Space as a Fulcrum of Nigeria's External Relations and Regional Hegemony

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Space as a fulcrum of Nigeria's external relations and regional hegemony Oluwaseun Tella Department of Political Sciences, College of Human Sciences, University of South Africa, Preller Street, Muckleunek, UNISA, 0003, South Africa

A R T I C LE I N FO

A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Nigeria Nigerian foreign policy Outer space Regional hegemony

Academic scholarship on Nigeria's space exploration is dominated by engineering, the natural sciences and humanities. Thus, analysis of the country's space exploration is skewed towards the paradigms of these disciplines that social scientists, particularly political scientists and international relations experts like myself, might find too descriptive and technical. Against this background, I examine this question and its implications for the country's foreign policy and regional influence. In doing so, I analyze Abuja's advancement in space science and space-related bilateral and multilateral relations. I argue that Nigeria is one of the dominant players in Africa and that its benevolent leadership in the space regime is critical to solving the challenges on the continent that require space science and technology.

1. Introduction Nigeria's leadership position in Africa and the attendant influence it wields is largely derived from its economic and military capabilities. However, there are other sources of Abuja's power such as its soft power1 and its advancement in space technology. Since the country is not renowned for scientific and technological prowess, its success in the space domain has surprised the international community and Nigerians themselves. Analysis of Nigeria's activities in outer space is largely skewed towards engineering, the natural sciences and humanities. Such studies thus reflect the disciplinary orientation of their authors. For instance, in the sciences and engineering, Agboola (2011) [1] engages space systems and engineering in Africa, focusing on Nigeria. Akinyede and Agbaje (2006) [2] and a later study by Agbaje (2010) [3] analyze the application of Nigeria's satellite mapping for urban development planning and sustainable development. In the humanities, Ogunyemi (2012) [4] explores the nexus between digital literacy and space technology. Other scholars such as Boroffice (2008) [5] and Adetoro and Aro (2009) [6] simply provide a detailed description of Nigeria's space policy and programme. This implies that social scientists and political scientists/International Relations experts have ignored this area of research. Against this background, I seek to contribute to the existing discourse by examining Nigeria's advancement in outer space, its bilateral and multilateral relations and the implications for its regional hegemonic credentials. To this end, this article presents a historical background of Nigeria

space-related activities and its space agency and ambition. It also examines the country's bilateral and multilateral relations in pursuit of its ambitions and its space politics' contribution to its hegemonic credentials in Africa. 2. Regional hegemony in Africa Nolte (2010:893) [7] defines a regional power as a state:

• which articulates the pretension (self-conception) of a leading po• • • • • • • •

sition in a region that is geographically, economically and politicalideationally delimited; which displays the material (military, economic, demographic), organisational (political) and ideological resources for regional power projection; which truly has great influence in regional affairs (activities and results). In addition, it is expected that a regional power is a state which is economically, politically and culturally interconnected with the region; which influences in a significant way the geopolitical delimitation and the political-ideational construction of the region; which exerts this influence by means of regional governance structures; which defines and articulates a common regional identity or project; which provides a collective good for the region or participates in a significant way in the provision of such a collective good; which defines the regional security agenda in a significant way;

E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected]. Soft power refers to a state's capacity to achieve its foreign policy objectives through attractive and intangible resources such as culture, values and policies as opposed to coercive and tangible ones like economic and military capabilities. Nigeria's soft power includes its cultural output transmitted by its film (Nollywood) and music industries, promotion of democracy in Africa and its aid and peacemaking in international relations. 1

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spacepol.2018.05.001 Received 21 March 2017; Received in revised form 7 May 2018; Accepted 12 May 2018 0265-9646/ © 2018 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

Please cite this article as: Tella, O., Space Policy (2018), https://doi.org/10.1016/j.spacepol.2018.05.001

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• whose leading position in the region is recognised or at least re•

added another dimension to Cold War politics. Sputnik I engendered a series of innovations on the part of the USSR, including the first rocket to the moon in 1959, the first interplanetary rocket in 1960, the first man in space in 1961, the first woman in space in 1963 and the first space walk in 1965 [15]. The United States (US) not only lost a great deal of prestige, but also felt vulnerable as the USSR seemed to be surging ahead. As Nye (2004) [16] notes, the successful launch of Sputnik I created the impression among many that the USSR was “ahead” of the US, creating the need for the latter to counteract this dominance. In light of this, it is imperative to include African space exploration in measuring states' power.

spected by other states inside and outside of the region, especially by other regional powers; which is integrated in interregional and global forums and institutions where it articulates not only its own interests but acts as well, at least in a rudimentary way, as a representative of regional interests.

In seeking to play a hegemonic role, a state's capabilities, especially economic and military prowess, are critical as well as consent or ideational attributes. Nolte (2010) [7] notes that a regional power is not only identified by its power capabilities but also by other states' perceptions of its status and political elites' conception of their state's position in the region. Recognition of a state as a regional hegemon thus hinges on the extent to which other states in the region look to it for assistance and the financial and administrative responsibilities that rest on its shoulders [8]. Hegemons also shape the hearts and minds of the people in their regions through cultural output, values and policies. Regional hegemons are acknowledged by external state and non-state actors as they are seen as representatives of their regions. This is demonstrated by their privileged positions in multilateral institutions and expectations that they will provide public goods including peace, security and order in their regions [8]. The literature on African regional powers identifies Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Algeria and to a lesser extent Kenya, Ethiopia and Morocco as the most powerful states on the continent. However, many scholars agree that only Nigeria and South Africa exercise or have the potential to play a hegemonic role in Africa [9]. While most of these studies ascribe the status of these states to their economic, military and diplomatic clout, emerging studies focus on the soft power dimensions of their influence [10]. South Africa's level of development, and economic and military capabilities means that it is often relied on to provide aid and assistance on the continent [11]. Its peacekeeping efforts in Democratic Republic of Congo and Burundi are notable. Furthermore, Pretoria is the dominant player in SADC and alongside Nigeria in the African Union (AU) and the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD). Beyond the continent, South Africa is perceived as the representative of Africa and has played important roles in multilateral platforms such as IBSA, BRICS, the G-20, the WTO and the United Nations. Nevertheless, as Flemes, (2007) [11] notes: ‘ … it is true that many African leaders’ accept Nigeria's leadership far more than South Africa's because of the earlier mentioned criticism and scepticism towards Pretoria’. These criticisms include apartheid legacies, the perceived imperialist posture of South African multinational corporations across Africa and instances where Pretoria has pursued its narrow interests at the expense of other African countries. In contrast, Alden and Le Pere (2009) [12] note that South Africa is more accepted at the global level in institutions such as the G8 and WTO. Its role in BRICS also fits this context. Indeed, Nigeria has assumed the responsibility of a major peace maker on the continent, evident in its peace keeping roles in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Chad and Sudan [13]. It is for this reason that Adebajo (2003) [14] describes it as a ‘hegemonic’ peacekeeper. The author defines hegemonic peacekeeping as a “situation in which a powerful state with strong global or regional interests is able to deploy a preponderance of troops in a bid to manage a conflict and is able to convince other states to accept its leadership of the mission.’ Nigeria has also played leadership roles in organisations such as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), NEPAD and the AU. However, these states' space exploration has not been taken into consideration in measuring their regional hegemonic credentials. Given the vigorous interest in space exploration among some of the most powerful states on the continent, an analysis of the regional powers in Africa should take this into account. The launch of Sputnik I in 1957 and the USSR's emergence as the dominant player in space exploration

3. Nigeria in space: a historical overview The launch of Sputnik in 1957 signaled the start of a space race that was confined to the super powers. However, the end of Cold War saw more states engaging in space activities. Peter (2006) [17] describes this development as a metamorphosis ‘from a bipolar space world dominated by the two superpowers to a multipolar world, characterized by the rise of many new actors with increasing technical capabilities’. Globally, Nigeria is one of the newcomers in the use of space technology. Montluc (2009) [18] is of the view that the motivation for countries such as Nigeria, Indonesia, Algeria, Argentina and Malaysia's space programme is largely to stimulate national pride and inspire the youth. However, it would be simplistic to restrict Nigeria's motives to these factors. The country's embrace of space activities stems from space's significance in fast-tracking sustainable socio-economic development and guaranteeing national security [3]. Given the socio-economic challenges confronting Nigeria, including widespread poverty and unemployment and the security situation in light of Boko Haram activities in the Northern part of the country, this aspiration fits the context. Nigeria's ambition to be a significant actor in the space domain can be traced to the Cold War era. For instance, in 1976, Abuja declared its space ambitions to the Organisation of African Unity (now the African Union) and the Economic Commission for Africa in Addis-Ababa. However, significant steps were only taken in the late 1980s when the National Council of Ministers approved the establishment of a National Centre for Remote Sensing and the Ministry of Science and Technology set up a National Committee on Space Applications [19]. The National Agency for Science and Engineering Infrastructure's (NASENI) establishment of the Directorate of Science in 1993, the setting up of the National Space Research and Development Agency (NASRDA) in 1999 and the Nigerian government's approval of the National Space Policy in 2001 marked the milestones in Nigeria's space ambition. Subsequently, Nigeria launched its first Earth Observation Satellite, a microsatellite (NigeriaSat-1) in 2003. Among other things, it has provided valuable data to inform economic and development planning [2]. The satellite was developed by a UK company and was launched in Plesetsk Cosmodrome (a Russian space port in Moscow) [3]. It has been used to address socio-economic issues such as land use/land cover, early warning, mapping and monitoring of major roads, erosion, floods and deforestation [3]. The satellite has also provided a platform to share knowledge and address the digital divide in Africa [2]. NigeriaSat-1 was one of the five satellites of the Disaster Monitoring Constellation (DMC) designed to monitor global natural disasters [5]. It exhibited this function in 2005 when it was the first satellite to send back images from the east coast of the US in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina [5]. Similarly, it provided images to aid workers after the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami [20]. While the minimum life span of the satellite was five years, it was in orbit for more than eight years [19]. NigeriaSat-2 (the first high resolution satellite with a life span of seven years) was launched in Yasny, Russia in 2011. The primary motivations for launching the satellite include the end of NigeriaSat-1's lifespan, growing demand for high resolution images, the level of high resolution satellite manufacturing technical know-how and efforts to 2

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year 2025’ [23]. To achieve its goals, NASRDA has recognised the importance of capacity building and has pursued international collaboration and training and educating Nigerians in space technology. NASDRA is actively engaged in space research and development, reviews the national space policy and is the central body that either coordinates or collaborates the activities of all other organisations involved in Nigeria's space science and technology endeavours. Six centres were established across the country to achieve its goals and Nigeria's overall space policy and activities. These include the Centre for Basic Space Science and Astronomy, the National Centre for Remote Sensing, the Centre for Satellite Technology Development, the Centre for Geodesy and Geodynamics, the African Regional Centre for Space and Technology and Education and the Centre for Space Transport & Propulsion. The Ministry of Science and Technology oversees the Nigerian space agencies and centres' activities and is the dominant Ministry in the country's quest to become a significant global player in space. The regional power's ambitious space programme is evident in its 25-year road map that was approved by the federal government in 2006. This includes the goal of training Nigerian Astronauts by 2015 and plans to achieve the technological prowess to manufacture and launch satellites by 2025 [23]. The road map reflects the importance the country attaches to relative self-reliance in its space programme. While the space programme currently relies heavily on international partners, Abuja understands that this is not sustainable in the long run. It also intends to send an astronaut into space by 2030. If achieved, it would be the first African country to have done so. Thus, the Nigerian space programme could become the envy of other African states that are interested in space science and technology. Table 1 sets out Nigeria's ambitious space programme. While the goals of building Nigeria Sat-2 and Nigeria Sat-X by 2011 were achieved, the country was not able to train Nigerian Astronauts by 2015. While this could be regarded as a setback, given the resolve to pursue the set agenda, and the country's remarkable collaboration with some of the major actors in global space activities, Nigeria might achieve these goals whether before, on or after the set dates.

establish local satellite manufacturing capacity [19]. The goal of developing indigenous satellite manufacturing capability was achieved in 2011 when Nigeria launched the first satellite designed and built by Nigerians, NigeriaSat-X, using a British company, Surrey Satellite Technology Ltd's (SSTL) facilities alongside NigeriaSat-2 in Yasny. The country's first locally made satellite, NigeriaSat-3, is expected to be launched in 2018. In 2007, with China's assistance, Nigeria launched a communication satellite, NigComSat-1. It aimed to provide reliable telecommunications, broadcasting, broad band services and navigation, and a global positioning system. Among other things, the satellite was designed to enhance e-learning, e-government, e-commerce, tele-education, telemedicine and rural telephony [5]. Its features include wide coverage including Africa, the Middle East and some areas in Europe, quality service and multicast technology. Unfortunately, the satellite was deorbited in 2008 following failure due to power exhaustion [19]. Nigeria launched another communication satellite (NigComSat-1R) built in China in 2011. In many respects, it was an improvement on the previous communication satellite, enhancing ‘optimal and cost-effective voice, data, video, internet, and application service/solutions’ [19]. 4. Space policy, NASRDA and Nigeria's space ambitions While Nigeria's entry into the space domain provides prestige and perhaps soft power, the regional power's space ambitions are also informed by the centrality of space technology in achieving socio-economic development. The establishment of the National Space Research and Development Agency in 1999 was a watershed in these ambitions. The National Space Policy was approved in 2001 and the country's first satellite was launched in 2003. The crux of Nigeria's space policy and programme is to enhance sustainable national development through space research and development [5]. The raison d’être of the policy is to catapult Nigeria to self-reliance in space technology development. This entails training Nigerian space engineers and scientists, the optimal use of space for national development, and mobilising space technology to enhance Nigerians' quality of life [19]. Ultimately, the space policy entails fusing space research and development to achieve sustainable national development. Accordingly, the policy focuses on research on earth observation, communication, navigational and meteorological satellites [19]. The emphasis on earth observation and communication satellites can be seen in the existing and de-orbited satellites that have been launched in the country. The following statements are contained in the space policy [21]:

5. Bilateral and multilateral relations International cooperation has been central to space politics since the launch of Sputnik. This was evident in the United Nations' (UN) swift response in the form of an ad hoc committee to coordinate space activities in 1958 [25]. Thus, the UN emerged as the institutional framework for international space cooperation. The establishment of the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space (UNCOPUOS) and its subsidiaries: the Legal Subcommittee and the Scientific and Technical Subcommittee are indications of the importance accorded this initiative. The Outer Space Treaty states that ‘States shall be guided by the principle of cooperation and mutual assistance and shall conduct all their activities in outer space with due regard for the corresponding interests of other States’ [26]. This highlights the centrality of

1) Nigeria shall vigorously pursue the attainment of space capabilities as an essential tool for its socio-economic development and the enhancement of the quality of life of its people. The Nation shall achieve this through research, rigorous education, engineering, development, design and manufacture of appropriate hardware and software in space technology, including transport and payloads, such as satellites, telescopes and antennas for scientific research and applications. 2) Government shall also foster bilateral and international cooperation in all aspects of space science and technology in order to ensure that Nigerian Scientists and Engineers will benefit from global developments in this enterprise.

Table 1 The 25-year road map. Source: Onuh (2012) [24].

NASDRA provides the institutional framework to achieve these objectives. Its programmes focus on enhancing human resources and capacity building; studying the Earth and its environment; space communication applications; radio astronomy education and training and international cooperation in satellite technology and its applications [22]. NASRDA's broad objective is ‘to pursue the development and application of space science and technology for the socio-economic benefit of the nation’. More specifically, it seeks to ‘achieve technological competence in the manufacture and launch of satellites by the

Year

Goal

Goal

2011 2015 2018 2025 2026

Nigeria Sat-2 Training Nigerian Astronauts Developing and building satellites made in the country Development of a Rocketry/Propulsion system Spin-off of Allied industries – Electronics, Software and so on Large scale commercialisation of space technology and know-how Launch of Nigerian Satellites from Nigerian launch pad

Nigeria Sat-X AstroSar

2028 2030

3

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trained engineers successfully developed NigeriaSat-X using SSTL's facilities [23]. However, the UK government was widely criticised by the British public for allegedly providing aid to Nigeria to the tune of around £300 million for its space programme in 2013 and a total of £1.14bn over five years [31]. The then International Development Secretary Justine Greening made vigorous attempts to justify the Nigerian space programme and UK support. For instance, she stated on BBC radio that: … We do expect them to invest in their country as well. The socalled space programme was in fact investment in satellites, weather satellites and for communication … So actually this investment that they're making in the so called “space programme” which is actually satellite technology, some of which actually has been provided by UK companies based in Surrey, is a sensible investment and actually one that we would be expecting them to be making alongside the investment that we make [32]. However, in the face of economic challenges, British politicians climbed on the bandwagon. Matthew Sinclair, chief executive of the TaxPayers' Alliance argued that ‘The Nigerian authorities have been quite clear that they are working towards sending their own astronauts into space within a couple of years, so Justine Greening cannot bat away the public's concerns with talk about weather satellites.’ [32]. Similarly a conservative party MP [33] stated: We cannot go around the world saying “don't worry, we will feed your public for you while you waste your money on all sorts of other projects …” We have got to say to these countries you have got to spend that money on your people where it's most needed not on some grandiose space programme. A UK Independence party MP, Godfrey Bloom pointed out that ‘it was folly to give billions in aid to Bongo Bongo land.’ At a press conference in Abuja Professor Seidu Mohammed, Director General of NASDRA denied that the agency received aid from the UK to finance its space programme, but emphasised the commercial relations between Nigeria and SSTL [34]. This incident should serve as a wakeup call to Nigeria to expedite its space human capacity programme and its goal of self-reliance in space science and technology. This would ensure less reliance on other countries. Nonetheless, the British role in Nigeria's space programme is remarkable evident in the construction of satellites and training of Nigerian engineers as earlier presented. China has also emerged as an important partner in Nigeria's space ambitions. The de-orbited NigcomSat-1 and its replacement NigComSat-1R were built by a Chinese state-owned company Great Wall Corporation [19]. Although NigcomSat-1 was de-orbited less than two years after it was launched, it provided a platform to train 55 Nigerians in communication satellite design and operations [5]. Thanks to China's assistance, Nigeria prides itself as the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to own and operate a telecommunications satellite. Abuja aims to establish a satellite telecommunications network utilized by half of the African population. To this end, it signed an agreement with the China Great Wall Industry Corporation in March 2016 to launch two satellites [35]. Among other economic and political considerations, the strong, symbiotic relations between China and Nigeria, rest on the former's insatiable interest in the latter's oil, and Nigeria's quest to become a significant space actor in the international arena. It is also worth noting that China's assistance to Nigeria's space activities is part of its broader commitment to being one of the leading actors in the world's elite space club. This is evident in its assistance to other states such as Venezuela, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Iran, Pakistan, Peru and Thailand [36]. Russia has also played its part. The launch of Nigeria's first Earth Observation Satellite (NigeriaSat-1) in a Russian space port, Plesetsk Cosmodrome kick started Nigeria's space exploration. NASRDA and the Russian Space Agency also signed an agreement to enhance Nigeria's capacity to launch its first satellite in space between 2015 and 2018 [37]. Nigeria's collaboration with some of the major players in outer space has given it somewhat of an advantage over other African

cooperation in the use of outer space. States are also expected to abide by international law including the principles of the UN Charter in their use of outer space. The adoption of UN resolutions 45/72 and 50/27 in 1990 and 1995, respectively led to the creation of four regional centres for space and technology education. While one each was established for Asia-Pacific, Latin America and the Caribbean, two were established in Africa, in Morocco and Nigeria [17,27]. The Moroccan centre serves 13 French-speaking African countries. In Nigeria, the African Regional Centre for Space Science and Technology Education (ARCSSTE – E) is hosted by the Obafemi Awolowo University Ile-Ife and serves 15 English-speaking African countries: Cameroon, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Gambia, Kenya, Liberia, Malawi, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Sudan, Uganda, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe [27]. The university also hosts the Regional Centre for Training in Aerospace Surveys (RECTAS) established in 1972 under the auspices of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) which trains Africans in the science and technology of geospatial information. In addition, the United Nations Space-based Information for Disaster Management and Emergency Response (UN-SPIDER) that seeks to sensitise the global community on the utility of space in disaster management has its regional support offices in Nigeria, South Africa and Algeria [27]. Thus, Nigeria is a significant regional player in UN activities relating to space technology. It participates actively in the UNCOPUOS and the Group on Earth Observation. At the regional level, in concert with South Africa, Algeria and Kenya, Nigeria established the African Resource Management (ARM) satellite constellation project. Each country is required to contribute one satellite to the constellation and is given access to the others [23]. This constellation has the potential to make a significant contribution to member states' national space programmes. While South Africa and Algeria are still in the process of building the satellites they will contribute to the project, Nigeria has stated that NigSat-2 will be part of the constellation [28]. This signifies Nigeria's leadership in the realm of space exploration in Africa. Given the fact that NigSat-2 is almost at the end of its lifespan, it will be interesting to see if Nigeria will consider NigSat-3 for the constellation. It is noteworthy that the first agreement between the ARM member states was signed in 2009, before South Africa and Kenya established their space agencies [28]. Another important regional initiative is the African Leadership Conference on Space Science and Technology for Sustainable Development (ALC). The conference provides an avenue for African space experts to share technical know-how and capacity to enhance the significance of space technology for Africa's sustainable development [23]. Given these developments, African leaders have toyed with the idea of establishing an African Space Agency. For instance, at the 2009 IAA African Regional Conference in Nigeria, participants discussed the significance of such an agency. However, they decided that national space policies need to be more advanced for such a regional agency to take off [29]. At the bilateral level, more often than not, states seek the cooperation of other states in developing their space programme in order to benefit from their technological know-how and thus augment their capacity [17]. Nigeria has always striven to strengthen its bilateral relations to advance its space programme. Its relations with China, Britain and Russia and to a lesser extent France are relevant in this regard. In recent years, France has shown interest in collaborating with Nigeria. At the presentation of a draft cooperation agreement to the Nigerian Minister of Science and Technology Ogbonnaya Onu in Abuja, the French Ambassador to Nigeria, Denys Gauer stated that science and technology would be fundamental in Nigeria's development and that France was interested in collaborating with the country, especially in its space activities [30]. The UK has played a notable role in the development of Nigeria's space programme. NigeriaSat-1 and NigeriaSat-2 were built by SSTL. In terms of the agreement with this company, the organisation committed to enhancing Nigeria's capacity building by training Nigerian engineers in the development of satellites. These 4

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countries in this region [41]. Pretoria has established space-related facilities and centres such as the South African Astronomical Observatory (SAAO), Hartebeeshoek Radio Observatory (HartRAO), the Satellite Application Centre (SAC), Hermanus Magnetic Observatory (HMO), National Astrophysics and Space Science (NASSP) and the High Energy Stereoscopic System (HESS). The locally manufactured South African ZaCube-2 is scheduled for launch in mid-2018 from a launch site in India. In terms of telescopes, the South African Large Telescope (SALT) is the largest in Africa. South Africa and Australia own one of the most sophisticated radio telescopes in the world, the Square Kilometre Array (SKA), with extended facilities in Ghana, Kenya, Botswana, Mauritius, Madagascar, Mozambique, Namibia, Zambia and New Zealand [39]. While African states have not utilized space technology to significantly enhance their military capacity, South Africa's Condor-E2 remains the sole military satellite on the continent [39]. To achieve its space ambitions, South Africa has established relations with countries such as the US, Germany, France, the UK, Italy, Ukraine, Turkey, Indonesia, Japan, India, Russia and Brazil. It has also established relations with African countries including Nigeria, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt and Kenya [44]. Algeria established its space agency, the Agence Spatiale Algerienne (Asal) in 2002 and launched microsatellites in the 2000s and an earth observation satellite with the assistance of India in 2010 [42]. AlSat-1, Al-Sat 2A and Al-Sat 2B (all earth observation satellites) were launched in 2000, 2010 and 2016 in that order. The Northern African country has a 15-year road map that seeks to reinvigorate space technology and technical know-how through establishing a Satellite Development Centre (CDS), a Satellite Applications Centre (CAS), a Telecommunications Satellite Operations Centre (CEST), and a Doctoral School of Space Technologies and Applications (EDTAS) and building more earth observation satellites (Alsat-3 and Alsat-4) as well as a communication one (Alcomsat-1) [41,44]. With the aid of Ukraine, Egypt launched its first satellite, EgyptSat-1 in 2007, following the launch of two communication satellites, Nilesat-101 and Nilesat-102 in 1998 and 2000, respectively [45]. Russia is an important player in Egypt's space programme. It assisted the African state to build an observation satellite, EgyptSat-2 in 2014 to provide valuable high-resolution imagery to the military and other government agencies. Russia seemingly offered training to Egyptian engineers to operate the satellite from a ground station in Egypt [46]. The satellite has a life span of 11 years. However, there were reports in 2015 that were neither confirmed nor denied by the authorities that the satellite failed or had control problems [46]. While unsubstantiated, they have to be taken seriously in light of the secrecy that followed the loss of contact with EgyptSat-1 in 2010. This information was withheld from the public by Egyptian officials for three months until it was leaked [46]. There are also rumours that Moscow will play a role in the establishment of an Egyptian space agency and the proposed launch of a radar satellite by 2020 [47]. In late 2016, the Egyptian cabinet approved a draft law on the establishment of a space agency. Also with the assistance of Russia in its manufacturing, Egypt is expected to launch EgyptSat-A in 2019. Other new African entrants to the elite club of space faring countries include Ghana and Kenya that started to show serious commitment to space exploration in 2012, evident in the establishment of the Space Science and Technology Centre and the commencement of a space programme, respectively [48]. This vigour yielded result with the launch of GhanaSat-1 in June 2017 [39]. AngoSat 1, the first Angolan communication satellite built by Russia was launched in 2017. Clearly, South Africa in particular, and to a lesser extent Algeria and Egypt, seems to have an advantage over Nigeria in terms of launch pads and observatories. Nigeria's relative edge on its contemporaries is evident in its space ambitions, its robust bilateral relations and its leadership role in space-related international forums. The regional power's space ambitions are global in nature and dwarf those of other African states. For instance, South Africa's space ambitions seem to be limited to the regional level, Algeria's 15-year programme seeks to enhance

countries, including South Africa. While South Africa has relied heavily on home grown space technologies, Nigeria has benefitted from its engagement with the key players in two significant ways. First, it expedited its space development and second, it enhanced Nigeria's capacity building. This is evident in the development and launching of its satellites in China, Russia and the UK, the successful launch of the Nigerian-made satellite under the auspices of the UK satellite firm, the quest to build a home-grown satellite and its ambition to send a Nigerian astronaut to space. 6. Space and Nigeria's hegemony in Africa There is no consensus among scholars on whether or not reference can be made to a regional hegemon in Africa. This is due to the fact that no state enjoys preponderance in all the major components of power. However, scholars seem to agree that Nigeria and South Africa are better placed to fill this position. Nigeria's regional hegemonic credentials largely stem from its economic capability as the largest economy on the continent and its military arsenal, particularly its peace keeping role in Africa and beyond. On the other hand, South Africa's soft power and what Alden and Schoeman (2015) [38] describe as its ‘symbolic representativity’ in BRICS, IBSA and the G20 as the only African member are significant. In the realm of outer space, can a case be made for Nigeria's edge? In other words, does Nigeria's advancement in space science and technology fortify its hegemonic credentials in Africa? It is instructive to note that Nigeria does not claim to have hegemonic aspirations in its space policy or broader foreign policy. However, as highlighted earlier, it has acted as a hegemon in several instances, such as its peace keeping missions, provision of public goods on the continent and its activities in the United Nations. Thus, the fact that it is not a clearly stated goal in its space and foreign policy in general does not preclude Nigeria from playing a hegemonic role on the continent. Prys (2009:201) [8] notes that ‘most of the time, the acceptance of a hegemon is rather founded on utility or necessity, but, above all, on the secondary states’ realization of their own weaknesses.’ In the light of this, the material preponderance of states like Nigeria and South Africa conditions them to act hegemonically, despite the fact that they do not clearly define this role in their foreign policy objectives. It should be noted that interest has been expressed in space technology across the African continent. This is evident in the successful launch of satellites into orbit in states such as Nigeria, South Africa, Algeria, Egypt and Morocco, various kinds of telescopes for astronomical observations in Nigeria, South Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia and Namibia, sounding rocket launch programmes in Nigeria, Algeria, Libya and Congo, and orbital launch pads in South Africa and Kenya [39]. Ghana, Botswana, Madagascar, Mozambique and Zambia also have space facilities and 44 states are members of the Regional African Satellite Communication Organisation (RASCOM) [39]. South Africa's advancement in its ballistic missile programme during the apartheid era was instrumental in its development of satellite and space launchers [40]. South Africa launched four satellites, SunSat; Sumbandila-Sat (launched from Kazakhstan); a nano-satellite ZACUBE-1 (launched by the Cape Peninsula University of Technology, South Africa) and the Kondor-E satellite built by Russia in 1999, 2009, 2013 and 2015, respectively [41]. However, 2009 marked a watershed in South Africa's space exploration with the adoption of the country's Space Policy, the subsequent establishment of the South African National Space Agency (SANSA) and the launch of the first governmentbuilt satellite, Sumbandila-Sat [42]. SunSat was built by staff and students at Stellenbosch University. It is important to note that Sunsat and Sumbandila-Sat are the first satellites to be wholly built in Africa [43]. Data from those satellites have been useful for service delivery projects, town planning, and weather and radar imagery for the South African military. More importantly, as the most sophisticated space agency in Southern African, SANSA has been a significant provider of disaster monitoring and post-disaster assessment including fires and floods to 5

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(2013) [51] notes that: ‘As far as the African space race goes, so far Nigeria is winning’. While Allison seeks to explain Nigeria's relative edge in some respects, there is no clear evidence of space race among African states. It is worth noting that the ALC objectives include:

capacity by creating space centres and building a communication centre, and the Egyptian space programme has been dealt a serious blow due to a lack of political will and economic constraints. However, Nigeria seeks to send an astronaut to space and launch an indigenous satellite from a launch pad in the country by 2030. If successful, this would be the first by any African country and Nigeria would join the elite few states that have achieved this feat, notably Russia, the US and China. In terms of spending on space programmes, in 2014, Nigeria spent $66 million, Algeria accounted for $45 million, South Africa invested $31 million, Congo spent $26 million and Angola committed $17 million [39]. As preceding sections have shown, Nigeria has made remarkable progress since the launch of its first satellite. In the words of the Minister of Science and Technology, Ogbonnaya Onu, ‘Space is a major asset that Nigeria must be involved in for the purpose of protecting national interests’ [49]. While the dates proposed on the road map appear to be overambitious, particularly given the fact that Nigeria could not meet its target of producing an astronaut by 2015 and in light of on-going economic challenges, the success recorded thus far suggests that the country's space ambitions should not be disregarded. In the words of Professor Calestous Juma, an expert in the space programme at the Harvard Kennedy School, Nigeria's space programme entails a ‘“lofty ambition” that may or may not happen as planned’ [49]. What is important is that the country's space programme has the tendency to have a meaningful impact on its scientific, technological and economic advancement. Given, its regional position on the continent, and other African countries' increased interest in space technology, Nigeria could well serve as a role model for its African counterparts. Achieving its ambition to launch a manned mission would play a key role in reinforcing Nigeria's regional hegemonic credentials and could ignite the interest of hitherto ambivalent countries on the continent in the significance of space technology in Africa's development. Human spaceflight provides heroic stories that attract the attention of the public as opposed to robotic spaceflight [50]. Aside from the prestige of human spaceflight, its advantage also lies in human capability to engage in field exploration and to install or sustain scientific instruments that robots cannot handle [50]. This would enable Nigeria to assert itself as one of the dominant players in Africa in solving the problems of the continent through space science and technology. Valanathan Munsami, a specialist on Astronomy and African Space Science at the South African Department of Science and Technology argues that the achievement of 35 of the 40 objectives of the AU Agenda 2063 will depend on space technology. Thus, Nigeria is positioned to be the leading actor in placing Africa on a developmental path. While it must be acknowledged that South Africa is a major player in the space domain in the context of Africa, as Simon Allison, a South African journalist puts it ‘Our talents are in other areas. The South African National Space Agency concentrates on developing systems for satellites, maintaining state of the art ground station facilities and data analysis’ [51]. Nigeria prides itself on the fact that it is the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to own and operate a telecommunications satellite [35]. Nigeria's leadership in space science and technology on the continent is also evident in its role in the UNCOPUS and the African Leadership Conference on Space Science and Technology and its support for the establishment of the African Space Agency. Under the auspices of the UN, Nigeria hosts the ARCSSTE – E and RECTAS that provide space-based science and technology education for Africans. It was the first country to contribute its satellite towards the achievement of the objectives of the ARM satellite constellation project and the creation of the ALC was proposed by the Nigerian delegation at the UNCOPUOS in 2004 [28]. It is clear that Nigeria has been able to use its clout to enhance the knowledge of other African countries through UNbacked centres and has provided space-based initiatives towards the development of its region. This paints the image of a benign regional power that is concerned about addressing the socio-economic challenges that confront its region. It is perhaps for this reason that Allison

1) To raise awareness among African leaders of the importance of space science and technology; 2) To provide a regular forum for the exchange of information among African countries about their space activities; and 3) To enhance intra-African cooperation in the development and applications of space technology. In sum, the conference's objective is to enhance education and cooperation in the use and application of space science and technology. Despite Nigeria's relative edge, it is willing to share its technology and technical knowhow with other African countries. To this end, the conference has been held biennially across the African continent in Nigeria (West Africa) in 2005, South Africa (Southern Africa) in 2007, Algeria (North Africa) in 2009, Kenya (East Africa) in 2011, Ghana (West Africa) in 2013 and Egypt (North Africa) in 2015. 7. Conclusion This article revealed that Nigeria has carved a niche for itself through its space diplomacy. Abuja's status has been enhanced by its space-related activities, evident in its role in forums such as UNCOPOUS, ARM, ALC and its relations with global powers and other African states. Indeed, Nigeria has become an important actor, which could possibly provide space inspired solutions to Africa's problems. Abuja will be able to play a meaningful role in this regard if it is able to achieve its ultimate ambition of a manned mission to outer space launched from Nigerian soil. While the article highlights South Africa and to a lesser extent Egypt, Algeria and Congo's edge on Nigeria's space capability, particularly in terms of launchers and observatories, it notes that Nigeria has the advantage in terms of robust bilateral and multilateral relations and its space ambitions. To this end, Nigeria's space exploration provides a fillip to its regional hegemonic credentials that have hitherto largely hinged on its economic and military capabilities. References [1] O. Agboola, Space system and engineering in Africa: Nigeria as a case study, The 4th African Leadership Conference on Space Science and Technology for Sustainable Development, Mombasa, Kenya, 26–28 September 2011, 2011. [2] J. Akinyede, G. Agbaje, Nigeria's satellite data utilisation for sustainable development, ISPRS Commission VII Mid-term Symposium “Remote Sensing: from Pixels to Processes”, Enschede, the Netherlands, 8–11 May 2006, 2006. [3] G. Agbaje, Nigeria in space – an impetus for rapid mapping of the country for sustainable development planning, FIG Congress 2010 Facing the Challenges – Building the Capacity, Sydney, Australia, 11–16 April 2010, 2010. [4] C. Ogunyemi, Digital literacy and space technology in Nigeria, J. Space Technol. 1 (2012) 53–56. [5] R. Boroffice, The Nigerian space programme: an update, Afr. Ski. 12 (2008) 40–45. [6] L. Adetoro, O. Aro, Nigeria space programs, IFAC Workshop on Aerospace Guidance, Navigation and Flight Control Systems, AGNFCS 2009, Samara, Russia, June 30–July 2, 2009, 2009. [7] D. Nolte, How to compare regional powers: analytical concepts and research topics, Rev. Int. Stud. 36 (2010) 893. [8] M. Prys, Regional hegemon or regional Bystander: South Africa's Zimbabwe policy 2000–2005, Politikon 36 (2009) 193–218. [9] A. Fawole, Nigeria's External Relations and Foreign Policy under Military Rule, 1966-1999, Ile-Ife: Obafemi Awolowo University Press Ltd, 2003; (a) A. Habib, South Africa's foreign policy: hegemonic aspirations, neoliberal orientations and global transformation, S. Afr. J. Int. Afr. 16 (2009) 143–159; (b) A. Adebajo, Hegemony on a shoestring: Nigeria's post-cold war foreign policy, in: A. Adebajo, A. Mustapha (Eds.), Gulliver's Troubles: Nigeria's Foreign Policy after the Cold War, University of Kwazulu-Natal Press, Kwazulu-Natal, 2008, pp. 1–37. [10] O. Tella, Attractions and limitations of Nigeria's soft power, J. Global Anal. 7 (2017)

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