The beginning of the Neolithic in Andalusia

Quaternary International xxx (2017) 1e21

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The beginning of the Neolithic in Andalusia
Luis Caro Herrero b, Dimas Martín-Socas a, *, María Dolores Camalich Massieu a, Jose c F. Javier Rodríguez-Santos a

U.D.I. de Prehistoria, Arqueología e Historia Antigua (Dpto. Geografía e Historia), Universidad de La Laguna, Campus Guajara, 38071 Tenerife, Spain
laga, Complejo Tecnolo
laga, Spain
gico, Campus de Teatinos, 29071 Ma Dpto. Lenguajes y Ciencias de la Computacion, Universidad de Ma c
ricas de Cantabria (IIIPC), Universidad de Cantabria. Edificio Interfacultativo, Avda. Los Castros, 52. Instituto Internacional de Investigaciones Prehisto 39005 Santander, Spain b

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 31 January 2017 Received in revised form 6 June 2017 Accepted 22 June 2017 Available online xxx

The Early Neolithic in Andalusia shows great complexity in the implantation of the new socioeconomic structures. Both the wide geophysical diversity of this territory and the nature of the empirical evidence available hinder providing a general overview of when and how the Mesolithic substrate populations influenced this process of transformation, and exactly what role they played. The absolute datings available and the studies on the archaeological materials are evaluated, so as to understand the diversity of the different zones undergoing the neolithisation process on a regional scale. The results indicate that its development, initiated in the middle of the 6th millennium BC and consolidated between 5500 and 4700 cal. BC, is parallel and related to the same changes documented in North Africa and the different areas of the Central-Western Mediterranean. © 2017 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Iberian Peninsula Andalusia Neolithic transition Chronology Economy Technology

1. Introduction The transition from the Mesolithic to the Neolithic and its consequences in Europe and Africa is one of the topics that receives most attention from researchers into the recent prehistory of these two regions. The Iberian Peninsula, as the western extreme of almost both continents and often a nexus uniting them, has been a focus of interest for understanding the expansion or diffusion of animal and plant domestication. In this process of change, Andalusia had a fundamental role. Thus, the general theories raised for the Neolithic in the western Mediterranean have marked its interpretation within this geographical framework. Especially within the diffusionist paradigm, from the beginning the debate has revolved around the access routes. It has focussed on the African and the Mediterranean routes, the latter via Southeastern Iberia. Since the 1980s, based on the findings from a series of cave sites in western Andalusia, a hypothesis has been built up on the indigenous character of the first

* Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (D. Martín-Socas).

signs of the Neolithic in the region. In recent times, there has been an advance in knowledge about the Neolithic communities in Andalusia. However, despite the progress made, the main problems in addressing a regional synthesis of the Neolithic process derives from five fundamental factors: 1.- The enormous breadth of the territory, with marked geographical and environmental differences between the different physical zones; 2.- Systematic archaelogical research has only been carried out in very specific areas, through prospecting and excavation. This has led to a very fragmentary explanation of the characteristics of the first Neolithic occupation. Furthermore, the number of systematically excavated sites whose results have been presented as a whole is very small. In addition, part of the documentation used derives from records of old excavations; 3.- The focus of research has been mainly on cave deposits and also overly concentrated on the Sub-Baetic area; 4.- The small number of contextualised absolute datings that permit an accurate chronology of the beginnings of the food production economy in the region; and 5.- The study of the material evidence is only partial, since interest has been focussed on characterising the agriculture and livestock-raising activity. The analysis of the different handicrafts has been mediated by the technological importance assigned them,

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as indicators of the changes produced by the Neolithic process. However, they are addressed independently, rather than as a result of the overall production process defining the economic and social relations within these communities. To these problems, it should be added that historical explanation is excessively linked to the traditional tripartite organisation of the Neolithic, conditioning and skewing any interpretation. This is the case of the so-called Cardial model, a paradigm used to explain the emergence and expansion of Neolithic cultures in the western Mediterranean; but also, uncritically, as the determinant indicator of the correspondence or not of a particular site to the beginnings of production. 2. Regional setting Andalusia is a region with a sharply-defined and complex geographical structure, where unity must be sought more in historical development than in the physical framework. The latter is defined by three large areas formed by the interaction of the various physical factors that affect a natural environment marked by strong contrasts. Thus, its lanscape is divided into the wide plains of the Baetic depression, and high mountain ranges and chains, such as Sierra Morena and Baetic Ranges. In the latter case, their distribution parallel to the coast has led to a compartmentalisation of the different spaces, owing to the most important mountain barriers. Among them, the Intrabaetic Basin stands out, made up of a set of small discontinuous depressions running parallel to the Mediterranean coast that communicate Andalusia with southeastern Spain. The diversity is also reflected in the coasts, the Atlantic dominated by beaches and low coasts, vs. the Mediterranean characterised more so by cliffs. The relief is marked by an interior with great morphological complexity and a coast where the Atlantic and Mediterranean converge. This duality also generates a climatic variety that has influenced the forms of occupation and exploitation of these territories throughout history. 3. Material and method As already stated, only a small number of sites have been systematically excavated and their results are presented very differently, despite being the most important documentary base regarding the Neolithic process in Andalusia. They are the caves:
del Valle, Cadiz) (Pellicer and Acosta, 1982; Parralejo (San Jose Acosta Martínez and Pellicer Catal
an, 1990; Acosta Martínez, 1995), La Dehesilla (Algar, Cadiz) (Acosta Martínez, 1987; Acosta
n, 1990), Chica de Santiago (Cazalla Martínez and Pellicer Catala de la Sierra, Seville) (Pellicer and Acosta, 1982; Acosta Martínez,
lagos at Zuheros (Zuheros, Cordova) (Vicent 1995), Los Murcie ~ oz Amilibia, 1973; Gavila
n Ceballos and Vera Rodríguez, and Mun ~ a-Chocarro, 1999; Gavila
n et al., 1996; Vera 1992, 2001; Pen
n Ceballos, 1999; Gonz
Rodríguez and Gavila alez-Urquijo et al., ~ a et al., 2005; Gavila
n Ceballos and Mas 2000; Zapata Pen
, 2006; Pen ~ a-Chocarro and Zapata, 2010; Carvalho et al., Cornella ~ a-Chocarro et al., 2013), El Toro (Antequera, Malaga) 2012; Pen
(Martín-Socas et al., 2004a, 2004b, 2004c; Egüez et al., 2014) and
n, 1963, 1987, Pellicer and Nerja (Nerja, Malaga) (Pellicer Catala Acosta, 1986, 1995; Pellicer and Acosta Martínez, 1997; Aura
Pardo et al., 1998, 2009, Aura Tortosa et al., 2010, 2013; Jorda and Aura Tortosa, 2008; García Borja et al., 2010, 2014; Gibaja et al., 2010a; Aguilera Aguilar et al., 2015); as well as the settlements: Embarcadero del río Palmones, (Algeciras, Cadiz) (Ramos ~ oz and Castan ~ eda, 2005), El Retamar (Puerto Real, Cadiz) Mun

~ oz and Lazarich Gonza
lez, 2002; Ramos Mun ~ oz, (Ramos Mun 2003; Ramos et al., 2005), Los Castillejos (Montefrío, Granada) (Afonso Marrero, 1993; Afonso Marrero et al., 1995; C
amara et al.,
ndez et al., 2010; C
2005; Martínez Ferna amara Serrano et al., 2016), Cabecicos Negros (Vera, Almeria) (Camalich Massieu ~ i Quinteiro et al., 1999, 2002), Cerro Virtud et al., 1999; Gon (Cuevas del Almanzora, Almeria) (Montero Ruiz and Ruiz Taboada, 1996; Montero Ruiz et al., 1999; Rihuete Herrada et al., 1999; Ruiz et al., 1999), and La Higuera (Ardales, Malaga) (Espejo Herrerías et al., 2013).

3.1. Timeframe 3.1.1. Evaluation of the sample One of the most serious problems in evaluating the neolithisation process in Andalusia arises from the scarcity of available absolute datings. The chronological framework, together with the spatial distribution and type of sites, is the basis for understanding how the new food production economy was established along with its relationships with the Mesolithic substrate communities. In spite of the mentioned circumstances, the datings have been used uncritically, aimed at fixing the commencement of the Early Neolithic in Andalusia and its relationship with similar developments in the western Mediterranean, be it in Southeast Spain, Southern Portugal or North Africa. However, assuming the early datings from La Dehesilla and Chica de Santiago caves were correct, they have also been the argument used to propose an indigenous origin of the Neolithic in western Andalusia at the end of the 7th millennium cal. BC. From the analysis of the available data, the meagre sample of preceding Mesolithic deposits stands out. In the case of Nerja and Bajondillo caves, the hiatus between a Mesolithic occupation and the later Neolithic occupation makes the chronological correlation between the two periods imprecise. But these datings additionally present three fundamental questions to consider. First, only a small set of datings derive from systematically excavated sites with welldefined stratigraphic sequences and contexts. The others were made from samples from decontextualised collections deposited in museums or other institutions. The exceptions would be represented by Nerja cave. There, studies of the documentation of old excavations have been directed not only at correlating the material records with the stratigraphy, but also at dating those samples that allow its chronological and cultural development to be understood (Aura
n et al., 2005; Jorda
Pardo and Aura Tortosa, et al., 1998; Simo 2008; Aura et al., 2009, Aura Tortosa et al., 2013; García Borja et al., 2010; Aguilera Aguilar et al., 2015). Second, except for work carried out in recent years, it is not clear on what type of specimens the dating has been made. And finally, the enormous deviation many of them present distorts the antiquity of the evidence linked to the first Neolithic communities. The collection of the oldest Neolithic datings to date holds 100 items from 24 sites, 20 of which come from caves (Carrasco Rus and Martínez-Sevilla, 2014). Due to this origin, most of these deposits were considered to be associated with funerary contexts without taking into account the results of the systematically excavated and studied sites. In the evaluation, the Early Neolithic in the region, before 5500 cal. BC, would be represented in 9 sites. The remainder corresponds to an advanced period, between 5500/4900, which can be assimilated into an Epicardial in the region. The development of the Early Neolithic would be short, transforming into a scarcely represented and ill-defined Middle Neolithic, since the Los Castillejos sequence was established as the most precise chronostratigraphic base to exemplify

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Fig. A1. Map of distribution of Early Neolithic sites mentioned in the text.

the Neolithic in Andalusia (Carrasco Rus and Martínez-Sevilla, 2014). However, the researchers of Los Castillejos suggest that the development of this site would correspond to an advanced Early Neolithic, between 5500/5000 cal. BC, progressing into a very short Neolithic period between 5000/4900 cal. BC (Martínez
ndez et al., 2010; C
Ferna amara Serrano et al., 2016). In the present study, 175 datings corresponding to 25 sites were evaluated, this being the most complete set presented to date. It gathers the datings made from 1963 to the present. This long time period explains the typological diversity observed among all datings, due to a gradual refinement of dating methods, which has meant

a selection in favour of samples with greater chronological precision. Of these 175 datings, 124 had an associated standard deviation of <100 years, which represents 71% of those corresponding to this period (Fig. A2). The remaining 51 datings presented highly diverse deviations, reaching in some cases a span of 750 years. If they are taken into account, wide deviations could arise on executing the models presented in this study. It should be noted that Chica de Santiago, La Dehesilla and Nacimiento caves were the only ones that did not have finds with a deviation of <100 years (Append. A) (see Figs. A1, A3 and A4).

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Fig. A2. Distribution of dates corresponding to the early Neolithic in Andalusia, according to the statistical deviation from the conventional date.

In accordance with the sample typology parameter (short-lived/ long-lived), 101 datings refer to short-lived specimens, while the remaining 74 are for long-lived (Fig. A3). Following this criterion,
n) and Hoyo de Ardales (Ardales, Malaga), Nacimiento (Pontones, Jae la Mina (Malaga) caves would not have datings of short-lived specimens.

Fig. A3. Samples corresponding to the early Neolithic period, short-lived vs. long-lived.

Finally, as a group and according to both the above criteria, 86 out of the 124 samples with a standard deviation of <100 years, gave short-lived datings (69.4%). The remaining 30.6%, although

having acceptable standard deviations for working with Bayesian models, were not short-life specimens (Fig. A4).

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Fig. A4. Samples corresponding to the early Neolithic period, domestic and short-lived.

As for the species that have been dated, of the 124 evaluated with a deviation of <100 years, those made on undetermined

carbon predominate, with 32% of the total (Fig. A5).

Fig. A5. Number of samples per species in the early Neolithic with datings showing a deviation of <100 years.

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3.1.2. Methodology of analysis Different Bayesian models were developed according to the diversity of all samples in terms of origin, typology and results, so as to infer start and completion (transition) boundaries as well as duration, of the Early Neolithic. The conventional datings were retained, to which the same calibration and modelling software was applied: Oxcal 4.3 (Bronk Ramsey, 1994, 1995; 2009; Bronk Ramsey and Lee, 2013), and also the same IntCal13 calibration curve (Reimer et al., 2013). In this way, greater base uniformity is attained before applying the Bayesian approach. A correct evaluation of datings by Bayesian analysis was attempted from three perspectives: Firstly, in Model 1, 175 datings are rated as a set, including those that have a standard deviation >100 with reference to the conventional date, regardless of sample type. Thus, a uniform calibration was obtained to assess their time spans and the condition of the IntCal13 curve (tableaux and wiggles) affecting their deviation when calibrated. The second perspective was the evaluation of the samples together as a set. To do so, Bayesian modelling was used in search of inferred calculations, such as start and end boundaries and duration interval. From this viewpoint, a single block was thus formed referring to the Early Neolithic in Andalusia. It started by generating a model that included all the existing datings, but as expected, it provided insufficient reliability (Amodel ¼ 46.1 and Aoverall ¼ 29.5).

and Late Neolithic were included, for which two additional Bayesian models were generated. Models 4 and 5 reflect the behaviour of the calculated dates, as well as the possible transition points, taking into account these periods before and after. Both models were developed using Overlapping Phases technology. Model 4 included dates with a deviation from conventional of <100 years, and Model 5 used datings with a deviation of <100 years but with exclusively short-lived species, except marine shells, given the issues involved (Frankel, 1991; Rick et al., 2005).

3.1.3. Results of analysis Model 1 This provides a preliminary chronological approximation to this period. As indicated, it considers the 175 datings, from which six sites have been excluded: El Retamar, Nerja and Carigüela. In the first case (Sac-1676: 7400 ± 100 BP, Sac-1525: 7280 ± 60 BP, Beta-90122: ^o, 2001; Ramos Mun ~ oz and Lazarich Gonza
lez, 6780 ± 100 BP) (Zilha 2002; Ramos et al., 2005), due to the problems derived from its neolithic ascription rather than the prior mesolithic phase. As for Nerja (X-2457-57: 7255 ± 65 BP), due to archaeostratigraphic problems (Aura Tortosa et al., 2013) and Carigüela (Col-1565: 6749 ± 39 BP), due to sample origin and their possible contamination (Medved, 2013; García Puchol et al., 2016). Two results were obtained: a uniform calibration, through the same calibration curve (IntCal13) and software (Oxcal 4.3), as well as their chronological range (Fig. A6; Apped. B).

Fig. A6. Chronological spread for the early Neolithic of Andalusia.

This is to a certain extent expected, as noted in the description of the sample set. These datings were carried out in the 1970s, when the deviation from the conventional start date was well above 100 years. As a result, they introduce greater uncertainty in the Bayesian model, because they excessively force the calculations for the existing datings, providing a low likelihood. This is the reason why we resorted to two other models. One includes all the dates corresponding to the Early Neolithic whose standard deviation from the conventional date is <100 years (Model 2). In the other, all dates with a deviation of <100 years appear and only short-lived species (Model 3). Finally, to complete the analysis, datings from the Mesolithic

If it follows all species that have been dated (Fig. A5) the beginnings of this period are around 6000 cal. BC, and would be represented by the dates of El Retamar and Nerja, without establishing a chronological break with the Mesolithic period. Likewise, there is a small set of sites between 5990 and 5600 cal. BC, where the earliest ~ ar, inland finds are already represented, e.g. Carigüela cave (Pin Granada). Similarly, after an incipient density build-up, around 56005350 cal. BC, a gradual progression is seen towards the central zone, which would indicate that the phenomenon generalised around 5350-4900 cal. BC. It would finish up stepped and descending around
lagos at Albun ~ ol 4300 cal. BC with the datings from Los Murcie (Granada) and Cerro Virtud. From then on, datings attributed to the

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Late Neolithic began to appear (see Fig. A6 and A7). Model 2 considered only the 124 Early Neolithic datings with a conventional deviation of <100 years. Its aim was to determine the start and end points, as well as the duration of the phenomenon. For this, the ordered dates were modelled in relation to the conventional radiocarbon dating. The resulting model provided an accuracy Amodel ¼ 77.4 and Aoverall ¼ 69.1 as a whole, showing its validity. There is only one dating, UA-36211 from Phase 5 at Los
ndez Castillejos, assigned to the Middle Neolithic (Martínez Ferna et al., 2010; C
amara Serrano et al., 2016), and it is situated right at the end of the period. It had a low agreement, due to its interaction with the previous dates in the system and being affected by the calibration curve (Fig. A6).

7

mean and the median and a relatively low statistical deviation. Consequently, the duration varies between the two models, since in Model 2 it lasts around 1700 years, whereas in Model 3 only about 1500. Thus, if examined more closely, in Model 2, seven datings become older than the average calibrated date of 5500 (5.6%), while 12 drop below the calibrated mean of 4700 (9.7%), so that since only 2 dates appear with an average of more than 5500 (2.2%) so 85% of the mean dates are between 5500 and 4700 cal. BC. In turn, in Model 3, the situation varies and in 4 cases would be below 4700 (4.4%), so that 95.6% of the dates would be between 5500 and 4700. This would mean that in both cases and overwhelmingly so, the development of the Early Neolithic would have arisen between

Table A1 Dates modelled for the Early Neolithic in Andalusia (deviation of <100 years) (M2). Show structure

from

to

%

from

to

%

m

s

m

Sequence Early Neolithic Boundary Start Early Neolithic Span Duration Early Neolithic Interval Period of Early Neolithic Boundary End Early Neolithic

6066 1475 1489 4446

5924 1636 1664 4398

68.2 68.2 68.2 68.2

6113 1469 1482 4453

5916 1753 1773 4284

95.4 95.4 95.4 95.4

6006 1581 1606 4400

59 80 84 47

6020 1584 1605 4420

Model 3 considered only the 91 datings obtained on samples from short-lived specimens assigned to the Early Neolithic, with a deviation in their conventional dates of <100 years. Items found over marine shells have been excluded from this model due to problems arising from the reservoir effect and that it is not possible in many cases to demonstrate the association of the death of molluscs with their presence in the archaeological contexts (Frankel, 1991). The model offered an Amodel accuracy 75.2 and an Aoverall of 76.3, being totally satisfactory and somewhat superior to Model 2. It confirmed that in this case the aforementioned date UA36211 from Phase 5 at Los Castillejos agreed correctly.

5500 and 4700. This clearly implies that its duration was significantly shorter, being reduced to 800 years. Hence the need to establish filters to more accurately determine the start and end of the Early Neolithic in Andalusia. To determine the relationship of these two models with the previous and subsequent periods, they were implemented together with Models 4 and 5, which add the available data from the Mesolithic and Late Neolithic periods. Similarly, to attempt to overcome these differences between Models 2 and 3, Model 6 was introduced, taking into account only the specimens of domestic animals and plants.

Table A2 Dates modelled for the Early Neolithic in Andalusia (deviation of <100 years) (M3). Show structure

from

to

%

from

to

%

m

s

m

Early Neolithic (short-lived) Start Early Neolithic (short-lived) Duration Early Neolithic (short-lived) Period of Early Neolithic (short-lived) End Early Neolithic (short-lived)

5801 1296 1313 4445

5746 1452 1479 4305

68.2 68.2 68.2 68.2

5850 1285 1298 4451

5731 1496 1540 4268

95.4 95.4 95.4 95.4

5782 1373 1402 4381

31 63 69 57

5777 1351 1383 4408

After contrasting Models 2 and 3, there is a difference of around 300 years for the beginnings of the Early Neolithic in the region. According to Model 2, its beginnings would be 6066-5924 cal. BC 2s, whereas in Model 3, between 5801 and 5746 cal. BC 2 s. In 3 its end would be around 4400 cal. BC, so in Model 2 it would be 44454305 cal. BC 2 s (see Tables A1 and A2), using as reference both the

Model 4 covered the dates with a deviation of <100 years for the Mesolithic, Early Neolithic and Late Neolithic periods. It was aimed at modelling overlapping phases to verify how the dates of the Early Neolithic fit, including the existing references to the previous and subsequent periods. Its certainty level was Aoverall ¼ 66.7, which conforms to the acceptance standards of the Bayesian analysis.

Table A3 Modelled dates for the Mesolithic, Early Neolithic and Late Neolithic in Andalusia (deviation of <100 years) (M4). Show structure

from

to

%

from

to

%

m

s

m

Start Mesolithic Mesolithic Duration Mesolithic End Mesolithic Start Early Neolithic Early Neolithic Duration Early Neolithic End Early Neolithic Start Late Neolithic Neolithic Duration Neolithic End Neolithic

6593

6451

68.2

6797

6425

95.4

6563

116

6533

434 6052 5796

678 5916 5746

68.2 68.2 68.2

342 6151 5837

990 5707 5731

95.4 95.4 95.4

613 5951 5777

179 114 27

573 5978 5773

1313 4444 4361

1401 4394 4261

68.2 68.2 68.2

1300 4450 4436

1501 4293 4212

95.4 95.4 95.4

1379 4398 4319

54 44 54

1364 4416 4317

1420 2834

1819 2529

68.2 68.2

1388 2850

1933 2426

95.4 95.4

1590 2728

150 130

1534 2796

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Table A4 Dates modelled for Mesolithic, Early Neolithic and Late Neolithic in Andalusia (deviation of <100 years and short-lived samples) (M5). Show structure

from

to

%

from

to

%

m

s

m

Start Mesolithic Mesolithic Duration Mesolithic End Mesolithic Start Early Neolithic Early Neolithic Duration Early Neolithic End Early Neolithic Start Late Neolithic Neolithic Duration Neolithic End Neolithic

6719

6005

68.2

6719

6002

95.4

6308

230

6261

0 6047 5805

854 5304 5747

68.2 68.2 68.2

0 6051 5856

1406 5304 5731

95.4 95.3 95.4

580 5728 5784

404 238 32

543 5779 5779

1318 4444 4361

1484 4303 4238

68.2 68.2 68.2

1301 4450 4448

1542 4266 4175

95.4 95.4 95.4

1407 4377 4308

69 57 68

1392 4404 4304

1436 2829

1903 2459

68.2 68.2

1382 2838

1992 2354

95.4 95.4

1708 2599

177 152

1754 2538

Model 5 maintained a scheme identical to Model 4, but in this case only considering short-lived species. This model presented better accuracy, Aoverall ¼ 75.5. It is noteworthy in this case that despite offering similar dates, the accuracy variable of the model increased significantly when using short-lived samples (Table A4 and Fig. A7). Such an analysis reiterates what stood out from applying the previous models. It provides an approximation of about 5800 cal. BC for the beginning of the Early Neolithic and 4400 cal. BC for its completion (Tables A3 and A4). In short, the models corroborate and maintain consistency with all the above reasonings. Thus, the boundaries should be determined based on these models.

situate the commencement of the Early Neolithic above a mean of 5500 cal. BC. If the aforementioned problematic dating from Los Castillejos is factored in, only three samples offer a dates later than 4700 cal. BC for its termination. There are those from Carigüela, Cerro Virtud and Nerja. Therefore, Model 6 in particular is the best support for the boundaries (Append. C). Model 6. This introduces a new segmentation of the information aimed at improving the general fit of the chronology, using only the data with deviation <100 for domesticated species to specify their time of introduction into Andalusia (Model 6). This model uses 68 datings with an Aoverall ¼ 55.8. From the results, the beginnings of the Early Neolithic would be located between 5802 and 5736 cal. BC 1 s, i.e. around 5700 BC. It would end be-

Fig. A7. Chronological spread for the Neolithic of Andalusia.

However, detailed analysis highlights the same scenario pointed out for Model 5 as for Model 3, two dates from Carigüela and Nerja

tween 4430 and 4271 cal. BC 1 s, with a transition to the Late Neolithic at 4300 cal. BC.

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Table A5 Dates modelled for the early Neolithic in Andalusia (deviation of <100 years and domestic short-lived samples) (M6). Show structure

from

to

%

from

to

%

m

s

m

Sequence Early Neolithic (domestic short-lived) Boundary Start Early Neolithic (domestic short-lived) Span Duration Early Neolithic (domestic short-lived) Interval Period of Early Neolithic (domestic short-lived) Boundary End Early Neolithic (domestic short-lived)

5802 1302 1401 4433

5736 1481 1533 4271

68.2 68.2 68.2 68.2

5857 1241 1292 4445

5678 1523 1590 4230

95.4 95.4 95.4 95.4

5773 1408 1448 4324

38 63 73 56

5769 1421 1455 4314

A thorough analysis of the results restates the findings of Model 5, where two samples (1.4%) from Carigüela (Col-1563) and Nerja (beta-131577) yield mean datings before 5500 cal. BC. Furthermore, only two samples (1.4%) from Carigüela (Col-1562) and one from Los Castillejos identified as problematic (UA-36211), have their mean earlier than 4700 cal. BC (Fig. A8).

clear evidence of continuity between the Early and Late Neolithic. 8. Analysis of the datings establishes that the Neolithic in Andalusia consists of two phases: Early, and Late, which does not justify maintaining the traditional tripartite division of this period.

Fig. A8. Chronological spread for the Neolithic of Andalusia, short-lived vs. domestic and short-lived.

Evaluating the modelling results, it can be deduced that: 1. During analysis of the different Bayesian models and while the most appropriate types of samples to use were selected, anomalies were detected deriving from three specific sites: Carigüela, Nerja and Los Castillejos. In the case of Nerja and Carigüela, the anomalies may de due to issues regarding the origin, nature and conservation of the samples. Thus, for Carigüela, the latest datings of animal species challenge their domestic or wild status (García Borja et al., 2014). In the case of Los Castillejos, the researchers themselves point out the inconsistency of the sample with respect to its stratigraphic origin. 2. That, starting from model 6, and if taken with the reserves due to the samples from Carigüela and Nerja, the Early Neolithic would begin around 5500 cal. BC. It is additionally noted that the presence of domestic animals is prior to the domestic plant species, Nerja contributing the oldest date. 3. Following the same model, if the samples from Carigüela and Los Castillejos are taken with due caution, the Early Neolithic would have ended around 4700 cal. BC. 4. Consequently, the estimated duration of the Early Neolithic in Andalusia would be estimated as around 800 years. 5. In this case, according to the most recent dates for the Mesolithic and the earliest considered for the Neolithic, we are faced with a chronological rupture or gap of about 500 years. 6. The same occurs between the last dates considered for the Early Neolithic and the first for the Late Neolithic, since they reveal a data gap of about 400 years. 7. As a consequence, it is not possible to assume that the beginnings of the Early Neolithic derive from the Mesolithic populations in the region, starting from the chronological rupture between the Mesolithic and the Early Neolithic. There is also no

3.2. Landscape occupation Research into the first Neolithic communities in the region, until the mid-1980s, had started from an almost exclusively cavedwelling perspective. It was considered the general model following the explanations of the first proposals on the Andalusian Neolithic (Bosch Gimpera, 1920, 1932, 1954). The exceptions arose from some open-air finds at La Molaina (Pinos Puente, Granada)
ez Pe
rez and Martínez Ferna
ndez, 1981), Catorce Fanegas (Sa (Cogollos Vega, Granada) (Carrasco Rus et al., 1987), La Dehesa ~o
n (Lucena del Puerto, Huelva) and El Judío (Almonte, Huelva) (Pin Varela and Bueno Ramírez, 1985; Vera Rodríguez et al., 2010; Camalich Massieu and Martín Socas, 2013), among the most outstanding. In addition, a review of the documentation of work done at the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, such as at the settlement of Almizaraque (Cuevas del Almanzora, Almeria), showed an occupation related to the caves of the SubBaetic Range (Martín Socas and Camalich Massieu, 1986). Since the mid-1980s there has been a shift in archaeological research (Salvatierra Cuenca, 1994), which strengthened the study of territory and landscape and with it the development of surface surveys and prospections, and systematic excavations. The identification in the different areas of a set of open-air settlements, corresponding to the initial part of the Neolithic, has offered a wider, diverse, and more complex panorama. However, knowledge of this model of settlement is very limited. There are several problems that hinder its location: its small dimensions, the scarce structural and material evidence on the surface, as well as the natural and anthropogenic alterations of the landscape. In this context, attention should be focussed on the work done in coastal zones of Almeria and the Gulf of Cadiz. In both cases, fundamental information has been obtained to explain the occupation of coastal areas

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D. Martín-Socas et al. / Quaternary International xxx (2017) 1e21

with very different dynamics, not only between each other but also in relation to inland areas. Thus, a historical continuity along the Atlantic belt is proposed, based on the survival of mesolithic traditions in the lithic production of the first Neolithic communities. A similar continuity is seen in the strategies used in hunting, fishing, and shellfish and plant collection. A settlement pattern typified by semi-sedentary seasonal camps can be discerned, complementary to those in the interior of the countryside, linked to a farming economy (Ramos et al., 2005). At the same time, the possibility of legume cultivation and domestication of some animal species, such as pigs and cattle is assumed, as a result of indigenous practices in the management of local natural resources. This would have taken place prior to the introduction of other animal and plant species (Ramos ~ oz, 2000, 2004, 2006; Arteaga Matute, 2002, 2004; Ramos Mun ~ oz and Pe
rez Rodríguez, 2003; C

rez Mun aceres S
anchez, 2003; Pe ~ oz Rodríguez, 2005; Arteaga Matute and Roos, 2009; Ramos Mun et al., 2013; Arteaga Matute et al., 2016). However, pollen studies in the area do not indicate an anthropisation process involving agricultural activities before the end of the fifth and beginning of
pez S
the fourth millennium (Lo aez et al., 2011a). At El Retamar, due to the datings and possible erosive processes, some authors propose two occupation phases, Mesolithic and Early Neolithic. This latter is supported by the presence of Cardial imprinted ware. This has led to questioning their early datings and possible explanation as a result of a palimpsest (Marchand, 2005; Carvalho, 2010). The high geometric microliths index associated with the first signs of the Neolithic is also observed at the settlement of La Dehesa, within the framework of the Atlantic belt. In this case, it seems to reflect a seasonal and/or periodic occupation pattern linked to subsistence hunting and exploitation of plant resources (Vera Rodríguez et al., 2010; Camalich Massieu and Martín Socas, 2013). In the case of the Almerian coast, the absence of Mesolithic records does not permit correlation between the two populations. The strategies of occupation and resource exploitation seem to be more diversified, as seen at Cabecicos Negros, where craftsmanship specialised in the manufacture of personal ornamentation elements was dominant (Camalich Massieu et al., 1999; Martínez€ hler, 2016). Here, the occupancy pattern Sevilla, 2014; Orozco Ko can be defined as a coexistence of two types of site. One was on small hills or ridges immediately adjacent to river courses, estuaries or bays, according to a reconstruction of the proposed coastline for that period (Arteaga Matute et al., 1987; Schubart et al., 1988; Arteaga Maute and Hoffmann, 1999). The other type was situated on separate ridges with a visual dominance of the landscape, following a much more diversified productive strategy. This confluence of settlement patterns and strategies reflects a comprehensive understanding of the environment. In this way, access to the different resources was guaranteed by means of repeated visits to the places of supply from semipermanently occupied sites (Camalich Massieu and Martín Socas, 2013). For areas in the interior however, a model of occupation has been proposed where different types of interrelated settlements are combined, whether in caves or the open-air. A territorial organisation pattern of seasonal or periodic occupation shaped according to the exploitation of the diverse resources, whether
n agricultural or abiotic, or control of the droving routes (Gavila
n Ceballos et al., 1997; Ceballos and Vera Rodríguez, 1999; Gavila
n Ceballos et al., 2004; Aranda Jime
nez et al., 2012; Vera Gavila Rodríguez and Martínez Fern
andez, 2012; Espejo Herrerías et al.,
lagos at Zuheros and Los Castille2013). In the case of Los Murcie jos, they would exercise control over the exploitation of the landscape based on pastoral activity, leading to stable or permanent ~ oz, 1975; Riquelme Cantal, 1996; Sa
nchez Romero, occupation (Mun 2000; Gavil
an Ceballos et al., 2004; Vera Rodríguez and Martínez

Fern
andez, 2012). However, the most current information on the Early Neolithic in Andalusia derives from cave deposits. They are the dominant group and are traditionally associated with habitation and/or burial spaces, linked to a pastoral economy. Some authors argue that caves were used exclusively as funeral or burial areas by surrounding populations, with a clear ritual and worship function (Carrasco Rus et al., 2010; Carrasco Rus and Martínez-Sevilla, 2014; Carrasco Rus et al., 2016). The presence of human remains in caves can also be interpreted as temporary deposits for later secondary burials. Thus, the human remains were mixed with those of fauna and affected by fire (Aguilera Aguilar et al., 2015) at Nerja, El Toro
~ a, (Egüez et al., 2016), Shelter 6 of the Humo Complex (La Aran
ndez et al., 2005), or Castillo de Don ~ a Mencía Malaga) (Ramos Ferna (Priego, Cordova) (Martínez S
anchez et al., 2015), among others. However, the current literature provides information on a more complex and diverse management of cave-use than this simple funerary purpose or the 'binomial' habitat/burial dialectic, as established in La Dehesilla where various burials associated with
n, domestic spaces were found (Acosta Martínez and Pellicer Catala 1990). The latter is not exclusive to cave deposits, as it is cited for open-air settlements such as Cerro Virtud (Montero Ruiz and Ruiz Taboada, 1996; Montero Ruiz et al., 1999) and El Retamar (Ramos ~ oz and Lazarich Gonza
lez, 2002; Ramos et al., 2000). To Mun counterbalance this, at El Toro there was a simultaneity between domestic activities - food processing and consumption - and craft activities, along with possible goat or sheep pens. However, it was also used as a space for funerary practices and rituals (Martín-Socas
et al., 2004a; Egüez et al., 2016). In the latter case, the presence stands out of a human skull manipulated and deposited in a specific part of the living space with a ritual orientation (Martín Socas et al., 2004a). This same type of polyfunctional space was noticed at Ardales, with secondary burials (Cabello et al., 2013; Becerra
lagos at Martín, 2015). Likewise, in the Pasillo sector of Los Murcie Zuheros, a sequence of diversified uses has been identified. At first, it was associated with the consumption of opium poppy and interpreted in a ritual context. Subsequently, it was again seen as a possible sheep and goat fold. But it was also used for funerary
practices and rites (Martín-Socas et al, 2004a; Egüez et al., 2016) and finally, as an annex of the living area (Vera Rodríguez and
n Ceballos, 1999; Gavil
Gavila an Ceballos and Mas Cornell
a, 2006; ~ a-Chocarro et al., 2013). Carvalho et al., 2012; Pen 3.3. Economy 3.3.1. Plants and animals If we take into account the existing literature on Andalusia, the management model seen in these early farming communities involved a phase of consolidation and uneven development of these productive strategies as the first evidence of anthropisation. Although anthracological (charcoal) and pollen studies are too few to help understand the palaeoenvironmental characteristics in which the Mesolithic/Neolithic transition took place, the first signs of its impact in the region are to be seen from the middle of 6th millennium cal. BC onwards. As in the case of the archaeological documentation, the information regarding climate and vegetation is more plentiful for Eastern Andalusia than Western. The period between the 7th millennium and the first half of the 6th cal. BC is known to coincide with the mentioned climate crisis and a trend towards aridification. The results obtained indicate that Western Andalusia presented a landscape covered mainly by pine and the evergreen kermes (Q. kermes) and holm-oaks (Q. ilex), with an
pez accompanying thermophilic flora (Rodríguez-Ariza, 2005; Lo S
aez et al., 2011a). Here, the first evidence of anthropisation is visible from the second half of the 5th and more surely by the end

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of the 4th millennium cal. BC. Meanwhile, Eastern Andalusia was
pez S
occupied by evergreen oak woodland (Lo aez et al., 2011b). Almeria was the exception, characterised by arid environmental
n-Cano conditions and compatible steppe communities (Pantaleo et al., 1999, 2003; Yll, 2012). However, the lower flanks of the Baetic mountains would have been enriched with deciduous mesophilic trees such as birch (Betula pendula) or oak (Quercus robur), with more elements of the xerothermophilic maquis and pinewoods coastward. The first signs of anthropisation are detectable from the second half of 6th millennium cal. BC, associated in many cases with deforestation by fire. Its causes are the beginning of agricultural practices and the need for pasture for livestock. As a result of this, the holm-oak and pine forests (Pinus spp) were deforested in favour of the low maquis observed along the coast of Malaga, and the Baetic ranges of Cordova and Granada
pez Sa
ez et al., 2011b). At El Toro, anthracological studies do not (Lo detect alteration of the landscape until the end of the 5th millennium cal. BC (Rodríguez-Ariza, 1996, 2004). In the case of the Segura and Baza mountain ranges, with a dense forest of black pine (Pinus nigra), significant changes in vegetation or deforestation are not evident, but there are signs of pastoral activity, possibly of
pez S
seasonal 'transterminant' droving (Lo aez et al., 2011b). The agricultural methods reflect a relatively selective cultivation of the species, without a defined pattern. This has led to suggesting an economic organisation of the agricultural cycle in this early period, despite the limitations derived from the small number of systematic archaeobotanical studies. They were performed at Los
i Capdevila, 1997; Castillejos (Rovira Buendia, 2007), El Toro (Buxo
lagos at Zuheros (Pen ~ aMartín Socas et al., 2004a), Los Murcie
rmoles (Priego, Cordova) (Asquerino, Chocarro, 1999), and Los Ma ~ a-Chocarro and Zapata, 2010). These studies should 2008; Pen include the separate samples from Nerja, Roca Chica and Hostal
s et al., 2010; Pen ~ aGuadalupe (Torremolinos, Malaga) (Corte Chocarro et al., 2013, 2015) or La Higuera (Ardales and Teba, Ma~ a-Chocarro and Zapata, 2010; Espejo Herrerías et al., laga) (Pen ~ a-Chocarro et al., 2015). Their results establish that 2013; Pen from the beginning there was a clear predominance of cereals, dominated by common naked wheat (Triticum aestivum/durum) and naked barley (Hordeum vulgare nudum). However, there are
lagos at Zuheros, where emmer exceptions such as at Los Murcie ~ a-Chocarro et al., wheat predominates (Triticum dicoccum) (Pen 2013). Legumes are always present, with a variety of important species, lentil (Lens culinaris), pea (Pisum sativum), broad bean (Vicia faba), vetch (Vicia sativa), grass pea (Lathyrus sativus), and ervil/bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia) in a reduced proportion. To these is added as a characteristic feature the presence of oilseeds such as flax (Linum usitatissimum), and opium poppy (Papaver somniferum).
lagos at Zuheros The latter have a prominent presence at Los Murcie and only occasional at Los Castillejos. In general terms, their presence is considered an exception at that time in the Iberian Penin~ a-Chocarro et al., 2013). The different presence/abundance sula (Pen of species observed between sites may derive from problems of conservation of carpological remains, for ecological, cultural or ~ a et al., 2005; Rovira Buendia, 2007; functional reasons (Zapata Pen ~ a-Chocarro et al., 2015). Thus, it cannot be ruled out that the Pen lower presence of legumes with respect to cereals derives from different agricultural and culinary treatments. Furthermore, legume cultivation is more demanding and does not produce the
i Capdevila, 1997). In this agricultural same yield as cereals (Buxo plot, practically the whole spectrum of domestic plant species of
i the Central-Western Mediterranean is represented (Buxo ~ a et al., 2005; Rovira Buendia, 2007). Capdevila, 1997; Zapata Pen Likewise, it has been pointed out that the oldest specimens from Andalusia, in the middle of the 6th millennium cal. BC, come from
s et al., 2010; Pen ~ a-Chocarro et al., 2013). the coast of Malaga (Corte

11

However, Model 6 shows that the oldest chronologies based on domestic plant species are from Subbaetic sites in a time-band between 5300 and 5250 cal. BC. In its case, the identification of weeds and straw items indicative of agriculture and the anthropisation of the environment points to specific agricultural practices. The set of techniques ranges from the preparation of the soil to processing the crops for storage and/or ~ a et al., 2005; Rovira Buendia, 2007; consumption (Zapata Pen Carvalho et al., 2012). The functional analysis of lithic items at different sites in the region indicates that the cereal fields were reaped with a curved handled sickle with oblique insertion of the cutting surfaces, presenting abrasion stigmas in the form of striations and nicking in the honing of the flint blade edges. These two characteristics are evidence of ground-level reaping (Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 1996; Gonz
alez Urquijo et al., 2000; Gibaja et al., 2010a; Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 2013), which allows not only the grain to be gathered but also the stems for straw (Ib
anez
vez and Gonz
Este alez Urquijo, 1996). The oblique insertion of sickle flints has been documented at Los Castillejos, but the observed lack of striations is interpreted as a result of a high
n et al., 2015), which would be in accorreaping cut (Perales Barro dance with the general assessment of the sickles on both sides of the Straits of Gibraltar (Gibaja et al., 2012). The ground-level reaping of the naked cereals could be associated with the utilisation of straw for animal fodder and/or bedding. It could also possibly be used in various crafts, although the straw of the common 'dressed' cereals would be more viable (Gonz
alez Urquijo ~ a et al., 2005; Buxo
and Pique
, 2008). et al., 2000; Zapata Pen The introduction of cultivated plants did not mean the disappearance of gathering wild food resources. This is the case of the acorn (Quercus sp.) and the olive (Olea europaea), present at all the studied sites. However, in spite of its importance, there has so far been no in-depth study to determine the role they play in the nutrition and economy of these communities. Also, the use of fibres in the manufacture of textiles or basketwork from esparto-grass
lagos at Albun ~ ol (Stipa tenacissima), is documented for Los Murcie
ngora y Martínez, 1868; Alonso et al., 1978; Alfaro, (Granada) (Go 1980), where in addition some appear painted (Cacho et al., 1996). To these can be added the well-charred remains cited for El Toro (Martín Socas et al., 2004a). The available record is very small, since they are only found in spaces with unusually good conservation conditions or because they were carbonised. In addition, the cut stone implements that could be related to the collection of these plant fibres are not well defined, so the same
lez implements as for cereal harvesting may have been used (Gonza Urquijo et al., 2000; Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 2013). The first evidence of agricultural practices is linked to intensive dryland cultivation (without irrigation) in limited spaces. Wheat and barley would have been sown together intentionally to minimise the risk of poor harvests and obtain a more qualitative use of
i Capdevila, 1997), cereal products, as pointed out at El Toro (Buxo
rmoles but at Los Castillejos (Rovira Buendia, 2007) and Los Ma ~ a-Chocarro et al., 2013), an occasional rotation or alternation (Pen between the different species of cereals has been suggested, lasting up to the first third of the 5th millennium BC. At Los Castillejos, El
lagos at Zuheros and M
Toro, Los Murcie armoles, cereals appear processed and ready for consumption, which has led to the conclusion that the fields would be located close to the living space. This would facilitate their compatibility with other economic practices, such as livestock rearing. It is clear that livestock husbandry and agriculture are complementary economic systems, although so far it was not possible to determine precisely what role animals played in the production cycle. Studies were carried out on the faunistic collections from Los Castillejos (Riquelme Cantal, 1996), La Molaina (Riquelme Cantal,

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D. Martín-Socas et al. / Quaternary International xxx (2017) 1e21


ceres S
1996), El Retamar (Ca anchez, 2002), El Toro (Watson et al., ~ íz and Martín Díaz, 1995). Like2004) and Nerja (Morales Mun wise, a combined evaluation has been presented of the fauna of Carigüela (Uerpmann, 1977, 1995), La Dehesilla, El Parralejo and Nerja (Boessneck and Driesch, 1980). Domestic fauna is dominant, with the exceptions of El Retamar and the references to La Dehesilla (Acosta Martínez, 1987; Acosta Martínez and Pellicer Catal
an, 1990) and Chica de Santiago (Pellicer and Acosta, 1982; Acosta Martínez, 1995). It is represented mainly by ovicaprids (Ovis aries and Capra hircus). The bovine (Bos taurus) and porcine (Sus domesticus) remains show a much lower percentage, while dog (Canis familiaris), appears only occasionally. At Los Castillejos and El Toro in the earliest period a higher proportion of sheep against goat remains were found (3:1 and 5:1 respectively), which in Period II at Los Castillejos (assigned to the
mara Serrano Middle Neolithic) tends to become similar in ratio (Ca et al., 2016). At Nerja, two issues have been raised directly related to the presence of ovicaprids. Based on the results at Carigüela, Uerpmann (1995) proposes a previous introduction of sheep in the Neolithic period, rejecting the assertion of Boessneck and von den Driesch that their presence had already been established since the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition (Boessneck and Driesch, 1980). On the other hand, during the work of Pellicer and Acosta in 1980 and 1982 in Nerja, the presence of domestic fauna in the levels prior to the Neolithic led them to consider the possibility of a regional autochtonous domestication. For this reason, they put forward the hypothesis of an indigenous advance neolithisation in the Western Subbetic mountain range (Pellicer and Acosta Martínez, 1997). However, a review of the documentation from the old excavation campaigns has ruled out any possibility of domestication from local strains (Aura Tortosa et al., 2010). The pattern of ovicaprine mortality at Los Castillejos and El Toro suggests a kind of production where primary meat exploitation predominated (Riquelme Cantal, 1996; Watson et al., 2004). However, the mortality pattern of cattle and pigs is different. Thus, at Los Castillejos, slaughter was after the optimum growth period (Riquelme Cantal, 1996), whereas at El Toro it was before the age of two (Watson et al., 2004). The main style of ovicaprine meat exploitation is confirmed by functional studies of the lithic samples
lagos at Zuheros, Nerja and Los Castillejos. from El Toro, Los Murcie The tools were identified as predominantly of types associated with work on animal materials, mostly butchering and skin-treatment tasks. This is evidence of a key livestock-related context (Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 1996, 2013; Rodríguez Rodríguez, 2004; Gonz
alez Urquijo et al., 2000; Gibaja et al., 2010b; Carvalho et al.,
n et al., 2015). Therefore, the scarcity of culti2012; Perales Barro vated seeds, functional orientation of tools, and the dominant animal species at the studied sites suggest that these first Neolithic communities had a preferential general orientation towards livestock rearing. Indeed, Model 6 reveals the presence of domesticated animals before plants. Similarly, unlike the case of domesticated plants, a chronological correlation was established between the dated samples from the coastal sites and those of the Sub-Baetic interior. Hunting remained important in Early Neolithic communities, but with a different percentage incidence between the different sites studied. An exceptional and problematic case is El Retamar, where wildlife represents 95% of the total number of mammals
nchez, 2002). The most abundant wild animal found (C
aceres Sa found at all the sites is rabbit (Oryctolagus cuniculus), followed by deer (Cervus elaphus), horse (Equus sp.), cattle (Bos sp.) and wild goat (Capra pyrenaica). There are differences in the representation of species, especially comparing Los Castillejos (Riquelme Cantal, ~ íz and Martín Díaz, 1995) against 1996) and Nerja (Morales Mun El Toro, where there is an overwhelming dominance of rabbit

(Watson et al., 2004). The lesser presence of wild animals at these three sites, accompanied by a low representation of projectiles (Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 2013), indicates the relative insignificance of hunting there. Similarly, samples related to fishing and shellfish harvesting show substantial differences among the studied sites. Thus, at those on the coast, e.g. El Retamar (Soriguer Escoffet et al., 2002) and Nerja, the significant presence and high number of species reflects their probable dietary importance (Jord
a Pardo, 1981; Serrano et al., 1995). Against this, at inland settlements and caves, rare specimens of basically malacofauna, as at Los Castillejos and El Toro, have been linked with their use as raw material in the manufacture of personal adornments or as implements used in crafts (Riquelme Cantal, 1996; Martín-Socas et al., 2004a,b,c). Equally important
et al., 1995; Morales Mun ~ íz and Rosello
, are fish in Nerja (Rosello 2004) and El Retamar (Soriguer Escoffet et al., 2002). The most abundant species are snapper (Pagrus pagrus), pandora (Pagellus erythrinus), grouper (Epinephelus guaza) and pollock (Pollachius pollachius). At El Retamar, the microspatial distribution of remains of gilthead seabream inside the settlement has established two distinct areas in its layout, one for processing fish and another for its consumption. From the species documented, this settlement appears to have been occupied more often in autumn. As for their presence at inland sites, remains of snapper were found at Los Castillejos (Riquelme Cantal, 1996). 3.3.2. Material culture The introduction of domestic animals and plants was accompanied by a substantial change in the material record. Attention has traditionally been focussed on two essential types of activity. On the one hand, lithic production as the basis to observe the survival of the previous underlying Mesolithic substrate techniques and population, or the technical innovations that accompany these products. On the other, pottery as an indicator of the new economic and cultural strategies of these communities. At the same time, they are used as a basis to propose links with different areas of Iberia and the Central-Western Mediterranean. The aim has been to identify indicators of their chronostratigraphic sequences so as to establish when and how the Neolithic progressed in Andalusia. In the case of lithic production, most studies have been focussed
ndez, 1985; Ramos on technology and typology (Martínez Ferna ~ oz, 1989; Afonso Marrero, 1993; Sa
nchez Romero, 2000; Mun Martínez Fern
andez et al., 2010), origin of raw materials (Domínguez-Bella et al., 2002; Ramos et al., 2008), and functions (Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 2013). Lithic assemblages show the existence of Mesolithic technical traditions, definable in very different areas of the region. This stands out in the caves of Hoyo de la Mina (Fortea, 1986), Nacimiento (Rodríguez, 1979) and La Dehesilla (Acosta Martínez and Pellicer Catal
an, 1990). Studies in the Atlantic belt have established a general persistence of traditions showing technological and human continuity with the Mesolithic (Vera Rodríguez ~ oz et al., 2013). However, what really deet al., 2010; Ramos Mun fines the change is a new technique, the cutting of stone flakes and chips by pressure and heating of the cores (Afonso Marrero, 1993;
ndez et al., 2010), which can reach a high level of Martínez Ferna technological perfection (Rodríguez Rodríguez, 2004; Carvalho et al., 2012). A high-quality flint was used, which did not require heating for pressure cutting. This finding is a constant, rooted in the traditions of the first Neolithic communities in the South and West of the Iberian Peninsula and Northern Morocco (Carvalho et al., 2012). With the exception of the aforementioned Atlantic belt, this change is general throughout the region. It coincides with a slight persistence of the Mesolithic substrate, seen in the presence of geometric microliths, documented at Los Castillejos (Martínez

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D. Martín-Socas et al. / Quaternary International xxx (2017) 1e21


ndez et al., 2010), Cabecicos Negros (Martínez Ferna
ndez and Ferna Afonso Marrero, 1999), La Molaina (Afonso Marrero, 1993), El Toro
lagos at Zuheros (Carvalho (Rodríguez Rodríguez, 2004), Los Murcie et al., 2012) and Nerja (Aura Tortosa et al., 2013). In all these cases, the majority raw material is Sub-Baetic flint, and its supply is related to the mobility of these communities. At Los Castillejos, the supply from more distant areas is explained by a grazing pattern that facilitated access to other source zones
nchez Romero, 2000). As at this site, at Cabecicos Negros in-situ (Sa cut lithic production is documented (Rodríguez Rodríguez, 1999;
nchez Romero, 2000). In contrast, at Murcie
lagos at Zuheros Sa and El Toro, part of the stone tool assemblage was carried around as finished products, so that at the site they would only be re-honed or converted into other implements (Rodríguez Rodríguez, 2004; Carvalho et al., 2012). With the exception of the overall datasets from El Toro and Cabecicos Negros (Rodríguez Rodríguez, 1999, 2004), functional studies at the rest of the sites have been limited to selection of pieces to identify the activities involved in the establishment and
lez Urquijo et al., 2000; Gibaja et al., practise of farming (Gonza 2010b, 2012). The relative homogeneity of the activities stands out where the dominant tasks, as noted above, are attributable to the exploitation of resources of animal origin (meat and hides). At El Toro, these activities had a broad range of functions. Meatprocessing is documented, e.g. filleting eprior to drying or smoking-, storage, and the notable importance of work with animal hides. They can therefore be interpreted as goods aimed for later bartering. The remaining activities identified derive from specific work on other materials like bone, wood, and clay (Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 2013). The settlement at Cabecicos Negros is the exception. The functional analysis of flint tools indicates that hides were processed there, but work on mineral materials was preponderant, owing to a workshop specialised in the manufacture of limestone and schist bracelets at this site (Camalich Massieu et al, ~ i Quinteiro et al., 1999, 2002; Camalich Massieu et al., 1999; Gon 2004). The first ceramic products of the Neolithic were domestic, used in the daily life of each of these settlements, others were for ritual or funerary purposes. They no doubt followed different pottery traditions, emblematic of the identity of the different communities. For this reason, signs of learning processes should be looked for when studying them, as a means to characterise such patterns of diversity that mark distinctive ceramic styles, visible and tactile products of the transmission of knowledge and skills (Salanova, 2012). Early Neolithic ceramics in Andalusia are characterised by their extraordinary diversity, in terms of manufacture techniques, elements of apprehension, as well as techniques and decorative motifs. This has led to attention being focussed on general assessments of ceramic production without taking into account its context. The aim has been to frame the first moments of the Neolithic period in Andalusia, due to the presence or absence of certain morphotypes and decorative techniques, within the framework of the Valencian region and/or the Maghreb, while defining their specific differences. It is thus considered that the techniques that make this production uniform and also varied are the widespread use of red ochre and cordal decoration in relief. The use of ochre is not only restricted to covering the surfaces partially or totally, but is also used to fill in the negatives of the different decorative techniques. Hence, research aimed at identifying the decorative techniques -imprinted, incised, grooved, embossed and ochred-with certain morphotypes, has led to an uncoordinated separate publication of ceramic series, sites and precise stratigraphies and contexts, limiting the possibilities of characterisation on a regional scale. Likewise, the archaeometric studies performed so far have been

13

oriented towards correlating production with possible provisioning areas. Their aim was to determine the local or exterior origin of the manufactured items, so as to establish general exchange networks, and determine their ranges of mobility (Navarrete Enciso et al., ~ oz and Lazarich Gonz
1991; Ramos Mun alez, 2002; Vera
ndez, 2012; Medved, 2013). Among Rodríguez and Martínez Ferna imprinted ware, the Cardial type has been the most valued. It is found throughout the region, with particular differentiated styles (Camalich Massieu and Martín Socas, 2013); however, its presence is scarce and is concentrated essentially in the provinces of Granada and Malaga. Only those identified at Los Castillejos, Nerja, Cabecicos Negros and El Retamar can be ascribed to precise chronological contexts. The Valencian origin of the Andalusian Neolithic in its Epicardial facies (Navarrete Enciso, 1976; Carrasco Rus et al., 2016;
mara Serrano et al., 2016) has perhaps been overemphasised by Ca
n, 1964). From the its presence at Carigüela cave (Pellicer Catala definition of the Pre-cardial phase for the Valencian region, greater attention has been given to the boquique-type decoration, using it to refine chronologies and origins. Due to the datings of the initial Neolithic levels and hiatus with the previous Mesolithic phase, Nerja cave has been interpreted as a pioneer site on the coast of the Sea of Alboran, developing from an arrival by sea from North Africa (García Borja et al., 2010, 2014; Aura Tortosa et al., 2013). Personal ornamentation constitutes another of the distinctive sets of pieces from these communities, and is also typically diverse. The predominant raw materials are shell, bone and stone, while the morphotypes that stand out are bracelets, beads and pendants. The studies have focussed primarily on bracelets, plain or decorated, made of shell or limestone, marble and mica schists. Despite the importance assigned them as a valuable identification aid, their study has not been addressed with the required depth to understand the real significance of these products. The most common types are made of limestone and marble and present great morphotechnical uniformity, interpreted as the result of circulation in standardised exchange networks (Vera Rodríguez and Martínez
ndez, 2012), or representative of widely distinct cultural Ferna groups (Martínez-Sevilla, 2014). The workshop at Cabecicos Negros specialised in manufacturing bracelets made fundamentally of mica schists. A technological study characterised a craft activity with levels of standardisation and quantity that far exceed the needs of a domestic environment. They should thus be considered as goods for long-distance exchange, as suggested by their affinity with the €hler, 2016). A similar Early Valencian Cardial Neolithic (Orozco Ko possible link with limestone exchange networks arises from the ~ aeras specialised manufacture of bracelets at the Piedras Vin workshop (Priego, Cordova) (Vera Rodríguez and Martínez
ndez, 2012). Conversely, the study on Los Ma
rmoles supFerna ports their domestic character, destined as burial goods (MartínezSevilla, 2010, 2014). Finally, a general trait among personal ornamentation items is the presence of red ochre, whether as abrasive material in their manufacture, decorative colouring or accidental transfer from artisans' body decoration. The importance of the use of this colouring is also reflected in the funerary sphere; its association with burials or human remains is cited for Nerja (Aguilera Aguilar et al., 2015), La Dehesilla (Acosta Martínez, 1995) and El Retamar (Bueno S
anchez, 2002). The other two groups conforming the implement assemblage of the Early Neolithic: polished bone and lithic production have not been subject to specific studies. In the first case, the meagre presence of these objects has been merely mentioned, describing them from strictly typological criteria. Only at El Toro has a preliminary study with a functional approach been conducted on their technological characteristics. Its results point to use in leather and pottery handicrafts (Meneses Fern
andez, 1991; Rodríguez Santos, 2015). To this should be added the presence of hooks and a

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D. Martín-Socas et al. / Quaternary International xxx (2017) 1e21



n Alvarez, spatula made out of a human humerus in Nerja (Ada

n Alvarez 1988; Ada and Nieto García, 1995). Attention to polished stone tool production has also usually centred on typological classification, and its links with farming activities and woodwork. The few studies that have tried to penetrate beyond this, to investigate the origin of their raw materials and functionality, have € hler, 2004; been made from a macroscopic viewpoint (Orozco Ko
lez, 2005, 2014). The same can be said of records of García Gonza items related to grinding and milling, that are in general limited to stating their presence and evident relationship with processing plant products for consumption. 4. Results and discussion The Early Neolithic in Andalusia is here analysed according to several series of materials associated with the economic practices accompanying the introduction of new domestic animal and plant species. Its diversity in this vast landscape has been considered the result of many new influences, where the underlying Mesolithic traditions would have been barely visible. The debate that emerged in the 1980s about the indigenous status of the neolithisation process centred on Western Andalusia, remains current today. However, the available empirical base clearly contributes to addressing the neolithisation of Andalusia by showing that it is skewed by five fundamental factors: 1. The lack of a coherent set of absolute datings accompanied by stratigraphic sequences and precise contexts; 2. Absence of documentation on the Mesolithic at regional level, to show to what extent the hunter-gatherer communities influenced the initial transformation that permitted implantation of the Neolithic socioeconomic strategies; 3. Absence of data on the settlement of farming communities in the Baetic depression, countryside, and lowlands of the lower Intra-Baetic Basin, which offer optimal conditions for their development; 4. The regional interpretation of the Early Neolithic in Andalusia was primarily based mainly on the results obtained at the coastal sites at Nerja, El Retamar and Cabecicos Negros, and inland at Los Castillejos settlement and Carigüela cave; 5. Studies have been directed basically at solving very specific issues, hence there is a strong imbalance in our knowledge of the different productive units involved in this new socio-economic reality. They have focussed on determining the characteristics of farming activity and lithic industry by their relationship as now a means of making a living, as well as to establish connections with the (Mesolithic) substrate population or technical changes in the Neolithic. For this reason, little attention has been given to the new crafts being developed, despite their importance for understanding the diverse strategies and social, economic and ideological relationships. But also, to understand the strong cultural contrasts observed over a landscape as wide and complex as Andalusia. Here, 175 datings are presented for 25 sites, which is the widest series assessed to date for the region. However, despite the consistency offered by the Bayesian analysis, it cannot be ignored that:
lagos at Zuheros 1. Only Los Castillejos, and El Toro and Los Murcie caves, have precise stratigraphical sequences. The samples for dating from the caves of Carigüela and Nerja have been selected due to their being associated with the archaeological documentation of old excavations, where some archaeostratigraphic problems with these sequences have arisen. Of the remaining ones, some derive from emergency excavations, while a large proportion of the others have been obtained from material deposited in different institutions.; 2. more than half are concentrated at four sites:
lagos at Zuheros, Nerja, Los Castillejos and El Toro. EvaluaMurcie tion of these dates suggests that the Early Neolithic period began around 5500 cal. BC and finished around 4700 cal. BC, a duration of

approximately 800 years. Attempts to identify distinguishing elements in its internal development have arisen due to maintaining a traditional tripartite reading of the Neolithic period, which does not correspond to the available empirical base (Aura Tortosa et al., 2010, 2013; Camalich Massieu and Martín Socas, 2013). The same applies to the sequential and developmental organisation of the Early Neolithic, based on specific ceramic indicators at some sites (Aura Tortosa et al., 2010, 2013; García Borja et al., 2010; C
amara Serrano et al., 2016). Since production processes vary, so far, no general differentiating/homogenising features can be identified for the entire region as a whole. This transformation and diversity can only be tackled through the evaluation of all productive activities during the Early Neolithic and their importance at social, economic and territorial levels. Such a study would explain how sedentarisation and aggregation/concentration of the population was consolidated, leading to a farming economy. This would develop into complex societies from the second half of the 5th millennium cal. BC onwards. Regarding our level of knowledge of the Mesolithic in the region, the lack of sites and the questions posed by their documentation are the problem. Their distribution has been determined in both the coastal and inland areas. Thus, in Malaga, Nerja (Aura et al., 2009;
s Sa
nchez et al., 2012), Aura Tortosa et al., 2010, 2013; Corte
s, 2007; Corte
s et al., 2010; Corte
s Sa
nchez et al., Bajondillo (Corte 2012) and Hoyo de la Mina (Baldomero Navarro et al., 2005), and ~ oz and in Cadiz, Embarcadero del río Palmones (Ramos Mun ~ eda, 2005). Inland, Nacimiento (Asquerino and Lo
pez, Castan
n Montan ~ ana, 1980) caves in Jae
n; 1981) and Valdecuevas (Sarrio and some surface sites in the Sub-Baetic area in Cordova
nez (Asquerino, 1992), as well as Ambrosio cave in Almeria (Jime Navarro, 1962). Of them, the Nerja and Bajondillo caves have been subject to recent studies, owing to a stratigraphic interruption between the Mesolithic and the beginning of the Neolithic period. This was due to population movements as a result of changes in
s Sa
nchez et al., 2012). continental and marine ecosystems (Corte However, from the evidence derived from Embarcadero del río ~ oz, 2003, 2004; Ramos Mun ~ oz and Palmones (Ramos Mun ~ eda, 2005), and El Retamar (Ramos Mun ~ oz and Lazarich Castan
lez, 2002), a human and cultural continuity is discernible in Gonza the Gulf of Cadiz area in the lithic tradition and the model of subsistence hunting, gathering, and marine-resource exploitation. The absence of Mesolithic settlements in the lowlands and along the shoreline in this area is justified by the rise in sea-level associated with the Flandrian transgression (Arteaga Matute, 2002, 2004; ~ oz, 2005; Ramos Arteaga Matute and Roos, 2009; Ramos Mun ~ oz et al., 2013; Arteaga Matute et al., 2016). Taking into acMun count the problems arising from dating and interpreting the occupation of El Retamar, the results of the Bayesian models applied in this study establish a rupture between the Mesolithic and the beginnings of the Early Neolithic, estimated at around 500 years. In the case of the Neolithic, the oldest dates correspond to the sites at Nerja and Carigüela, which have been the basis for explaining different neolithisation processes. In Nerja, the hiatus with the Mesolithic and the antiquity of the proposed, 56035490 cal. BC at 2s, explain the implantation of an Early Neolithic period and rapid sea-borne expansion across the Alboran Sea from
n et al., 2001, 2009; García Borja et al., North Africa (Bernabeu Auba 2010, 2014; Aura Tortosa et al., 2013; Linst€ adter et al., 2012b, in press), following the maritime pioneers colonisation model ^o, 2001; Isern et al., 2017). The proposal of a novel Pre-cardial (Zilha stage, based on the results at sites such as El Barranquet (Esquembre Bebia et al., 2008) and Mas d’Is (Bernabeu et al., 2003), has questioned the Cardial paradigm and led to reconsidering the sequence of the Early Neolithic in Southeast Iberia and the Alboran

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D. Martín-Socas et al. / Quaternary International xxx (2017) 1e21

Sea. The empirical basis of this change is based on association with specific ceramic articles: the boquique, related to the sillon d'impression from Liguria in northern Italy and the use of rocking presses ('rockers') made from Non-cardial shell matrices, associated with Southern Italy and Sicily (Bernabeu et al., 2009; García
nzar, 2012; Linsta €dter et al., 2012a, Borja et al., 2010; García Atie in press; Aura Tortosa et al., 2013; Jover Mestre and García Atienzar, 2015). However, this general assignation must be taken
zquez with caution, because at sites such as Los Castillejos (Bla
zquez Gonz

lagos Gonz
alez, 2011; Bla alez et al., 2015), Los Murcie ~ oz Amilibia, 1973), and El Toro (Martín at Zuheros (Vicent and Mun Socas et al., 2004a), which have more recent chronologies and precise stratigraphic sequences, these ceramic types do not appear from the beginning of the new occupation of the landscape. Likewise, it has also been attempted to consolidate this North African connection by means of the palaeogenetic relationship of an individual in Nerja with the haplogroup L1b, dated between
n et al., 2005; Corte
s 4810 and 4450 cal. BC at 2s (Ua-124676) (Simo
nchez et al., 2012). However, genetical studies of different sites Sa around the Mediterranean basin reveal a genetic break with the Mesolithic substrate, which contradicts this North African affilia
ndez et al., 2010). tion (Ferna Owing to the significant presence of imprinted ware at Carigüela
n, 1964), the Levantine/Valencian origin of the (Pellicer Catala Andalusian Neolithic in the Granada area has been emphasised, considering it representative of the oldest Neolithic horizon of Andalusia. (Navarrete Enciso, 1976; Carrasco Rus et al., 2016; C
amara Serrano et al., 2016). However, the latter is questioned by the data obtained in Nerja, since in addition to this Valencian influence in the region, an earlier neolithising population source on the coast of Malaga is also put forward. This could have actually been the main driver behind the spread of new agricultural strategies towards the interior areas (García Borja et al., 2014). In addition, the proposal of an indigenous origin of the Neolithic in the region is raised by El Retamar. The dating of 6248e6020 cal. BC 2s (Sac-1525), obtained from Hearth 18 (transect 1), an argument favouring a different scenario, developing from human and cultural continuity between the Mesolithic and Neolithic, in the Peninsular and North African Atlantic band. the possible local domestication of some animal and plant species cannot be ruled ~ oz, 2000, 2004, 2006; Arteaga Matute, 2002, 2004; out (Ramos Mun
nchez, 2003; Pe
rez Rodríguez, 2005; Arteaga Matute and C
aceres Sa ~ oz et al., 2013; Arteaga Matute et al., 2016). Roos, 2009; Ramos Mun This extends and strengthens the proposal of Pellicer and Acosta concerning an indigenous origin of the Neolithic in western Andalusia, based on excavations at the caves of La Dehesilla (Acosta
n, 1990), El Martínez, 1987; Acosta Martínez and Pellicer Catala Parralejo (Pellicer and Acosta, 1982; Acosta Martínez and Pellicer Catal
an, 1990; Acosta Martínez, 1995) and Chica de Santiago (Pellicer and Acosta, 1982; Acosta Martínez, 1995). It is typified basically by high-quality ceramic production and the standardised use of ochre from the end of the 7th and beginning of the 6th millennium, without calibration (Acosta Martínez, 1986; Pellicer, 1987 ; Pellicer and Acosta Martínez, 1997). Although there seems to be some continuity of wild resource gathering strategies and lithic techniques, there is so far insufficient documentary evidence to support the domestication of any local native plant and animal species. Moreover, Bayesian models demonstrate that datings with deviations as high as those obtained in the Pellicer and Acosta excavations generate significant distortions and a too low degree of reliability to be considered as a chronological basis of support for this theory. Indeed, the problems raised at El Retamar require comparison of the site documentation ans additional datings. The Cardial decoration represented in the area, associated with other decorative techniques, and red ochre,

15

together with certain ceramic morphotypes -vessels with ovoid shape and conical bottom, called sac-, have been linked with the Neolithic process proposed for Southwestern Iberia. The latter concerns its North African links and the hypothesis of the 'recomposition of the Neolithic package' (Manen, 2000; Manen et al., 2007; Marchand and Manen, 2010; Carvalho, 2010). In any case, such old datings from Nerja and Carigüela should be considered unusual and in need of contrasting with a higher level of material finds. The expansion of the Neolithic in Andalusia, according to the general set of available datings, took place from the middle of the 6th millennium cal. BC, between 5500 and 4700 cal. BC. In fact, from that time the implantation of the new food production economy took place, along with the material series exemplifying the new crafts that form part of it. The differences between the material evidence offered by the different sites must be understood in the context of their geographical location itself, the different rhythms of implantation of the new farming societies, as well as the exploitation capacities of the biotic and abiotic resources still to be found in the different areas of the region. Thus, alongside the use of caves in mountain areas, which has been the traditional view, an alternative model of an 'outdoor' (open-air) way of life and occupancy has been gradually defined, both in coastal zones and in the river valleys, plains and countryside of the interior. Therefore, a new reading of the development of these communities is being formulated. In fact, the diversity of economic activities carried out in each of them confirms their thorough knowledge of the potential and natural resources of the different environmental surroundings. In all except
nchez Romero, 2000; Ca
mara Serrano et al., Los Castillejos (Sa 2016), a semi-permanent occupation model is evident. Together with the continued gathering of wild plant resources, hunting, and harvesting of marine foods, this lifestyle seems to be more characteristic of hunter-gatherer communities than of societies with a fully-fledged farming economy. Assessment of the implantation of the farming economy has been conditioned by the preferential attention given to cultivation activity and its relationship with other areas of Iberia and North Africa. This has led to suggesting that the first domestic plants were introduced at the same time along the coasts of Morocco and €dter Andalusia, in the middle of the sixth millennium cal. BC (Linsta et al., 2012a, 2012b; Morales et al., 2013, 2016). Likewise, the study of implements associable with this activity has been aimed at contrasting the relationship of the first agriculture with other areas of the central-western Mediterranean. Indeed, from the technological and functional studies of the few lithic items associated with cereal reaping, the type of sickles and their relationships between those of Andalusia, Portugal and northern Morocco has been recognised (Gibaja et al., 2010a, 2010b, 2012; Carvalho et al., 2012;
n et al., 2015). However, the few finds of sickles and Perales Barro reaping items appearing in the Early Neolithic record in Andalusia may be due to underdeveloped agricultural activities in comparison with other economic practices, such as livestock farming (Rodríguez Rodríguez, 2004; Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 2013). In fact, despite the limited faunistic studies, it can be stated that the main orientation of the Sub-Baetic sites was towards sheep and/or goat herding, complemented with contemporary strains of cattle and pigs. Functional studies of the stone implements confirm this picture with homogeneous meat and hide processing techniques (Rodríguez Rodríguez et al., 2013). This could be an explanation for the relatively dense anthropic occupation of the highlands, and diversity in the management of cave use linked to the mobility inherent to seasonal pastoral and grazing practices (Martín-Socas et al., 2004a). Hunting was still practised, albeit in unequal proportions among the records of different sites. Against a low incidence in deposits

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D. Martín-Socas et al. / Quaternary International xxx (2017) 1e21

like El Toro, it seems to have been a principal subsistence activity around the caves of western Andalusia. Likewise, in the coastal sites of Malaga and Cadiz, marine mollusc collection and fishing constitute an essential part of the diet of their inhabitants. The material assemblages of the Early Neolithic are characterised by homogeneous stone implements and personal ornaments. In contrast to this, the ceramics present wide morphological diversity of apprehension elements, techniques and decorative motifs among the different areas of the region, comparable with those found in the Maghreb. The homogenising aspect of its manufacture, while distinctive of the Andalusian Early Neolithic in general, is the systematic application of red ochre. It was used in both finishing and decoration of the surfaces and to fill in the negatives of the different decorative techniques. And so, there is a contradiction between the use of techniques that would point to distinct traditions and provenances, and their concealment with ochre. Although its association with ceramics in the Maghreb has not been described, it was a recurring element in the decoration of different objects during the Capsian period (Marchand and Manen, 2010). However, the current documentation is not consistent with a North African origin and moreover it identifies the Early Neolithic of Andalusia. Clearly, in order to understand the complex diversity of the neolithic process in Andalusia, we must deepen our understanding of the protagonists of change. Starting from the introduction of distinctive Neolithic features, we need to understand the part played by the population substrate and decipher the rhythms of implantation (Isern et al., 2017) and consolidation of the farming economy in the 6th millennium. Given the advances in research produced recently in Andalusia and North Africa, the chronological and cultural relationship between the two sides of the Mediterranean is taking shape. However, it cannot be assumed that we are dealing with a simple, uniform phenomenon for the whole region, since it is evident that there are substantial differences between the heterogeneous areas of Andalusia. An example is the proposal of neolithicisation via the Alboran Sea, implying that the origin of the Cabecicos Negros community is in a direct migration from the €dter et al., 2012a). In this case, the ceramic Valencian region (Linsta record seems to be more related to what is documented for the €dter and Wagner, 2013) eastern Rif mountains in Morocco (Linsta and so it is yet to be evaluated how the intercontinental exchange networks facilitated the flow of knowledge between the facing shores of the Mediterranean. Thus, the neolithic process should be considered, not only in terms of the integration of Mesolithic communities into the new economic and technological domains, but also regarding processes of segregation, confrontation and/or competition, where sociopolitical and economic structures must be differentiated (García
nzar, 2012; Jover Mestre and García Atienzar, 2015). Atie Defining and localising the beginnings of food production is a complex task. It is no less difficult to evaluate the sharp decline in the density of sites between 4700 and 4300 cal. BC. This coincides with a documented period of abandonment at sites with good se
lagos at Zuheros and Los quences, as occurs at El Toro, Los Murcie Castillejos (Camalich Massieu and Martín Socas, 2013). This common finding could perhaps reflect the development and consolidation of a new model of territorial organisation as a consequence of hunter-gatherers being tempted into becoming sedentary alongside the newcomers. This was shaped as much by population aggregation into farming settlements as by the new framework of interpersonal and environmental relationships. At the same time, there was a development of strategies linked to the consolidation of the agricultural economy and new mechanisms linked to specialisation and division of labour. These changes took place parallelly to a new dynamic of socio-political and ideological structuring, which

would show the first concrete signs of differences and inequalities between communities. 5. Conclusions In Andalusia, the Neolithic started during the middle of the 6th millennium cal. BC. Its development cannot be dissociated from the expansion of the Neolithic in the central-western Mediterranean and must have been simultaneous with the same transformation process in the North-African area. Its vast complexity in the region derives from the sharp regional contrasts, the greater or lesser incidence of the Mesolithic population substrate, the rhythms in implantation of the farming economy and the fluid intercontinental relationships that must have played a fundamental role in the transfer and adoption of diverse cultural traditions. The new socio-economic strategies would have become consolidated and generalised between 5500 and 4700 cal. BC. From then on, the transformation process involved changes in the social, economic, political and ideological structure. These were related to the occupation and organisation of the landscape, resulting from the sedentarisation and population aggregation/concentration processes detectable from the last quarter of the 5th millennium cal. BC onwards. This meant that the densest occupation of the landscape was in the areas of greatest farming potential in the plains and countryside of the Baetic Depression, and Intra-Baetic Basin. To explain the real consequences of neolithisation in Andalusia within a framework of regional diversity, the challenging question that must be addressed in future research is how the relative uniformity of the region translates into a social context. Acknowledgements The research presented here is funded by Spanish IþD Projects HAR2011-29068, HAR2012-38857 and HAR2016-78197-P (MICINN). We thank Amelia del Carmen Rodríguez (Universidad de Las Palmas de Gran Canaria) and the anonymous reviewers of this paper for their helpful comments and insight. Appendix A. Supplementary data Supplementary data related to this article can be found at http:// dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2017.06.057. References Acosta Martínez, P., 1986. Las Culturas del Neolítico en Andalucía occidental. Estado actual. In: Homenaje a Luis Siret (1934-1984). Consejería de Cultura de la Junta
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Please cite this article in press as: Martín-Socas, D., et al., The beginning of the Neolithic in Andalusia, Quaternary International (2017), http:// dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2017.06.057

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