The African social periphery

Sot. Sci. .Med. Vol. 22. No. 7. pp. 7Si790. Primed in Great Bntain

Cm7-9536,86 53.00 + 0.00 Pergamon Press Lrd

1986

THE AFRICAN

SOCIAL PERIPHERY

F. M. MBURU UNICEF, P.O. Box 33610. Lusaka, Zambia Abstract-There are special population groupings in Africa which constitute a social periphery of great magnitude. The groups include women and children, the urban and rural poor, and a youthful labour force that is relatively uneducated. The critical issues they face include ever-increasing food shortage. decreasing employment opportunities and political instability which further reduces the effectiveness of government.

While solutions

are not easy to find, they require

urgent critical assessment

by policy makers

and planners.

PRODUCTIVE AND REPRODCCTIVE BURDESS In sub-Saharan Africa, a disproportionate part of food production is created by peasant small-holders, commonly known as ‘female farmers’ [l-j]. The principle means of production (apart from female will) are diligence and the hoe, with an occasional animal-drawn plough. This partly explains the low level of production. While the exigencies of nature may dictate what should be grown, women do the planning and implementation of land-use and thus of ultimate productivity. In many African societies, the social division of labour dictates stringent rules regarding the roles of women. Those who control the means of production tighten the yoke of prevailing social norms. The inevitable role of biological necessities culminates in a vicious cycle, the social reproduction of a culture ofpocerty. Family labour has come to mean women and labour, regardless of whether that labour is hired or family. In Kenya, women and child labour is a common phenomenon in cash and subsistence farming. In Malawi. the function of women in agricultural production is socially accepted because so many males migrate to work in the mines of South Africa. While traditional expectation of the role of men often revolves around working away from the family, the role of women has always been the reverse. Men used to take care of the herd; women took care of the ‘house’. Today, while men are expected tofind’work’, women are supposed to fend for the family left behind, ceasing to reproduce only when nature no longer allows. Under wage labour conditions in cash crop areas, one single wage earner is rarely able to satisfy the needs of the family. The wife is inevitably drawn into a typical form of production of profit at the expense of the family. In the tea estates of East Africa, for instance, it is common for husband and wife to be joined by their older children in order for the family to earn enough just to survive, usually below the poverty line. Although convention has it that urbanemployed males remit their earning to their families back in rural areas. this is done only by the better paid workers. Some of these will save to buy more land or build a little house, even at the expense of the family. In Southern Africa, migrant mine workers who go to South Africa leave their homes in search

of wealth, but sometimes return home poorer and into a deeper socio-psychological poverty with their families disintegrated and unable to start again [4]. The many unspecialized, and often uneducated, urban labourers remit their earnings only at the expense of their own living conditions. Urban slums. alcoholism and crime are a direct result of poor earnings. The increasing number of women and childrsn below the poverty lines in urban areas testifies to poor urban pay which also contributes to family instability manifested by female-headed households, low school enrolment and delinquent children. The purpose of development is to improve living conditions of a community or section of society above its prevailing level, preferably for the better. In order to create lasting development, four necessary conditions must be met: (i) A development agency must have a framework in which to work. A conceptual framework is at once two things, a body of theory and a body of ideals to be achieved within a given time. The ideas are thus a target, without which development activities remain without necessary direction. Without ideals, development is merely assumed, but concrete outcomes are often incidental. (ii) Development policies are formulated as expressions not only of hope but also of intent to achieve specific national ideals. Governments work through policies, however poorly articulated. (iii) Development programmes express the parameters within which to operate. Programmes tell us how intent is translated into action. Policies taken seriously are always associated with programmes. However, there are many development programmes without clearly coherent policies which then may or may not fit the established norms and activities of development. (iv) Programmes are best implemented if strategies exist. Strategies demonstrate a plan to put the wheels of development in motion in a particular pattern and order. Therefore, a comprehensive analysis of rural development, cannot be achieved piecemeal. Women and children are focal points in the development of the social sector. They form a jig-saw often neglected in the pursuit of economic development.

756

F. Xl. X~EILRL CHILDHOOD

IN AFRICA

Children up to 1-l years account for 42-500/b of the population: w-omen in the labour force are those aged 1j-6-1 years, comprising all those of reproductive age as well as older who still work. African women only retire when incapacitated. sometimes even at the age of 80 years. Women between 15 and 64 years account for about 29% of the total population. Every child has to cross two critical barriers to adulthood. The initial struggle for life begins in the womb. If the mother is too young, she has probably never heard of parenthood and the embryo’s viability is always in doubt. There are many maternal complications which constantly threaten pregnancy. Although there are no data to show how many pregnancies never reach term, the estimated figure is at least 15-10%. The struggle for survival is hampered by a large number of widely recognized problems including (i) a vicious cycle of infections, malnutrition, diarrhoea, and other diseases of irresistible proportions; (ii) the premature cessation of breast-feeding and weaning to solid foods which precipitates malnutrition; (iii) parasitic infections and other communicable diseases. All these produce a precipitous infant mortality which is an immense barrier to survival in the first year of life. The struggle is intensive for the first 5 years. Even after that those who undergo malnutrition and survive have indelible intellectual impairment which is largely the result of malnutrition and related deficiencies. After the first 5 years, the African child has to struggle not so much for survival, as merely to develop, to flourish within an increasingly competitive environment. Parental socio-economic standing may largely determine whether the child ever goes to school. If school is available, there are often too many children to be accommodated. When the family is poor, school takes second place and the child may have to start earning money as a contribution to the struggle for family welfare, which may preclude school [j]. In Nairobi and Mombasa, for example, contrary to expectation, enrolment was 66% compared to the national total of 84%. It is quite probable that for poor urban dwellers enrolment is the result of the increasingly large numbers of poor labourers or unemployed who come themselves from illiterate backgrounds. The curse of illiteracy passes to their offspring. The literate in one generation become even more literate, knowledgeable and powerful in the next generation. To those who have, more is added [6]. At the tender age of 14, the youth has to look for a job that is conspicuously rare to find. The child that once survived fails to develop and falls into an unending spiral of poverty. In Lesotho, for example. drop-out among boys is more common than among girls. From the 4th grade nearly twice as many girls remain in school as boys. The latter become the petty self-employed. child labourers, unpaid family hands and destitutes, even at the early age of IO-l4 years. In 1976, nearly half of IO-14 year olds were not in school [7]. By the time they were 18, illiterate. unemployed. poor, and ready

for a wife, they are also ready to enter the migrant labour market. candidates for perpetual serfdom. LIOTHER. CHILD CARE .t.\D DEVELOPMENT

It is inconceivable to expect child survival and development without the development of mothers. Improvement in the socio-economic condition will improve the lives and probability of survival of children and the family as a whole. Child problems fall into two broadly related categories: (i) those inherent in child rearing as a family and community member, these include social and biological needs and safety; (ii) those inherent in the socio-political system for the provision of adequately accessible basic amenities and services. It is estimated that ov’er 33% of African children aged t&4 have no reasonable access to adequate food; of those 6-14 years, 70% have no access to schools and of those O-14 years 80% lack adequate health care, while 85% lack clean water. In real terms, the numbers are staggering [8]. The main killers are demonstrably aroiu’uble, though they proceed uncontrolled. The killers and conditions listed against their preventive measures appear simple and repetitive. But for all of them the underlying attack must be education, to make people auare of &ar should be done. N/I_Vand how it can be done. A list of the main causes of infant mortality and their solutions is tediously repetitious: Immunization Hygienic environment, clean water Oral rehydration salts Food and food behaviour Essential drugs Community-based health care Preparation for parenthood, contraceptive Family planning (FP). All these services and activities in an integrated manner.

use

should be provided

THE TYR.ANNY OF POPULATIO3

SUMBERS

Worsening economic conditions and world inflation affect the region increasingly, women and children are likely to be the worst affected. This can be called the tyranny of numbers, unmatched by a capacity to create resources to Satisfy populatton needs. In the social services sector, widespread illiteracy is a manifestation of the inadequacies of education facilities; high infant and child mortality illustrate inadequate health care, environmental sinitation, food and living conditions, all of which spell poverty. Even the state is confronted with an inadequate capacity to govern. The emergent urban clusters have special needs which are not readily available. They provide potentially volatile socioeconomic environments for governments to cope with. The disproportionately youthful population due to high birth rates is a time bomb Table 1 shows the expected population sizes, barring acts of providence in most of the ESAR coun-

787

The African social periphery Table 1. Populauon size and percentage change 1990 and 2000’ in the Eastern and Southern Afnca region

1985 Madarascnr Ethiopia Malawi Uganda Rwanda Burundi Tanzama Mozambique Lesotho Zambia Zimbabne Botswana Swaziland Mauritius Somalia Kenya

10.0 40.0 7.3 15.5 5.6 4.8 21.1 12.0

I.5 6.8 8.8 I.1 0.6 1.0 5.6 20.6

Total ‘Projections

made applying

Population (rmllion) I990 2000

% Increase 1990-2000

I2 52 8 17 7 5 26 17 1.7 8 II 1.3 0.8 I 5 26

18 72 I8 25 II 7 36 24 1.3 II I6 1.7 1.0 I 7 40

50 48

199

283

42.2

WOYEN’S

50

47 57 40 39 ?I 37 38 42 31 28 0 40 54

the latest avaIlable annual growth rates.

tries. 199G2000. Most countries will have increased population by at least 38%, elecen out of the 15 listed will be increased by 4&57%. The population increase far outstrips the growth of resources. Above all the population in the region has a short doubling time which exponentially increases prospects for national burden and crises. The dependency ratio, however computed, using education, age or even employment, will only add to the existing delusions by causing havoc for the available resources. For example, Table 2 shows that of the children born in 1990 in Ethiopia, nearly 15% of them will fail to reach their first birthday. If the pattern of KMR does not change, over 500,000 children will not reach their first birthday in the year 2000. As is evident, Ethiopia is by no means atypical. In total, it is possible the region could have over one miffiion infant deaths in 1990 and over one and a halfmillion in 2000. It is not sufficient to reduce the population growth rate. Both growth rate and IMR must be reduced otherwise the number of deaths will remain as high as if the IMR only changed marginally. Even then

Table

2. Probable infant and child mortality in the Eastern Southern Africa countries 1990 and 2000 Exoecred infant deaths

Madagascar Ethiopia Malawi Uganda Rwanda Burundi Tanzania Mozambique Lesotho Zambia Zimbabwe Botswana Swaziland Mauritius Somalia Kenya Total

and

2000 (000)

1990 (000)

2000 (OQO)

39.5 366.6 76.2 85.0 41.6 28.2 122.2 91.6 9.2 40.0 41.6 3.5 6.6 0.9 36.0 124.4

52.6 507.6 114.2 125.0 65.3 39.5 169.2 129.4 I.3 55.0 60.5 7.0 6.6 0.9 50.4 191.4

12.1 52.0 10.8 16.8 84. I 49.6 19.8 18.5 9.2 7.2 7.7 0.5 I.2 0.1 9.6 17.0

16.1 71.9 16.2 21.8 13.2 6.9 27.4 26.2 1.3 9.9 I I.? I.1 I.2 0.1 13.4 26.0

1575.9

316.2

266.9

BURDEN IN DEVELOP>lEST BIASES

African women are traditionally largely responsible for family wellbeing. They produce 70% of family food. This notwithstanding, women have less access to either credit, modern technology training or extension programmes. This is not peculiar to Africa. In the Philippines, for example. the introduction of labour-intensive technology in agriculture excludes women from agricultural development programmes. Consequently the tasks performed by women have become more difficult and have reduced women’s productivity [9]. In most African societies women aged between 15-64 are responsible for care of the children. ESAR will have about 58 million in 1990 and over SO million in 2000. Their burden also includes relatively- frequent pregnancies or the risk of being pregnant. The total fertility rate (TFR) is an indication of that risk. When TFR rises, the number of women of child-bearing age increases, concomitantly further increasing the potential number of births, the population growth rate, and the vicious spiral dents any small gains in food production. With the exception of Mauritius, the burden noticeably pervades the entire region (see Table 3). As Fig. 1 illustrates, the outcome from the skewed sharing of educational resources plus the traditional vagaries which favour males, all culminate in three major conditions. First, the knowledge (power) men have, will continue to accumulate sinced they have the means to consolidate. Second, power is a tool for decision making. Third, to the extent that women are largely excluded from the power sharing process they will remain on the receiving end, dependent on the goodwill of their men. Fourth, history does not suggest that good-will manifests itself adequately. Those who make decisions, though numerically few, Table 3. Women and fertility burden 1990 and 2000 in tie Eastern and Southern Africa countries Women 15-64’ (millions) 1990 2000

Number dying ape I-l

1990 (000)

1103.1

those who survive the first year form a massive population at risk of early death. This is an obviously valid mandate for social development. But is it recognized?

Madagascar Ethiopia Malawi Uganda Rwanda Burundi Tanzania Mozambique Lesotho Zambia Zimbabwe Botswana Swaziland Mauritius Somalia Kenya

3.5 15.1 2.3 4.9 2.0 I.5 7.5 4.9 0.5 2.3 3.2 0.3 0.3 0.3 I.5 7.5

4.6 20.9 3.5 7.3 3.2 2.0 10.0 7.0 0.7 3.2 4.6 0.6 0.3 0.3 2.0 I I.6

Total

57.7

82. I

source: *own computation. Report. Annual Report,

World 1983.

o:b Increase 199c-2000’

Bunated toul fertility :OOot

31.6 38.3 52.2 49.0 60.0 33.3 38.7 42.9 36. I 39. I 43.8 100.0 0 0 33.3 54.7

5.9 6.1 7.1 6.4 i.6 6.0 5.8 5.9 5.2 6.2 7.1 5.4 6.1 2.3 6.1 7.1

42.3 Bank,

World

Development

738

F. MM.Mec~r;

Drought/sot1 erosion War/civil disturbance

Disrribution

Marker

demand

Fig. I. Food and nutrition cycle.

act as the majority. Those without influence are for practical purposes the minority. The hates are therefore male, and the relatively deprived are women and children. The latter are thus a critical part of the crisis of under-development. The uneducated have larger families than the educated, and if the pattern is to be changed, women’s education, development health-care must go beyond the ephemeral provision of contraceptives and curative care. National movements which exclude such large segments of the population from involvement in development are only national in abstract. Prevailing high levels of IMR in the African region as a whole can be explained by a set of closely related factors affecting women: low social status leading to inevitable early marriage and pregnancies, low access to education and social rights. In turn women are condemned to low productivity and income which renders them easy prey as cheap labour. The family rarely escapes low standards of living, lacking in basics and the children who survive early mortality add to the amount of illiteracy and poverty. All this forms a nexus of underdevelopment. OPPRESSIVE

CULTURAL

FACETS

In Peru District, Kenya, there is an area reputed to be a leading producer of Miraa (Chat), a greeny leafy plant chewed by Somalis. Arabs, Ethiopians as a sttmulant. A survey in 1980 showed that the area has a high prevalence of general malnutrition. More than 60% of the children below 5 years failed to achieve the normal growth rate for their age. Furthermore, the area is endowed with an ideal climate for a variety of vegetables, and other crops, including

coffee and tea. Over 90% of the community was found to suffer from trachoma which is strongly associated with poor personal hygiene. Another survey, in 1981, found that less than 20% of the mothers took their children to baby clinics. Less than 40% of the youths 6-20 years were in school, the rest were employed in the Miraa business. Overall, the literacy rate was less than 10%. Development was around the small shopping centres where men eat, drink and often sleep. Every shopping centre has a tea-shop which offers meals to the male ‘businessmen’ whose average income is Kshs.120@-2200 (USSI .OO= Kshs.15) per month, a high figure for Kenya. There is no evidence that a reasonable share of the income ever reaches the family. Poor huts, lack of beds and poor feeding of children are the rule. Women walk an average of 4 km daily to fetch water and waiting time can be one hour or more for a maximum of 20 litres per family. &lore than 40% of families interviewed were unable to obtain water from the public tap because they had not paid the mandatory Kshs.40 per 3 months, to the Catholic Mission. IMPLICATIONS

FOR FAMILY LABOUR

None can argue against the value of money to a household that is not self-sufficient for all that it needs. The cash economy is here to stay. But at what human cost? Among the factors responsible for low calorie intake is low family income. It would be expected that if a family increases its surplus income, all things being equal. nutritional status in the family would concomitantly improve. However, surplus income

789

The African social periphery

has its dangers in luxury items. One aim of the many flocking into salaried jobs is, nonetheless, to improve living conditions. Rarely, however, are families, able to estimate the differential benefits between their own subsistence cropping and the standard of living under a cash economy. For the government the stakes are export and foreign e.uchange. To individual families it means a new type of poverty in which the cash generated does not meet the family needs, especially in nutrition. Partly on account of industrialization and partly on account of other factors, a large proportion of families are, for all practical purposes, headed by women. In Lesotho, the estimated range is from 30 to 40% of households. In parts of Kenya, similar figures are not unusual. Yet those who till the land do not own it. When the de jure male head of household dies, land which is the sole source of livelihood to the woman or women left behind together with their children is quickly divided among the brothers. There are few or no laws to protect women and children. FOOD

EXPORTS

AND FOOD

SHORTAGE

The switch from food crops to cash crops is not decided by women. It is made by the Government in the interest of the export trade. When commodity prices fall and the incomes no longer match the family domestic needs, the tea, the coffee, sugar and the like cannot be uprooted overnight. The consequences to the family go beyond the narrow crisis of food shortage (Fig. 1). The family, including young children, enter the money economy not as suppliers of raw materials, but as suppliers of labour. Predictably, they lack any special skills and must of necessity accept under-remuneration. The alternative is usually starvation. It is no accident that farm labourers in Africa are the landless and those with small plots of land which without massive technological inputs cannot satisfy family needs. In the circumstances, the new socio-economic rationality subordinates family welfare to market efficiency for

greater profit. Low productivity leads scores of workers into deeper poverty as does falling crop prices. These issues cannot be left for individual families to solve. In Sudan, the successfully irrigated area of Gezira promoted malnutrition in spite of the cotton and sugar now being produced. In the Gambia, it is a case of dependence on food aid, all due to a successful commoditization of food-even strengthening the market involvement. Malawi is a net food exporter but has a large malnourished child population. In the Sugar Belt of Western Kenya is an expanding belt of malnutrition, in no way halted by increasing cash earnings of the heads of household. Though the staple food is maize--eaten with greens-the crop is conspicuously rare in areas near the sugar farms. Predictably, earnings from sugar are inadequate to cover the family dietary and other basic needs. Neighbouring zones of hybrid maize area (Kitale and Eldoret) do not fare any better. Food is market cornmodify. Malnutrition competes for first place with malaria, alcoholism, large family size. school drop-outs and illiteracy, all predictable outcomes of inappropriate development strategies. In emphasizing cash crops, Africa cuts her nose to spite her face. FOOD

In Table 4 it can be seen that the ESA region relies heavily on food aid imports for a significant portion of its needs. The region’s food production has been in decline. Curiously, for every additional mouth to feed, there is now less food available or produced. Few countries in the region now consume the calory intake of 198 1. Although most people are likely to go without education, women carry the greater burden of perpetual illiteracy and so bear the brunt of what is underdevelopment. It is not clear how some of the countries affected by drought and other natural disasters could have possibly imported less food aid in 1982 than in 1980 [IO]. The general trend. however, is toward increased food aid. In Botswana, for example, over 60% of the population is dependent on food aid.

Table 4. Selected indicators

GNP/capita uss (1982) Somalia Ethiopia Malawi Ceanda Rwanda Burundi Tanzania Madagascar Kenya Mozambique Lesotho Zambia Zimbabwe Botswana Swaziland Mauritius Source: World

290 140 210 230 260 280 280 320 390 NA 510 640 850

900 940 1240 Bank. Annual

Food aid imports kg per capita 1980

1982

32.0 3.6

38.7 5.5 0.3 3.7 2.3 2.1 13.1 8.5 6.3 9.8 24.4 16.6 0.0 36.9 0.0 43.2

0.8

I.3 2.8 2.0 4.9 1.6 5.2 12.5 21.2 29.2 0.0 22.5 0.8 22.5 Report.

1983

SHORTFALLS

of basic needs

Food growth production (%) 1970-1980

-

I.8 -0.3 -0.1 - 1.0 0. I -0.6 - I.3 -0.9 - 1.9 -5.1 -2.1 - I.3 - 1.6 -6.0 0.7 -0.6

Daily calorie supply per capita as % of the 1981 intake 100 76 94 80 88 95 83 109 88 70 III 93 90 85 98 125

School attendance as % of eligible intake Male

Female

38 60 73 62 75 40 107 NA II4 IO? 84 IO? 130 94 III 107

21 33 51 46 69 25 98 NA IO1 iiA I23 90 I21 I IO 109 106

790

F. M.

It is reasonable to assume that. except in emergencies, resources expended on food aid could have more lasting impact if invested in development programmes. Wells and irrigation schemes, although far more difficult and capital intensive, could easily support more people for a longer period than food aid distributed periodically [I I].

COSCLLSlONS

The obstacles to more viable child survival are the obstacles to the development of the family and community. There are many examples of intent for change and improvement. But the intent has not yet been translated into reality. National concern for women’s education and development is too inadequate, as is demonstrated by the paucity of resources allocated to them or even by policies to liberate them. Universal programmes for women and children are hampered by an increasing number of barriers including inadequate real attention to them. Resource shortages are often accompanied by widespread misallocation of the little that is available. National food sufficiency policies notwithstanding, there is increasing concern with food exports, non-food cash crops and industrialization rather than household food security. Land policies almost always favour commoditization of food which rarely earns the peasant farmer adequate return to replace food value that finds its way to the market. Caloric intake is inevitably reduced to below the minimum recommended levels. Land policy is, of course, partly tied to population growth rate and density. Deprived families tend to resort to women and child labour to eke out family income food and other basic needs. Family poverty adds to the biological and social burdens of women. In consequence, children become part of the cycle of povety and underdevelopment. They fail to get fundamental preventative childhood health care, food and the maternal care they so much need. Low coverage of immunization is at once a reflection of inadequate provision of services-either in volume, access or management-and of the burdens which face mothers. The incidence of tropical diseases and environmentally induced health hazards adds to maternal and public burdens which increasingly haunt the majority in Africa. Whatever can be done by the community, governments and other agencies will determine the future not only of women and children, but also of the vast majority of the underprivileged. The most effective solutions depend largely on a clear conception of the range and magnitude of the socio-economic implications of the prevailing condition of women and children. Action must fall within the socio-political sphere in order to tackle fully: (i) the wide gap existing between the mainly male ‘haves’ and the mainly female ‘have nots’, and the need to reduce the imbalance between them through structural changes;

(ii) integration of women in socio-economic development in order to promote their development as an essential contribution to a better quality of life for the family, the children and the community; (iii) preferential allocation of health and other resources to the social periphery is an absolute priority; (iv) mobilization and education of women in order to ensure their full participation in local development; (v) intersectoral collaboration in programmes designed for the promotion and development of women; (vi) re-orientation and mobilization of national and international political advocacy to eliminate obstacles against women’s development and to promote universal equality of rights. Does the will to make viable changes exist’? If the will exists. resources to do the job can most certainly be found. It is both of these which create hope, and that at least exists for the massive African social periphery. Acknowledgement-An earlier version of this paper was presented at a UNICEF Programming lvorkshop Swaziland. 5-19 March 19S5. This revised version has benefitted greatly from WHO/UNICEF

comments by Dr Ties Boerma. Nairobi. to whom I am grateful.

of

REFERESCES

I+‘omen’s Role in Economic Det~eiopmenr. Press, New York, 1970. S. Women of food producer and suppliers century. the case of Zambia. In Dewlopment DiuIogue, Vol. l-2, pp. 29-50. Uppsala, 1951. Ngalula T. Women as productive forces in Tanzania rural society. Unpublished masters thesis, University of Dar es Salaam, 1977. Mlazi D. The migratory labour system and the social conditions of BLS migrant workers on (SIL) the South African mines. PC’L.-1. Botsrcana, J. A/?. Stud. 2. So. 2. 37-62, 1983. Tumkaya N. Labour force participation and unemployment in Lobatse. PCZA, Borsxuna J. A/b. Srrrd. 3, No. I. l-15, 1985. Central Bureau of Statistics. Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning. The situation analysis of children and women, 1984. Bureau of Statistics. Education Statistics Bulletin. Lesotho, 1983. Jolly R. and Cornia G. A. The Impucr of Iibrld Recession on Children. Pergamon Press. Oxford. 198-t. See a review of the condition of women and children in the Southern and Eastern African Region Countries. e.e. Adaoala K. and Kariuki P. W. The impact of d&elopm-ent on women in Kenya. CSVICEF, Nairobi. 1982; 1979 International Year of the Child Symposium. Basic Working Document 1-3, UNICEF, Nairobi. 1979. Gwebu T. D. Spatial patterns of development in tropical Africa: policy implications from the Zambian example. PULA, Botswana J. .-lfr. Srud. 3, No. I. 2916.

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