Strategic environmental policy and intrenational trade

Journal of Public Economics 54 (1994) 325-338. North-Holland

Strategic environmental international trade

policy and

Scott Barrett* Faculty of Economics, London Business School, Sussex Place, Regent’s Park, London NW1 4SA, UK and Centre for Social and Economic Research on the Global Environment, University College London, Gower Street, London WCIE 6BT, UK

Received April 1992, final version received September 1992

This paper demonstrates that governments may have incentives to impose weak environmental standards on industries that compete for business in imperfectly competitive international markets, where ‘weak’ means that the marginal cost of abatement is less than the marginal damage from pollution. However, such an intervention is not as efficient as an export or R&D subsidy in improving competitiveness, and depending on the form of competition and market structure, it may instead be optimal for governments to impose strong environmental standards, where ‘strong’ means that the marginal cost of abatement exceeds the marginal environmental damage. The existence of less strict environmental standards in a lower income country standards are ‘too . . . is not a sufficient basis for claiming that the environmental low’ or that the country is manipulating its environmental standards in order to improve the competitiveness of its producers. To substantiate such a claim, it would be necessary at the very least to demonstrate that the standards are even lower than would be expected on the basis of such factors as the level of per capita income and the characteristics of the physical environment. Clearly, that would be very difficult to do. Moreover, the charge might also be aimed at highly developed countries in which stringent environmental standards may have been adopted in some areas but where, because of competitiveness considerations, governments have shied away from high standards in others. [GATT (1992, p. 29)].

1. Introduction Concern

free trade, competitive

that environmental policy may not only interfere with but in some instances may be purposefully designed to confer advantage upon the home country industry at the expense of

is growing

Correspondence to: Scott Barrett, Associate Professor, Faculty of Economics, London Business School, Sussex Place, Regent’s Park, London NW1 4SA, UK. *I am grateful to Paul Geroski, Michael Hoel, David Pearce, Candice Stevens and two anonymous reviewers for commenting on an earlier version of this paper. 0047-2727/94/$07X1

0

1994 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved

SSDI 0047-2727(93)01382-K

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competitive disadvantage abroad.’ As an example, a recent article appearing in the European edition of the Wall Street Journal (8 July 1991) reports that U.S. environmental policy, as devised by the Environmental Protection Agency, has in some instances been modified to accommodate concerns expressed by the White House Council on Competitiveness. Such interventions are potentially worrying, not only because they may worsen environmental quality, but also because they cannot be challenged under the GATT,’ and hence may inspire offended countries to retaliate by changing their standards or by imposing countervailing duties on imports.3 Are the incentives to distort environmental standards for reasons of competitiveness quantitatively important? They may be in some cases4 but recent empirical work is ambivalent on the related question of whether sectoral trade flows are affected by environmental standards. Low and Yeats (1992) find that environmentally ‘dirty’ industries have migrated over the last two decades towards lower income countries where environmental standards are weaker. Lucas et al. (1992) find that stricter regulation of pollutionintensive production in the OECD countries ‘has led to significant locational displacement, with consequent acceleration of industrial pollution intensity in developing countries’. However, Grossman and Krueger (1992) find that the sectoral pattern of trade between the United States and Mexico has not been influenced by pollution abatement costs in U.S. industry. Several earlier studies support the view that the link between trade flows and environmental standards is weak, or non-existent [Dean (1992)]. Recent theoretical papers consider related questions of strategy.5 Ulph (1992), using a three-stage model in which governments choose environmental policies (to meet a fixed environmental target) in the first stage and firms choose capital stocks and output levels in the second and third stages, shows that if governments behave strategically, they will want to impose quantity

‘For discussions of this issue, see Grimmett (1991), Reistein (1991), WhaIIey (1991), Anderson and Blackhurst (1992), GATT (1992), Low (1992), Pearce (1992) and The Economist (30 May 1992). ‘In the words of the GATT (1992, p. 23): ‘Generally speaking, a country can do anything to imports or exports that it does to its own products, and it can do anything it considers necessary to its own production processes’. sit is this last possibility that worries the GATT most. Using uncharacteristically strong language, the GATT (1992, p. 30) argues: ‘To allow each contracting party unilaterally to impose special duties against whatever it objects to among domestic policies of other contracting parties would risk an eventual descent into chaotic trade conditions similar to those that plagued the 1930s’. 4Grossman and Krueger (1992, p. 22) cite a survey by the U.S. General Accounting ORice, ‘suggesting that a few American furniture manufacturers may have moved their operations to Mexico in response to the State of California’s tightening of air pollution control standards for paint coatings and solvents’. ‘The literature on trade and the environment is large, and growing. For recent surveys, see Cropper and Oates (1992) and Dean (1992).

S. Barrett, Strategic environmental policy and international trade

327

standards rather than pollution taxes [see also Rauscher (1991)]. The reason, roughly, is that quantity standards allow firms to commit to producing lower output levels, and hence to earn higher protits.6 Markusen et al. (1992) also employ a stage game to consider whether governments might want to distort their environmental policies in order to influence the location decision of a single polluting firm. They show that governments may compete by weakening environmental policy in order to attract investment, or by strengthening policy in order to induce the firm to locate elsewhere. Finally, Copeland (1990a), again employing a stage game, shows that countries may wish to ‘overinvest’ or ‘underinvest’ in activities that affect the costs and benefits of exploiting a shared resource (a fishery). For example, if enhancement of fish stocks by one country lowers harvesting costs more for its fishermen than its rivals’ fishermen, then the effect of the investment may be to decrease harvesting effort by rivals, to the benefit of the home country. In a related paper, Copeland (1990b) shows that a similar result can be obtained for transboundary pollution when governments choose R&D in pollution control as well as pollution levels.’ This paper considers the strategic role of environmental policy from a different perspective. Unlike Ulph (1992), this paper is not concerned with the choice of policy instrument, and solves endogenously for the environmental target. Unlike Markusen et al. (1992), this paper is not concerned with the location decisions of firms, but with the competitiveness of existing industries (as determined by their ability to commit to output and price levels). Unlike Copeland (1990a, b), in this paper the interdependence that exists between countries is transmitted not through a shared resource (here, environmental damage is strictly local), but through competition in international markets. Unlike all of the above papers, this one also considers alternative market structures and alternative forms of industry competition. The basic model employed is a stage game involving two governments and their respective industries, which sell all their output in a third market. Governments move first by choosing environmental standards for their own firms. Firms take these standards as given and compete by choosing either output levels or prices. It is assumed that environmental damage is local, and that the governments of consumer countries have no means of influencing ‘Copeland (1992) provides a richer model of the strategic implications of taxes versus standards under various forms of imperfect competition, but does not consider the international dimension. Markusen et al. (1991) analyze the effect of taxes on the location decisions of tirms under imperfect competition. ‘Oates and Schwab (1988) also find that it may be optimal for governments to set ‘weak’ or ‘strong’ standards, but not for strategic reasons. Employing public choice theory, they show that government officials may want to impose weak environmental standards in order to attract capital investment. Assuming a median-voter rule and a heterogeneous population, environmental standards could be either weak or strong, depending on whether the majority of the population preferred to tax or subsidize capital.

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environmental standards in producer countries. This last assumption is entirely consistent with the GATT [see Pearce (1992)]. The paper shows that if the domestic industry is a monopoly, the foreign industry is imperfectly competitive, and industrial competition is Cournot, then the domestic government has an incentive to set a weak environmental standard, where ‘weak’ means that the marginal cost of abatement is less than the marginal damage from pollution. However, this conclusion hinges on the inability of the domestic firm to act like a Stackelberg leader, and on the inability of the domestic government to employ industrial policy for the same strategic purpose. What is more, if the domestic industry is an oligopoly, then the incentive to impose weak environmental standards is diminished, and it may even become attractive to impose strong environmental standards, where ‘strong’ means that marginal abatement costs exceed the associated marginal environmental damage. If firms compete in prices rather than quantities, then strategic considerations will favor strong standards, whatever the structure of the domestic industry. The conclusion that strategy may demand either weak or strong environmental standards is reminiscent of the results obtained by Copeland (1990a, b) and Markusen et al. (1992) but arises for quite different reasons, These theoretical findings are as ambivalent as those appearing in the empirical literature. Taken together, they suggest that the incentives for governments to behave strategically in devising environmental policy are limited. Competitiveness may be more effectively enhanced by improving the efficiency of non-strategic environmental policy, which is exactly what economists have long argued [Cropper and Oates (1992)].

2. Unilateral

strategic environmental

policy

Denote the domestic firm’s output by q1 and the foreign firm’s output by and let C’(q’) be firm i’s production cost function. Denoting derivatives by subscripts, assume Ci>O. Total revenues are R’(q’,q*). Assuming that the two outputs are substitutes, R: ~0. Abatement costs depend on the level of output and the emission standard, which is set by government. Denote the by e*. The domestic emission standard by e’ and the foreign standard abatement cost function for firm i is A’(q’, e’), with Ai 20, ALSO, and ~$50. If the emission standards are binding, then all of these inequalities are likely to hold strictly. Assume that this is the case. Each firm chooses its output taking as given both the rival’s output and the emission standard set by government. Formally, letting xi denote firm i’s profits, the following optimization problem is solved: q*,

max rci = R’(q’, q2) - C’(q’) -A’(q’, 4’

e’).

(1)

S. Barrett, Strategic environmental policy and international trade

The Nash equilibrium

quantities,

given emission

standards

329

ei, are determined

by +Rj-+A$(). Second-order

(2)

conditions

nii=Rii -

for a maximum

are

C;, - Ai < 0.

(3)

Also assume Rij < 0.

and

(4)

1 7c117r;2-7r:&

>o.

(5)

Conditions (4) ensure that the reaction functions are downward sloping. Condition (5) ensures stability. The domestic and foreign governments choose their emission standards ei so as to maximize their respective net benefits, NB’ and NB2. Recalling that firm i’s output is not consumed within country i, the maximization problem may be stated formally as max NB’ = ni(ql, q2, e’) -D’(2),

(6)

e’

where D’(e’) is the (purely local) environmental damage suffered by country i; Dk 20. If the emission standards are binding, it is likely that these inequalities will hold strictly. Assume that this is the case. The first-order conditions are NBL=-&D;=O,

and the corresponding NB;,

Stability

(7) second-order

(8)

requires

NBiiNBj,NBjj

(7)

are

= - A;, - D;, < 0.

NBjiNBk,-NBi,NBbi

Eq.

conditions

can

environmentally

>0

+ NBijNBjiNB’,,

(9) - NB;,NBjjNB’,,

>O.

(10)

rewritten as d’ =c#f(qi). Define these schedules as the optimal emission standards (EOSs). These standards obey the

be

usual optimality rule in environmental economics: pollution is reduced to the level where the marginal damage caused by the pollution (Da) just equals the

330

S. Barrett, Strategic

enuironmental

policy and international

trade

marginal cost of abatement (-AL). These schedules may vary depending on environmental assimilative capacities, incomes, preferences, and abatement costs. The domestic firm can earn higher profits if it can commit to producing a higher level of output compared with the Nash equilibrium. While the firm cannot make such a commitment credible, its government may do so on its behalf by departing from the EOS. Suppose, then, that the domestic government solves (6) subject to (2) and eq. (7) for country 2. Then we have the first-order condition rr:dq’/de’

+ z:(dq2/dq’)(dq1/de’)

+ NB,’ = 0.

(11)

Upon substitution, (11) can be written as 5’ = (‘(ql). Define .?’ as country l’s strategically optimal emission standard (SOS). We know that the domestic firm will set rr: =O. However, the second term in (11) may be positive, in which case the dometic government would want to choose an emission standard (for given ql) at which the marginal damage of pollution exceeds the marginal cost of abatement. Proposition 1 establishes that this is indeed the case. Proposition 1.

The SOS is weaker than the EOS (2’ >E’ for q1 given).

Proof: By assumption, R:
To sign dq2/dq’,

totally

NBzede2 = - NBz2dq2, NB$,dq’ Combining

+ NBz,dq’+

(12) NBs,de2 = 0.

( 12) and (13) and rearranging

(13)

yields

dq*/dq’ =( - NB;,NB;J(NB;,NB&

- NB;,NBz2).

By (9), the denominator of (14) is positive. By (4), NB:, ~0, and NBie
+ NB:,dq2+

NB:,de’

(15) and substituting

dq’/de’

differen-

= [NB:,(NBz,NB& + NB;,NB&NB;,

=O.

(14) by (S),

(15)

(14) yields - NB~,NB~,)]/(NB:,NB:,NB$ - NB:,NB$,NB&).

(16)

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S. Barrett, Strategic environmental policy and international trade

q*

I Domestic

firm’s

reaction

functions

Foreign

firm’s

reaction

function

Fig. 1. Strategic

environmental

policy

NB:,>O if the standard is binding. The term in brackets in the numerator of (16) is positive by (9), and the denominator is positive by (10). Hence dq’/de’ > 0. Since rc: ~0 and dq’/dq’ ~0, eq. (11) implies NB: ~0, or -A,'
332

S. Barrett, Strategic

environmental

policy and international

trade

(1985) analysis of export subsidies. However, in contrast to these analyses of industrial policy, strategic environmental policy does not make the domestic firm a de facto Stackelberg leader - that is, if the domestic firm were a Stackelberg leader, it would produce an even greater level of output than is optimal under the SOS. Proposition 2. The SOS does not make the domestic firm a de facto Stackelberg leader. If the domestic firm is a Stackelberg leader, then the domestic government does not have an incentive to behave strategically. Domestic net benefits are higher when the domestic firm is a Stackelberg leader and the domestic government chooses the EOS than when the domestic firm plays Cournot and the domestic government chooses the SOS. Proof. If the domestic firm is a Stackelberg leader, the foreign firm a follower, and neither government behaves strategically, then the equilibrium is defined by rc: + rr:dq2/dq’

= 0,

with NBZ = 0,

(17)

plus eqs. (2) and (7) for i=2. If the domestic government imposes the foreign government imposes the EOS, and both firms compete then the equilibrium is defined by n:dq2/dq’

+ NB,‘de’/dq’

= 0,

the SOS, Cournot,

with rc: = 0,

(18)

plus eqs. (2) and (7) for i=2. The first part of the proposition is proved by noting that (17) and (18) are different. To prove the second part of the proposition, notice that if the domestic firm were a Stackelberg leader, and the domestic government behaved strategically, the equilibrium would be defined by (rc: fn~dq2/dq’)dq’/de’

+ NB: =O,

with rc: + n:dq2/dq’

=O,

(19)

plus eqs. (2) and (7) for i= 2. Eq. (19) implies NB,’ =O, which defines the EOS. To prove the final point of the proposition, suppose the domestic government could choose both q1 and el. Then the equilibrium would be defined by rc: + rr:dq2/dq’,

with NB: =0,

(20)

plus eqs. (2) and (7) for i= 2. But (20) is identical from (18). 0 In

the

Spencer

and

Brander

(1983)

and

to (17), which is different

Brander

and

Spencer

(1985)

S. Barrett, Strategic

environmental

policy and international

333

trade

models, the optimal export and R&D subsidies move the industry equilibrium to the Stackelberg point: ‘The government does for the domestic firm what the firm cannot do for itself’ [Spencer and Brander (1983, p. 714)]. Strategic environmental policy moves the industry equilibrium closer to the Stackelberg point, but it is not optimal for the domestic government to reach that point. In fig. 1, point 2 is the equilibrium where the domestic government imposes the SOS, while point 3 is the equilibrium where the domestic firm is the Stackelberg leader and its government imposes the EOS. The reason for this result is that weaker environmental standards offer an ‘implicit subsidy’, but one that is costly; society suffers because the subsidy worsens domestic pollution. Export and R&D subsidies are not costly to society; they simply transfer resources from the domestic government to domestic industry. Indeed, it can be shown that if the domestic government could subsidize production or exports directly, it would have no incentive to depart from the EOS.”

3. Bilateral strategic environmental

policy

If the domestic firm’s government has an incentive to behave strategically, so would the foreign firm’s Suppose, then, that each government chooses its environmental standard, taking as given the foreign government’s environmental standard, but recognizing how this choice will affect the industry equilibrium. Then we have Proposition 3. The Nash environmental policy equilibrium involves both exporting countries choosing SOSs that are weaker than their respective EOSs. Proof The Nash environmental policy equilibrium which defines the domestic government’s SOS, and rr:(dq’/dq2)/(dq2/de2) which setting

Substituting yields

by (2), (ll),

+ NB,‘=O,

defines the foreign government’s de2 = 0 and substituting yields dq2/dq’ = -&/n:,

is defined

and

(21) SOS.

Totally

dq’/de’=(n~2n~J/(rr~2rc~l

(22) into (11) and repeating

the process

“‘If the domestic government could choose both e’ and values the optimal must satisfy sl, (?L: -s+nidq*/dq’)dq’/de’ +NBb =O. It is easy to show parentheses must equal zero. That means NB: must equal

differentiating

(2),

-rc:,&).

(22)

for the foreign

country

a domestic export/production subsidy (n; -~+n;dq~/dq’)dq’/ds’ =0 and that dql/ds’ >O. Hence, the term in zero, which defines the EOS.

334

S. Barrett, Strategic

emironmental

policy and international

trade

q*

Domestic

firm’s

reaction

functions

Foreign

firm’s

reaction

functions

q’ Fig. 2. Nash environmental

NB6 =(NBjNB::iNBi,)/(NBijNBfi

policy equilibria.

- NB#ljj).

(23)

Hence, the Nash environmental policy equilibrium is the solution to (23) and (2). It is easy to verify that our assumptions imply NBi
4. Strategic environmental

policy for oligopolistic

industries

Would these results hold for a domestic oligopoly? It seems that they might not. If the foreign industry were perfectly competitive, and the domestic industry oligopolistic, domestic profits could be increased if domestic output were lowered. Hence, the domestic government would have an incentive to impose strong environmental standards unilaterally. When there is imperfectly competitive foreign competition, this incentive must be

335

S. Barrett, Strategic environmental policy and international trade

balanced against the incentive to impose weak environmental order to shift profits away from foreign rivals. To formalize these points, suppose the domestic industry producers, the kth of which has profit function

standards consists

in of n

rck= Rk(q, q2) - Ck(qk) - Ak(qk, ek), where q is a vector of n output levels, qk is k’s output and ek is k’s emission standard. For simplicity, it can be assumed that the foreign producer’s industry is a monopoly, and produces output q2 as before. If the foreign industry were oligopolistic, the results would not change substantively; all that matters is that the foreign rival industry respond to changes in the output of the domestic industry.” The domestic government has net benefit function

NB’=

7ck-Dl(e),

i k=l

where e is a vector

of domestic

emission

levels. The EOS for firm k is given

by -aAk aek

an’+ aek

The SOS must satisfy

(24) The second term in (24) indicates the contribution to net benefits of the shift in profits from the foreign to the domestic industry. If reaction functions are downward sloping and all goods are substitutes, this term will be positive. What is substantially different about eq. (24) is the last term, which captures the effect of changes in k’s emission standard on the profitability of the other domestic firms. If one domestic firm’s output is a substitute for another’s, this term will be negative. Hence, eq. (24) implies: Proposition 4. Where the domestic industry is oligopolistic, the SOSs may be either weaker or stronger than the EOSs.

“If the foreign industry is perfectly competitive and the domestic industry faces a downwardsloping demand curve, the SOS will be stronger than the EOS. Under these conditions, profits cannot be shifted away from the foreign industry, but strong standards limit domestic production and hence increase domestic industry protits.

336

S. Barrett, Strfftegic environmental policy and international trade

Proposition 4 holds for both unilateral policy equilibrium.

5. Strategic environmental

policies

and the Nash

environmental

policy under price competition

It is well known that if firms compete in prices rather than quantities, the strategically optimal policy can be reversed [Bulow et al. (1985)]. In the case of strategic trade policy, if an export subsidy is optimal under quantity competition, an export tax is optimal under price competition [Eaton and Gossman (1986)]. A similar qualitative conclusion emerges from the analysis of strategic environmental standards. Let the prices chosen by the domestic and foreign firms be denoted by p1 and p2, respectively. At these prices, lit-m i sells Si(p’,p2). i’s profit function can be written

d =piSi(p’,p2)-Ci(Si(p’,p2))-Ai(S’(p’,p2),ei). The EOS is unchanged from before; the domestic country’s EOS satisfies eq. (7) under Bertrand competition. However, the rule for choosing the SOS now becomes (denoting &z’/ap’ by rc:, etc.) rc:dpi/de’

+ $(dp2/dp’)(dp’/de’)

+ NB,’ =O.

The domestic firm chooses price p’ such that rc: =O. If the two goods are substitutes, rc: >O. Assuming that the reaction functions are upward sloping (i.e. rci2 >O), dp2/dp’ >O if the stability conditions for Bertrand competition are satisfied. These conditions also imply dp’/de’ < 0 if the emission standard is binding. Hence, we have NB,’ >O, or Proposition 5. than the EOS.

Under Bertrand

competition,

the unilateral

SOS is stronger

Setting a strong emission standard raises marginal costs, thus making it credible for the domestic firm to increase price. Unlike the Cournot case, the foreign firm welcomes this unilateral policy; its profits rise as a consequence. Proposition 2 can be shown to hold for Bertrand competition as well as Cournot competition. However, in contrast to quantity competition, the leader under Bertrand competition may suffer a reduction in profits.12 Using the same procedure as in the proof to Proposition 3, it is easy to show that if both countries behave strategically, the Nash equilibrium satisfies

“See Tirole (1988, pp. 33G-331).

S. Barrett, Strategic

environmental

policy and international

trade

- NBjNBj,NBj, NB’ = (NB;,NBjj - NBjjNBji)

331

(25)

If the two goods are substitutes, NBf >O. If the reaction curves are upward sloping, NBjj > 0. Under our assumptions, NBi, ~0. The denominators of (25) are positive if the stability conditions are satisfied. Hence, NBL >O. Proposition 6. .Under Bertrand competition, the Nash environmental policy equilibrium involves both countries choosing SOSs that are stronger than their respective EOSs. Finally, note that if the domestic industry is oligopolistic, all the results presented in this section are reinforced. A strong SOS induces domestic firms, as well as foreign rivals, to raise price, thereby increasing domestic industry profits.

6. Conclusions

and policy implications

This paper has shown that if the domestic industry consists of one firm, the foreign industry is imperfectly competitive, and competition in international markets is Cournot, then the domestic government has an incentive to impose a weak environmental standard, where ‘weak’ means that the marginal damage from pollution exceeds the marginal cost of abatement. While this result confirms fears that governments may want to weaken standards to improve competitiveness, the paper shows that environmental policy is inferior to industrial policy as an instrument for improving competitiveness. A production subsidy, for example, would effectively make the domestic firm a Stackelberg leader at no cost to the domestic economy. Hence, governments would only want to interfere in environmental policy if other, more efficient policy interventions could not be made. Furthermore, the conclusion that weak standards improve competitiveness is not robust. If the domestic industry consists of more than one firm, the incentive to weaken standards is reduced, and may even be reversed. If firms compete in prices (Bertrand) rather than quantities (Cournot), countries have an incentive to impose strong standards, where ‘strong’ means that the marginal damage from pollution is less than the marginal cost of abatement, whether the domestic industry is a monopoly or oligopoly. Taken together, the results suggest that incentives to distort environmental standards will typically not be significant and may be of the opposite direction than is usually assumed. References Anderson, K. and R. Blackhurst, London).

eds., The greening

of world trade issues (Harvester

Wheatsheaf,

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