.29** −0.01

.08**

8.43** (2, 189)

Step 2 BMI† Generational status Thin-ideal internalization Pressures for thinness

−0.13* −0.04 0.43** 0.35**

.49**

97.74** (2, 249)

−0.28** −0.03 0.24** 0.41**

.56**

28.22** (2, 106)

−0.20** −0.01 0.37** 0.39**

.52**

64.39** (2, 167)

−0.20** −0.09 0.42** 0.22**

.36**

40.07** (2, 187)

Step 3 BMI† Generational status Thin-ideal internalization Pressures for thinness Ethnic identity American id affirmation

−0.13* −0.05 0.43** 0.35** 0.00 0.03

.49

0.25 (2, 247)

−0.33** −0.01 0.24** 0.37** −0.17** −0.07

.60*

4.49* (2, 104)

−0.20** −0.01 0.36** 0.39** −0.05 0.00

.52

0.39 (2, 165)

−0.22** −0.09 0.45 0.21** −0.07** −0.11

.38

2.89 (2, 185)

Step 4 BMI† Generational status Thin-ideal internalization Pressures for thinness Ethnic identity Am identity affirmation Ethnic id ∗ Thin-int American id ∗ Thin-int Ethnic id ∗ Pressures American id ∗ Pressures

−0.13* −0.05 0.42** 0.33** 0.08 −0.16 0.02 0.07 −0.11 0.20

.50

1.60 (4, 243)

−0.36** −0.01 0.25** 0.39** 0.51* −0.02 0.05 0.01 −0.71** −0.08

.65**

4.06** (4, 100)

−0.16** 0.06 0.38** 0.44** 1.75** −1.23** 0.15** −0.13* −1.88** 1.26**

.67**

18.29** (4, 161)

−0.26** −0.10 0.42** 0.25** 0.36 −0.49* 0.09 −0.10 −0.47* 0.40*

.41*

2.50* (4, 181)

Note: High scores = high levels of construct, except for BMI† indicates inverted variable (i.e., 1/BMI). id = identity. Thin-int. = thin-ideal internalization. Pressures for thinness or Pressures = combined media, family, and peer pressures. * p < .05. ** p < .01.

identity affirmation by pressures for thinness interaction term were nonsignificant predictors. African Americans. The overall model was statistically significant and accounted for 65% of the variance in body dissatisfaction. In Step 1, BMI was a significant positive predictor for body dissatisfaction. In Step 2, thin-ideal internalization and pressures for thinness were significant positive predictors and additionally explained unique variance in body dissatisfaction. In Step 3, ethnic identity was a significant negative predictor and explained unique additional variance in body dissatisfaction. Finally, in Step 4, ethnic identity by pressures for thinness interaction term was a significant predictor and explained unique variance in body dissatisfaction. Asian Americans. The overall model was statistically significant and accounted for 67% of the variance in body dissatisfaction. In Step 1, BMI was a significant positive predictor for body dissatisfaction. In Step 2, thin-ideal internalization and pressures for thinness were significant positive predictors and additionally explained unique variance in body dissatisfaction. In Step 3, ethnic identity and American identity affirmation were not significant predictors. However, in Step 4, all four interaction terms were significant predictors: (1) ethnic identity by thin-ideal internalization; (2) American identity affirmation by thin-ideal internalization; (3) ethnic identity by pressures for thinness; and (4) American identity affirmation by pressures for thinness. Latina Americans. The overall model was statistically and accounted for 41% of the variance in body dissatisfaction. In Step 1, BMI was a significant positive predictor for body dissatisfaction. In Step 2, thin-ideal internalization and pressures for thinness were significant positive predictors and additionally explained unique

variance in body dissatisfaction. In Step 3, ethnic identity and American identity affirmation were not significant predictors. However, in Step 4, the ethnic identity by pressures for thinness and the American identity affirmation by pressures for thinness interaction terms were significant predictors. Moderator Analyses To test ethnic and American identity as moderators, we used the Baron and Kenny (1986) procedure for standardized moderator analyses for African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latina Americans. Body dissatisfaction was the dependent variable; thin-ideal internalization or pressures for thinness was the independent variable; and ethnic identity or American identity affirmation was the moderator, graphed continuously within two standard deviations from the mean. Ethnic identity. For African Americans, ethnic identity significantly moderated the relationship between pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction, such that for those with stronger ethnic identity the relationship was diminished (p = .026; Fig. 1). For Asian Americans, ethnic identity almost significantly moderated the relationship between pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction (p = .069; Fig. 2)2 , as well as between thin-ideal internalization and body dissatisfaction (p = .055; Fig. 3). The relationship was diminished for Asian Americans with stronger ethnic identity.

2 Notably, when media pressures was the independent variable (as opposed to overall pressures for thinness), ethnic identity was a significant moderator for Asian Americans. (p = .009; not shown). In other words, ethnic identity diminished the relationship between media pressures and body dissatisfaction, but not so for family, peer, or overall pressures for thinness.

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However, for Latina Americans, the relationship between pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction did not change significantly for varying levels of ethnic identity (p = .823). American identity affirmation. For Asian Americans, neither the relationship between pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction, nor the relationship between thin-ideal internalization and body dissatisfaction changed significantly for varying levels of American identity affirmation (p = .295 and .574, respectively). Similarly, for Latina Americans, the relationship between pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction did not change significantly for varying levels of American identity affirmation (p = .587). Discussion

Fig. 1. Ethnic identity as a moderator of pressures for thinness in African Americans. Note: High scores = high levels of construct. All variables were standardized. Std Dev = standard deviation.

This study explored the relationships among ethnic identity, American identity, thin-ideal internalization, pressures for thinness, and body dissatisfaction in a sample of over 1000 college women from the largest ethnic groups in the USA. Primary study findings suggest that ethnic identity may serve as a protective factor against body dissatisfaction; whereas findings for American identity are inconclusive. Ethnic Differences in Ethnic Identity and Body Dissatisfaction

Fig. 2. Ethnic identity as a moderator of peer pressures in Asian Americans. Note: High scores = high levels of construct. All variables were standardized. Std Dev = standard deviation.

Fig. 3. Ethnic identity as a moderator of thin-ideal internalization in Asian Americans. Note: High scores = high levels of construct. All variables were standardized. Std Dev = standard deviation.

One key finding from this study is that the role of ethnic identity varied by ethnicity. Specifically, in this dataset, ethnic identity either played no significant role on body dissatisfaction (for European Americans); directly negatively predicted body dissatisfaction (for African Americans); or attenuated the relationship between pressures for thinness, and to some extent thin-ideal internalization and body dissatisfaction (for African Americans and/or Asian Americans), for African Americans, ethnic identity negatively predicted body dissatisfaction above and beyond thinideal internalization and pressures for thinness. In addition, for African American participants with stronger ethnic identity, the relationship between pressures for thinness and body dissatisfaction was diminished. The direct significant relationship between ethnic identity and body dissatisfaction is unique to this group. This may suggest that, instead of reorienting African American women from the mainstream, Eurocentric thin ideal to the Afrocentric, curvy ideal (Overstreet et al., 2010), ethnic identity may be more broadly protective. Theoretically, higher ethnic identity may result in non-eating pathology related protective factors, such as increased self-esteem (Martinez & Dukes, 1997). These data are consistent with research showing inverse relationships between ethnic identity and eating pathology in African American women (Henrickson et al., 2010; Turnage, 2005). For Asian Americans, ethnic identity was not a direct predictor, but interacted with both thin-ideal internalization and pressures for thinness. However, the moderating effects of ethnic identity fell short of significance (except for media pressures). While this may indicate diminished importance of ethnic identity for Asian American women, the interaction terms explained more variance in body dissatisfaction than any other ethnic group. Further study is warranted; nevertheless, strong ethnic identity likely diminished the relationship between thin-ideal internalization and/or pressures for thinness for Asian American participants. If so, this finding is particularly important in light of Hall’s (1995) and Mintz and Kashubek’s (1999) research, indicating that Asian Americans idealize Eurocentric facial features (e.g., large, blue eyes) and report dissatisfaction with racially salient body features (e.g., eye-shape), particularly as they acculturate in the USA. The present study may suggest that ethnic identity may be protective against Eurocentric media pressures for Asian American women.

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Furthermore, these data are consistent with extant research (Rakhkovskaya & Warren, 2014) suggesting that European Americans generally do not identify as strongly belonging to an ethnic group. The fact that European Americans scored lowest on ethnic identity in this study support the low salience of ethnic identity for European American women, particularly in relation to eating pathology (Baugh et al., 2010). As such, ethnic identity did not appear to be strongly related to body dissatisfaction in this group. Finally, data on Latina Americans in this sample challenge existing literature on cultural buffers against mainstream Western media in that group. Namely, despite Latina cultures traditionally endorsing a larger, curvier body ideal (Warren, Gleaves, CepedaBenito, Fernandez, & Rodriguez-Ruiz, 2005) and a family-centric culture (i.e., familismo; Santiago-Rivera, Arredondo, & GallardoCooper, 2002), ethnic identity was not significantly protective for Latina Americans. As such, Latina American women may internalize thin-ideal media and develop body dissatisfaction regardless of ethnic identity salience. The relatively low proportion of body dissatisfaction variance explained by the models may suggest other important contributing factors for Latina Americans, such as acculturation or country of origin. Ethnic Differences in American Identity and Body Dissatisfaction A second key finding is that the role of American identity is unclear. American identity did not predict body dissatisfaction, nor significantly interact with thin-ideal internalization or pressures for thinness. While not statistically significant, the moderating effects of American identity (not shown) appeared to exacerbate sociocultural risk for body dissatisfaction, rather than buffer it. As such, the protective effects of American identity in other domains (i.e., self-esteem; Phinney et al., 1997, and sociocultural adaptation; Berry et al., 2006) likely do not extend to body dissatisfaction. The nonsignificant relationships between American identity and body dissatisfaction in ethnic minority participants, in particular, may stem from a relative floor effect of American identity in those groups. Given the American = White association (Buchanan, 2006), American identity could have lower salience for ethnic minorities in the USA. Alternatively, American identity may result in different sense of belonging in different ethnic groups. For example, American identity may trigger civic engagement and nationalism in individuals of color. Unfortunately, research exploring the relationship between mainstream Western media and American identity is lacking in all ethnic groups. Limitations These findings must be considered in light of some key limitations. First, a number of methodological limitations exist. Specifically, we cannot make causal inferences from the results or ensure the direction of the relationships in question, as the study used correlational measures. Theoretically, it is possible that body dissatisfaction decreases ethnic identity, or that a third factor, such as social support, explains the relationship. In addition, although the presence of validity measures (i.e., “Please mark Strongly Agree, if you are paying attention”) aided in our confidence in the truthfulness and attentiveness of the participants, we did not counterbalance the survey. Therefore, it is possible that response fatigue or order of the questionnaires may have influenced responding. Furthermore, while the overall sample was large, conducting numerous analyses in each of the four subgroups substantially reduced statistical power and increased the probability of false detection. While this is a serious limitation, we decided to retain these broad, exploratory analyses, in hopes of detecting general trends for future research in larger samples.

Second, this study assessed a number of closely correlated and potentially overlapping constructs. Namely, thin-ideal internalization is closely associated with pressures for thinness, and both are closely associated with body dissatisfaction. Accordingly, the beta-value for thin-ideal internalization was large, suggesting substantial overlap with body dissatisfaction and multicollinearity concerns. However, results indicated that ethnic identity buffered pressures for thinness in African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latina Americans, while buffering thin-ideal internalization in Asian Americans only. This suggests important differences between endorsing the thin ideal and feeling pressures to conform to it. As such, it is possible that women of color feel pressured to become thin, even when they do not value thinness themselves. Third, even when significant, the interaction terms accounted for small percentages of variance in body dissatisfaction (5% for African Americans; 15% for Asian Americans; 3% for Latina Americans). Moreover, for Asian Americans, it is unclear whether the American identity or the ethnic identity interaction terms account for more variance in body dissatisfaction. This limitation calls into question the practical significance of ethnic identity. However, according to McClelland and Judd (1993), detection of significant interactions in correlational community research is difficult without oversampling. As such, the interaction term was unlikely to explain large and/or significant proportions of criterion variance. In accordance with McClelland and Judd (1993), we posit that small, but significant interaction terms can still be practically meaningful in cross-sectional community studies. Fourth, the results of the study have limited generalizability. Namely, participants were college women studying at one of the most ethnically diverse universities in the USA, located in a metropolitan area with a hyper-sexualized, body-conscious microculture. As such, the results may not extend to non-college samples, to men or transgender individuals, or to other ethnic and cultural groups. In addition, this study did not account to within-group differences (e.g., Chinese American vs. Japanese American participants). Future Directions Despite these limitations, primary findings have important implications for future research and clinical practice. It will be important to replicate these findings in more typical (i.e., predominantly European American) university settings, in the community (e.g., in adults outside of the university setting; in eating pathology treatment settings), and in other populations (e.g., other genders, age groups, less populous ethnic or cultural groups, and multiracial individuals). Such research in Asian Americans would be of particular interest, as the interaction terms for ethnic and American identity explained the most variance, but did not reach statistical significance. An examination of these constructs in a larger sample of Asian Americans is warranted. Furthermore, future research should qualitatively explore ethnic identity in European Americans, in order to understand whether the reported floor effects indicate low salience or poor understanding of the construct among European Americans. Additionally, given the limitations of correlational research, an examination of these variables through other study designs is warranted. For example, researchers could explore causal links by priming participants’ ethnic or American identity (e.g., a discussion of one’s cultural heritage; a traditional Thanksgiving meal), and measure changes in thin-ideal internalization, pressures for thinness, and/or body dissatisfaction. Alternatively, researchers could use a longitudinal study design to examine whether children with high ethnic and/or American identity endorse higher body dissatisfaction in adolescence or adulthood. Finally, this study did not elucidate the relationship of generational status with the variables

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of interest. As such, future research should examine generational status as a potential contributing factor. Clinical Implications The key findings of this study have some important clinical implications. As ethnic identity was protective against body dissatisfaction for African American and Asian American women, assessments of ethnic identity could be instrumental for determining eating pathology risk in these groups. For example, clinicians could use the MEIM as screeners during intake appointments. Asian American and African American clients presenting with high MEIM scores could benefit from culturally-sensitive, ethnic identity-geared interventions. Specifically, such interventions could focus on cultural beauty norms (e.g., a curvy figure), rather than challenging or unpacking the mainstream beauty ideal. In addition, it is possible that ethnic identity-activating interventions would improve mental health for clients with low ethnic identity. Alternatively, clients would explore appearance role models who demonstrate racially congruent features, such as a dark complexion (e.g., Lupita Nyong’o) or an epicanthic fold (e.g., Sandra Oh). References American Psychiatric Association. (2013). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (5th ed., pp. 992). Arlington, VA: American Psychiatric Publishing. Baron, R. M., & Kenny, D. A. (1986). The moderator–mediator variable distinction in social psychological research: Conceptual, strategic, and statistical considerations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51, 1173–1182. http://dx.doi. org/10.1037/0022-3514.51.6.1173 Baugh, E., Mullis, R., Mullis, A., Hicks, M., & Peterson, G. (2010). Ethnic identity and body image among black and white college females. Journal of American College Health, 59, 105–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07448481.2010.483713 Berg, K. C., Peterson, C. B., Frazier, P., & Crow, S. J. (2012). Psychometric evaluation of the eating disorder examination and eating disorder examinationquestionnaire: A systematic review of the literature. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 45, 428–438. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/eat.20931 Berry, J. W., Phinney, J. S., Sam, D. L., & Vedder, P. (2006). Immigrant youth: Acculturation, identity, and adaptation. Applied Psychology, 55, 303–332. http://dx. doi.org/10.1111/j.1464-0597.2006.00256.x Buchanan, P. J. (2006). State of emergency: The third world invasion and conquest of America. pp. 308. New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press. Cafri, G., Yamamiya, Y., Brannick, M., & Thompson, J. K. (2005). The influence of sociocultural factors on body image: A meta-analysis. Clinical Psychology: Science and Practice, 12, 421–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clipsy/bpi053 De Onis, M., & Habicht, J. (1996). Anthropometric reference data for international use: Recommendations from a World Health Organization Expert Committee. American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 64, 650–658. Devos, T., & Banaji, M. R. (2005). American = white? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88, 447–466. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.88.3.447 Devos, T., & Heng, L. (2009). Whites are granted the American identity more swiftly than Asians: Disentangling the role of automatic and controlled processes. Social Psychology, 40, 192–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335.40.4.192 Fairburn, C., & Beglin, S. (1994). Assessment of eating disorders: Interview or self-report questionnaire? International Journal of Eating Disorders, 16, 363–370. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1098-108X(199412)16:4<363::AIDEAT2260160405>3.0.CO;2-# Frederick, D. A., Forbes, G. B., & Berezovskaya, A. (2008). Body dissatisfaction and perceptions of the attractive female body among women and men from the Ukraine, Ghana, and the United States. Psychological Topics, 17, 203–219. http:// dx.doi.org/10.1037/1524-9220.8.2.103 Frederick, D. A., Forbes, G. B., Grigorian, K., & Jarcho, J. M. (2007). The UCLA Body Project I: Gender and ethnic differences in self-objectification and body satisfaction among 2,206 undergraduates. Sex Roles, 57, 317–327. http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1007/s11199-007-9251-z Frederick, D. A., Peplau, L. A., & Lever, J. (2006). The swimsuit issue: Correlates of body image in a sample of 52,677 heterosexual adults. Body Image, 4, 413–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bodyim.2006.08.002 Grabe, S., & Hyde, J. S. (2006). Ethnicity and body dissatisfaction among women in the United States: A meta-analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 132, 622–640. http:// dx.doi.org/10.1037/0033-2909.132.4.622 Groesz, L. M., Levine, M. P., & Murnen, S. K. (2002). The effect of experimental presentation of thin media images on body satisfaction: A meta-analytic review. The International Journal of Eating Disorders, 31, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ eat.10005

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