The carryover effect of national identity activation on consumers' evaluations of ads with patriotic appeals

Journal of Business Research 79 (2017) 66–78

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The carryover effect of national identity activation on consumers' evaluations of ads with patriotic appeals

MARK

Hyejin Banga, Jinnie Jinyoung Yoob,⁎, Dongwon Choic a

School of Journalism and Mass Communication, The University of Kansas, United States Department of Global Business Administration, College of Business Administration, Gachon University, 1342, Seongnamdaero, Sujeong-gu, Seongnam-si, Gyeonggi-do, South Korea c Department of Advertising and Public Relations, Grady College of Journalism and Mass Communication, The University of Georgia, United States b

A R T I C L E I N F O

A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Patriotic appeals National identity Group-emotion Regulatory-focus framing

This study examined how the activation of national identity (NI) in diverse contexts influenced how consumers subsequently evaluated ads featuring patriotic appeals. Specifically, this study proposed that the activation of NI through different priming contexts would influence the comparative persuasiveness of patriotic ad messages framed by two different regulatory foci. Findings from this study suggest that (a) when a negative NI prime (Study 1) aroused fear (vs. sadness), consumers responded more favorably to patriotic ads with a preventionfocused (vs. promotion-focused) patriotic appeal and that (b) when a positive NI prime (Study 2) aroused happiness or relief, consumers showed more favorable attitude toward the promotion-focused (vs. preventionfocused) patriotic appeal. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

1. Introduction Using patriotic appeals in marketing communication messages is not a new approach. Many advertisers have tried to capture the hearts and minds of consumers by embedding patriotic cues in their campaigns, especially around the time of major national events (McMellon & Long, 2006). For instance, Coca Cola recently jumped on the patriotic bandwagon by releasing a limited edition can for Independence Day; the can featured a red, white, and blue exterior and the words “I'm proud to be an American” (Garcia, 2016). Nevertheless, little is known about the mechanism through which consumers respond to different patriotic ad messages when national identity (NI) is cued. Being members of multiple social groups, most individuals possess multiple social identities. Among them, NI can be “switched on” and become momentarily salient through nation-related contextual cues, such as national tragedy or triumph (Carvalho & Luna, 2014; Yoo & Lee, 2016). When NI is salient, the sense of national membership increases, and citizens become more concerned about the welfare of their nation (Kramer & Brewer, 1984). However, in practice, marketers and advertisers need to be careful when relying on patriotic appeals to connect with potential customers because patriotic messages have often been criticized by consumers and generated counterproductive results (McMellon & Long, 2006). For example, AT & T's “Never forget” tweet on 9/11 was bombarded with

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thousands of hate tweets, while the “Born on 9/11” campaign executed by 9/11 Day garnered favorable reactions (Gianatasio, 2015). These opposite reactions suggest that the mere presence of patriotic cues in ads does not guarantee the success of patriotic advertising. Consumer responses to patriotic ad can vary depending on what the ad says and the circumstances in which the ad is released. During and after momentous national events, the citizens of the United States tend to unite as a nation, but they might share different types of group-based emotions (e.g., sadness vs. fear) depending on the situation in which NI is activated (group-emotion theory: Dumont, Yzerbyt, Wigboldus, & Gordijn, 2003; Smith, Seger, & Mackie, 2007). For instance, an American woman who typically sees herself as a “nice mom” who takes care of her sons every day might become “a U.S. citizen” with a strong emotional surge of sadness during the 9/11 memorial, temporarily setting aside her identity as a mom. On another occasion, however, when Megan is watching a news report about an imminent natural disaster or terror threat on U.S. soil, she again embraces her social identity as “a U.S. citizen” with a strong feeling of fear. Marketers need to understand how different emotional experiences might change the way consumers perceive and respond to ads with a patriotic theme. Although a few studies have shown that, in general, NI activation can positively influence consumer evaluation of ads with a patriotic appeal (e.g., Carvalho & Luna, 2014; Yoo & Lee, 2016), none have considered the probability that discrete emotions

Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (H. Bang), [email protected] (J.J. Yoo), [email protected] (D. Choi).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2017.05.013 Received 6 March 2016; Received in revised form 10 May 2017; Accepted 11 May 2017 0148-2963/ © 2017 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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identities (Citrin, Wong, & Duff, 2001). It refers to an individual's feeling of belonging, love, and attachment to a national community (Carvalho & Luna, 2014). Previous studies have shown that contextual or stimulus cues associated with a home country, such as national tragedy, a natural disaster, or national triumph, can play a role as an identity prime, switching on NI (Carvalho & Luna, 2014; Yoo & Lee, 2016). In particular, media content can serve as a contextual cue not only to reinforce, but also to trigger, NI. Carvalho and Luna (2014), for example, showed that exposure to a news report about a natural disaster (i.e., severe weather conditions in Brazil) made Brazilian NI momentarily salient. Once NI is activated, people are likely to behave in a manner that supports national goals, interest, and welfare due to the emotional significance that NI carries (Sharma, Shimp, & Shin, 1995; Yoo & Lee, 2016). People with salient NI, therefore, tend to overestimate the quality or efficacy of domestic products and choose those products over better foreign alternatives in order to improve national welfare and secure the nation's survival (Sharma et al., 1995). Furthermore, when NI is salient, individuals are likely to experience enhanced sensitivity to stimuli linked with NI (Dimofte, Forehand, & Deshpande, 2003) because they prefer brands that resonate with their self-concept, personality, or identity (Krishen & Sirgy, 2016). By the same token, previous studies have suggested that NI activation leads consumers to evaluate ads featuring patriotic cues more favorably (Carvalho & Luna, 2014; Yoo & Lee, 2016).

evoked through NI priming can impact consumer responses to patriotic ads. Discrete group-based emotions shape individual goal orientation, action tendencies, and behavior (Bless & Fiedler, 2006), in turn influencing consumer reactions to differently framed patriotic messages. According to Higgins (1997, 2002), individuals tend to pursue goals (e.g., national welfare) following one of two distinct goal orientations: Promotion or Prevention. People with a promotion focus tend to facilitate national advancement and accomplishment, while those with a prevention focus tend to protect national welfare by avoiding negative consequences. Regarding the effect of discrete emotions on goal orientation, individuals in a state of dejection (e.g., sadness) tend to be promotion-focused, while those in a state of agitation (e.g., fear) tend to be prevention-focused (Higgins, 1997; Raghunathan & Pham, 1999). However, recent studies have suggested that negative and positive emotions are asymmetrically related to motivation—that is, distinct positive emotions are not uniquely associated with a specific motivational inclination (Leone, Perugini, & Bagozzi, 2005). Given these findings, the current study examined how NI activation through both negative (sadness vs. fear) and positive (happiness vs. relief) emotional priming might affect the persuasiveness of patriotic ad messages using different regulatory frames. The contribution of this study is threefold. First, while previous studies have shown that NI activation resulted in favorable evaluation of patriotic ads (Carvalho & Luna, 2014; Yoo & Lee, 2016), the study extends the previous findings by investigating the role of emotional context in which NI is switched on. Second, addressing the role of emotion in goal regulation, this study examines how different message strategies influence consumers' evaluation of patriotic ads depending on the discrete negative or positive emotions elicited by NI activation. Third, in a broader context, this study contributes to research on emotion by confirming the asymmetric effect of positive and negative emotions on goal regulation.

2.3. Group-based discrete emotion aroused by NI activation Previous studies on the impact of emotion on consumer decision making have generally focused on affective states of different valence (i.e., positive vs. negative), assuming that all positive or all negative emotions are equivalent(Bagozzi, Baumgartner, Pieters, & Zeelenberg, 2000). According to appraisal theories of emotion (Lazarus, 1999), however, each emotion is defined by its own distinct core relational theme, and each emotion can influence information processing and decision making differently (Higgins, 1997; Raghunathan & Pham, 1999). In the context of patriotic advertising, therefore, discrete negative or positive emotions elicited by NI primes are expected to influence differently how consumers process patriotic ad messages and make decisions. Previous studies have suggested that identity salience is a required precondition for group-based emotion and that group-based emotion can go beyond mere positive or negative feelings (Dumont et al., 2003; Mackie, Devos, & Smith, 2000). For instance, Dumont et al. (2003) showed that people reported a higher level of fear when the victims of 9/11 were categorized as in-group members (i.e., Westerner or American) compared to when they were outside the groups. Moreover, Dutch people reported the shared feeling of guilt after being exposed to a story about their nation's unfavorable history (Doosje, Branscombe, Spears, & Manstead, 1998), while participants in Dumont et al. (2003) reported the group-based feeling of fear after being exposed to a story about 9/11. Therefore, although media context regarding national events might commonly act as “triggers” for NI activation, people might experience group emotions depending on the media context in which that activation occurs (e.g., 9/11 memorials evoking “sadness” vs. imminent natural disaster on U.S. soil evoking “fear”).

2. Theoretical framework and hypotheses 2.1. Social identity salience People identify themselves with multiple social groups (e.g., gender, religion, nationality, and ethnicity), which likely have different levels of importance in defining their self-concept (Hogg, Terry, & White, 1995; Kramer & Brewer, 1984). According to social identity theory (SIT; Tajfel, 1972; Tajfel & Turner, 2010), membership in a specific social category can become relatively dominant and salient, while other identities might stay intact as a result of contextual factors and social interactions (Reed, 2002). A number of studies have shown that exposure to social contexts associated with a particular social category can successfully activate the related social identity (Moskalenko, McCauley, & Rozin, 2006; Xu, Shim, Lotz, & Almeida, 2004). Once a particular social identity is activated, depersonalization of self occurs, meaning that individuals perceive themselves as members of the specific social group (Hogg et al., 1995). The “socially constructed self” guides the way individuals think and behave. Identifying with a particular group, people are more likely to engage in behavior that supports the values and goals of that group to promote its welfare (Kuppens, Yzerbyt, Dandache, Fischer, & Van Der Schalk, 2013; Xu et al., 2004).

2.4. Regulatory focus theory: promotion vs. prevention 2.2. National identity activation and patriotic consumption Grounded on the general hedonic principle that human beings tend to seek pleasure and avoid pain, regulatory focus theory proposes two

NI is the one among many co-existing and overlapping social

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distinct goal orientations: promotion and prevention (Higgins, 1997). Regulatory focus can vary from individual to another (chronic regulatory focus) and be primed across different situations (momentary regulatory focus) (Higgins, 2002). According to Higgins (2002), individuals with a promotion focus tend to view a goal as a hope or ideal to fulfill and are motivated by advancement and accomplishment. Hence, they are likely to care about the presence or absence of positive outcomes, regulating their attention, perception, and behavior to seek gains. On the other hand, people with a prevention focus tend to view a goal as a responsibility and obligation and are motivated to avoid threats. Therefore, prevention-focused individuals are strongly motivated to maintain security and protection, care more about the presence or absence of negative outcomes, and are likely to regulate themselves to avoid losses. These two goal orientations have been shown to influence consumer decision making (Chernev, 2004; Louro, Pieters, & Zeelenberg, 2005). For instance, prevention-focused (vs. promotion-focused) consumers tend to choose products they have chosen before rather than try an alternative and to repeat a past decisions to maintain the status quo (Chernev, 2004). The features of products to which consumers pay attention also depend on regulatory focus: promotion-focused consumers are interested in comfort-oriented qualities (e.g., aesthetic), while prevention-focused consumers are interested in safety-oriented qualities (e.g., guarantee) (Werth & Foerster, 2007).

2.5.2. Positive emotions Previous studies have also suggested that discrete positive emotions direct individuals to pursue distinct goals. Cheerfulness-related emotions (e.g., happiness and elation) signal successful attainment of positive outcomes and activate a promotion focus, while quiescencerelated emotions (e.g., relief and relax) are linked to successful avoidance of an undesired outcome, activating a prevention focus (Baas, De Dreu, & Nijstad, 2008; Higgins, 1997, 2002). Contrary to negative emotions, however, few studies have empirically demonstrated the effect of positive discrete emotions on goal orientation. Although Leone et al. (2005) found that anticipated agitation (vs. dejection) triggered more favorable attitudes toward the specified action under a prevention (vs. promotion) focus, they found no interaction between positive emotions and regulatory foci. This result suggests the possible asymmetric effect of positive and negative emotions on goal regulation. That is, positive emotions are not strongly linked to a specific motivational inclination (Fredrickson, 2001; Leone et al., 2005). Because negative emotions demand more explanation and reasoning, they provide specific motivational direction (e.g., to escape when scared), strongly influencing regulatory foci. On the other hand, because positive emotions tend to signal that no problem needs specific attention, they are likely to broaden attention to new goals and achievements (Carver, 2003; Derryberry & Tucker, 1994), according to hedonic contingency theory. Hence, the moderating role of regulatory motivation might be absent in the effect of positive emotions on decision making, but people experiencing positive emotions will likely be motivated to maximize their current state of pleasure (Bless & Fiedler, 2006; Wegener, Petty, & Smith, 1995).

2.5. The effect of discrete group-based emotions on goal orientation Studies on group-level emotions have shown that individual-level emotions and socially shared emotions influence individual behavior by activating unique implicit goals (Bless & Fiedler, 2006; Nabi, 2003).

2.6. The effect of feeling right on persuasion Individuals can pursue the same goals with different regulatory orientations and diverse strategies. According to regulatory fit theory, when the goal pursuit strategy fits their regulatory orientation, people tend to “feel right” about what they are doing (Avnet & Higgins, 2006; Higgins, 2002). For instance, if a student seeking an A grade has a promotion-focused orientation, she might feel right studying beyond what her teacher assigned (i.e., eagerness strategy). On the other hand, a student with the same goal but a prevention-focus orientation might feel right reviewing what she has learned over time (i.e., vigilance strategy). This feeling-right value has been shown to influence consumer perception of and attitude toward other objects, such as products they have chosen or persuasive messages they have received. For instance, feeling right from regulatory fit can be transferred to the monetary value of a chosen product (Higgins, Idson, Freitas, Spiegel, & Molden, 2003). In Higgins et al. (2003), when participants chose a coffee mug with a strategy that fit (vs. non-fit) their regulatory orientation, the perceived monetary value of the mug was greater. When persuasion messages emphasize behavioral consequences or product characteristics that are compatible with their regulatory focus, people experience a natural fit and message persuasiveness increases (Cesario, Grant, & Higgins, 2004; Florack & Scarabis, 2006). Consumers are also more likely to prefer products introduced in an advertisement when its claim is consistent with their regulatory focus orientation (Florack & Scarabis, 2006). Given this theoretical explanation, the current study proposed that NI activation through exposure to a significant national event would lead consumers to favor embedded ads featuring patriotic appeals. This evaluation, however, is likely to be influenced by the extent to which

2.5.1. Negative emotions Among emotions sharing the same negative valence, dejectionrelated emotions (e.g., sadness and depression) and agitation-related emotions (e.g., fear and anxiety) prime different goals and lead to distinct behaviors (Higgins, 2002; Raghunathan & Pham, 1999). Because dejection-related emotions are primarily experienced in response to the absence or loss of a reward or cherished person (Lazarus, 1991), people experiencing dejection-related emotions are motivated by reward attainment (i.e., promotion-focus). In line with this theoretical explanation, previous studies have shown that sad consumers are likely to seek emotional rewards (Forgas, 1991), purchase gifts for themselves (Mick & DeMoss, 1990), and prefer high risk/high reward options to low risk/low reward options (Raghunathan & Pham, 1999). On the other hand, agitation-related emotions are commonly elicited when an environment is perceived to be physically or psychologically threatening (Lazarus, 1991; Roseman, 1984). Fearful or anxious individuals interpret their emotional states as signaling high uncertainty and low control over a situation and are likely to be motivated to reduce uncertainty and avoid risk (i.e., prevention-focus) (Higgins, 2002; Leone et al., 2005). Therefore, individuals experiencing agitationrelated emotions tend to make pessimistic judgments due to perceived negative outcomes and are biased toward low risk/low reward options (Raghunathan & Pham, 1999). Consistent with the findings of Higgins (2002), individuals experiencing dejection-related emotions (i.e., promotion-focus) or agitation-related emotions (i.e., prevention-focus) activate distinct goal orientations, despite the fact that both are negative emotional states.

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(M = 6.46, SD = 1.43) were the most appropriate low-involvement products. To increase the generalizability of the study, car and beer were used in Study 1, while airline and gas station were used in Study 2.

the regulatory-focus framing of the ads matches the emotional contexts in which NI is activated. Based on the effect of negative emotions on motivation and regulatory fit, we expected that people exposed to sadness-eliciting national events were likely to experience a natural fit when the patriotic message was promotion focused, while people exposed to fear-eliciting national events were likely to want to escape from the source of the threat, leading them to prefer a preventionfocused patriotic ad message. Considering the asymmetric effect of positive and negative emotions on goal regulation, however, we expected that when NI was activated within a positive media context, regardless of the specific emotion elicited, consumers would be motivated to advance the success of their nation in order to maintain their current emotional status. This motivation would lead them to respond more favorably to a promotion-focused patriotic ad. Based on this rationale, the following hypotheses are proposed.

3.2. Development of patriotic ad messages In the second pre-test, 22 ad slogans using patriotic appeals were tested to check the perceived regulatory focus of each slogan and to see whether each tagline was perceived as sufficiently patriotic (n = 107, Mage = 36.4, 58.5% female). Participants recruited through Mturk were shown the slogans and asked to respond to three items about regulatory focus framing. “America, Go Forth” (M = 5.45, SD = 1.10; 1 = prevention, 7 = promotion) and “Keep America the Best” (M = 5.08, SD = 1.32) were selected for the promotion-focused slogan, while “We Keep America Safe” (M = 2.38, SD = 1.31) and “Americans, Save the U.S.A.” (M = 2.75, SD = 1.46) were selected for the prevention-focused slogan. These four slogans, “America, Go Forth” (M = 5.62, SD = 1.48; 1 = not patriotic at all, 7 = very patriotic), “Keep America the best” (M = 5.53, SD = 1.45), “We Keep America Safe” (M = 5.31, SD = 1.58), and “Americans, Save the U.S.A” (M = 5.45, SD = 1.54) were perceived as highly patriotic. However, no significant difference in attractiveness among the four copies emerged. To manipulate the regulatory focus of the advertising messages, “Keep America the Best” and “Americans, Save the U.S.A” were used for Study 1, and “America, Go Forth” and “We Keep America Safe” were used for Study 2. In addition, five national symbols (i.e., the U.S. flag, a bald eagle, the White House, Uncle Sam, and the Statue of Liberty) were tested in order to select a patriotic symbol to be used in the patriotic ad manipulation. The U.S. flag was perceived as most patriotic (M = 6.97, SD = 0.17; 1 = not patriotic at all, 7 = very patriotic).

H1. When the NI is activated with a negative prime, consumer evaluation of the patriotic ad will vary depending on the type of emotion elicited by the national events: H1-1: After exposure to the sadness-eliciting national event, consumers will more favorably respond to the promotion-focused patriotic ad message than the prevention-focused patriotic ad message in terms of attitude toward the ad (Aad, H1-1a), attitude toward the brand (Ab, H1-1b) and purchase intention (PI, H1-1c). H1-2: After exposure to the fear-eliciting national event, consumers will more favorably respond to the prevention-focused patriotic ad message than the promotion-focused patriotic ad message in terms of Aad (H1-2a), Ab (H1-2b) and PI (P1-2c). H2. When the NI is activated with a positive prime, consumers will respond more favorably to the promotion-focused patriotic ad message than the prevention-focused patriotic ad message in terms of Aad (H2a), Ab (H2b) and PI (H2c), irrespective of the emotion type elicited by the national events.

3.3. Development of national identity prime The third pre-test was conducted (a) to see whether a set of video clips (for Study 1) and news articles (for Study 2) created successfully activated NI and (b) to determine whether each story successfully elicited the target emotion (i.e., Study 1: sadness vs. fear; Study 2: happiness vs. relief). First, for Study 1, four NI-priming video clips and one non-NIpriming video clip were tested. A total of 195 Americans participated in the pretest through Mturk in exchange for monetary compensation (Mage = 31.7, 48.3% female). Topics for the video clips included antiAmericanism in European media, 9/11 memorials, imminent natural disaster on U.S. soil, and threats of terrorist action from ISIS. In the pretest, participants were exposed to one of the video clips and then asked to indicate how much fear, anger, sadness, disgust, revulsion, and happiness they felt (1 = not at all, 7 = very much). Afterwards, they were asked to describe themselves freely (i.e., spontaneous selfdescription method; McGuire, McGuire, Child, & Fujioka, 1978) to check whether the featured video clips successfully activated “American” NI. Results showed that participants exposed to the NI-priming videos were more likely to report their identity as American (61.7%) than those exposed to the non-NI-priming video (21.1%) (χ2 (1, n = 195) = 20.42, p < 0.001). Furthermore, a series of pairedsampled t-tests was conducted to confirm the dominant discrete emotion elicited as a result of the stimuli. First, the video clip about 9/11 memorials, which described the feeling of irrevocable loss for an entire nation, was confirmed to arouse sadness (Mfear = 2.65, Manger = 3.91, Msadness = 6.00, Mdisgust = 2.83, Mrevulsion = 2.74, and

3. Pretests The central aim of this study was to examine how distinct negative (Study 1) or positive (Study 2) NI priming moderated the effectiveness of patriotic appeals that utilize a distinct regulatory framing strategy (i.e., promotion vs. prevention). Before conducting the main experiments, three pretests were conducted (a) to select appropriate product categories and to develop (b) ad stimuli and (c) NI primes that activate NI (Study 1: video clips; Study 2: news articles). 3.1. Selection of product categories To select the product category used in the main experiment, a total of 63 Americans participated in the first pre-test through Amazon's Mechanical Turk (Mturk; Mage = 30.22, 65.1% female). To control the effect of product involvement levels on the results, a total of eight highinvolvement and low-involvement product categories were included in the test (i.e., beer, car, electronic appliance, airline service, gas station, running shoes, apparel, and chocolate), based on the FCB Grid. Sixtythree participants were asked to indicate how much they thought that using patriotic appeals in advertising for those product categories would be appropriate and good (1: Not appropriate/bad; 9: Very appropriate/good). Results indicated that car (M = 6.88, SD = 1.60) and airline (M = 6.67, SD = 1.40) were the most appropriate highinvolvement products, and beer (M = 7.19, SD = 157) and gas station

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car and a beer (Study1) and for an airline and a gas station (Study 2) were created (see Appendix B). A fictitious brand name for each product was created in order to eliminate any confounding effect from previous experience with or exposure to existing brands.

Table 1 Sample composition.

Sample N Mean age (range) Gender (%) Male Female Ethnicity (%) Caucasian/White Black American Asian American Latino/Hispanic Native American Others (i.e., Pacific Islander) Income (%) Below $20,000 $20,000–$39,999 $40,000–59,999 $60,000–79,999 $80,000–99,999 $100,000 or more Education (%) High school/GED Some college 2-Year college degree 4-Year college degree Masters degree Doctoral degree Professional degree (e.g., JD, MD)

Study 1

Study 2

199 28.07 (18–69)

221 37.75 (18 to 69)

43.6 56.4

46.4 53.6

82.9 7.0 2.5 3.5 3.0 1.0

77.8 8.6 5.9 3.2 3.2 1.4

21.8 18.5 20.1 26.0 6.1 7.5

22.6 26.7 21.3 16.7 7.2 5.4

12.1 47.2 6.0 27.1 4.5 1.5 1.5

10.0 17.6 9.0 48.0 11.8 2.7 0.9

4. Study 1: method 4.1. Overview and design The central aim of Study 1 was to examine how distinct negative NI priming moderate the effectiveness of patriotic appeals that utilize a distinct regulatory framing strategy. This study considered the two most common types of negative emotions (i.e., sadness, and fear) that people experience during and after a national tragedy (Fredrickson, Tugade, Waugh, & Larkin, 2003; Lerner, Gonzalez, Small, & Fischhoff, 2003). In order to test the proposed hypotheses, an experimental study using a 2 (Negative NI priming: sadness vs. fear) × 2 (Message framing: promotion vs. prevention) between-subjects design with a control non-NIpriming group was carried out online.

4.2. Sample and experiment procedure A sample of 199 U.S. citizens gathered through Mturk participated in the online survey in exchange for monetary compensation (see Table 1 for the sample composition). In Study 1, once participants agreed to take part in the study, they were randomly assigned to one of the four conditions. Participants were then asked to watch the assigned video clip for about 1 min in order to activate NI and to evoke the target discrete emotion (i.e., sadness or fear). Participants in the non-NIpriming group (i.e., control group) watched a neutral video clip that did not contain any cues about America. Participants were then asked to summarize the contents of the video clip in one to three sentences and to describe themselves (McGuire et al., 1978). After these steps, participants were shown one of the four ad stimuli and asked to respond to items about the ad.

Mhappiness = 1.22). The video of imminent natural disaster on U. S. soil, which portrayed the high probability of severe harm using vivid images of hurricane and earthquake damage, was selected for the fear condition (Mfear = 4.65, Manger = 2.10, Msadness = 3.50, Mdisgust = 1.95, Mrevulsion = 2.40, and Mhappiness = 1.25). Thus, the 9/11 memorials and natural disaster on U.S. soil were selected for the sadness and fear NIpriming conditions, respectively (see Appendix A). For Study 2, two positive NI-priming news stories (happiness vs. relief) and one non-NI-priming news story were developed and tested (n = 110, Mage = 37.02, 55.5% female). The happiness NI-priming articles described Americans celebrating the nation's 240th Birthday, while the relief NI-priming article described America's enhanced level of security and low terror alert level. The non-NI-priming news article discussed the effects of online gaming on brain function. After reading the assigned article, participants were asked to describe their identity and to indicate their experience of happiness and relief (1 = not at all, 7 = very much). Results showed that participants exposed to the NIpriming articles were more likely to report their identity as American (66.3%) than those exposed to the non-NI-priming article (12.5%) (χ2 (1, n = 110) = 21.89, p < 0.001). Paired-sampled t-tests also confirmed that the target emotion (i.e., happiness or relief) for each condition was significantly salient compared to the non-target emotions (happiness NI priming: Mhappiness = 6.02, Mrelief = 4.34, t = 9.35, p < 0.01; relief NI priming: Mhappiness = 3.93, Mrelief = 4.84; t = 5.01, p < 0.01). Based on the three pretests, NI primes were developed, and ads for a

4.3. Measure The scale for each construct and Cronbach's α are reported in Table 2.

4.4. Control variables Three key control variables—patriotism, consumer ethnocentrism and ethnicity were included in the analysis as control variables. When individuals chronically feel a strong association with a social group or have a high level of preferences for home-country products, they are likely to show increased in-group favoritism and (Cadinu & Cerchioni, 2001) and overestimate and prefer patriotic or domestic products (Wall & Heslop, 1986). Because those enduring traits might affect consumer reactions to ads with patriotic cues, they were controlled to rule out alternative explanations (Carvalho & Luna, 2014). Also, Yoo and Lee (2016) suggested that Caucasian (vs. Asian) Americans tend to evaluate patriotic ads more favorably. However, since ethnicity difference did not significantly influence the hypothesized relationships, it was dropped from the reported analyses.

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Table 2 Measurement items. Scale for each construct

α (Study 1, 2)

National identity activation (McGuire et al., 1978) Please tell us about yourself in your own words

N/A

Sadness (Study 1, Nabi, 2003) Sad Dreary Dismal

0.94

Fear (Study 1, Nabi, 2003) Fearful Afraid Scared Anxious Nervous Happiness (Study2, Nabi, 2003) Joyful Pleased Happy Cheerful Relief (Study2, Gilbert, 2009) Relieved Reassured Safe

0.97

Regulatory focus (Kim & Sung, 2013; Poels & Dewitte, 2008) Avoiding something negative - positive More ideas about prevention - promotion More ideas about protection - enhancement

0.85, 0.87

0.97

0.86

α (Study 1, 2) Attitude toward the ad (MacKenzie & Lutz, 1989) Bad-good Unfavorable-favorable Unpleasant-pleasant

0.87, 0.97

Attitude toward the brand (Lee & Aaker, 2004) Bad-good Unfavorable-favorable Negative-positive Dislikable-likable

0.91, 0.98

Purchase intention (Haley & Case, 1979) Unlikely-likely Improbable-probable Impossible-possible Chronic level of patriotism (see Li & Brewer, 2004 for all 7 items) I have great love for the United States I am proud to be American The fact I am an American is an important part of my identity I am emotionally attached to America and emotionally affected by its actions Consumer ethnocentrism (see Shimp & Sharma, 1987 for all 17 items) Purchasing foreign-made products is un-American Buying American-made products keep America working. It is always best to purchase American products Foreigners should not be allowed to put their products on our markets Foreign products should be taxed heavily to reduce their entry into the U.S. American Products, first, last and foremost A real American should always buy American-made products

0.91, 0.94

Notes: 1. Sadness, Fear, Happiness, Relief, Patriotism and Ethhocentrism were measured by seven 7-point Likert scales. 2. Regulatory focus, Aad, Ab and PI were measured with 7-point semantic differential scales. 3. α Cronbach's alpha.

Fig. 2. Negative NI prime × Framing on Ab. Fig. 1. Negative NI prime × Framing on Aad.

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0.95, 0.93

0.96, 0.97

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5.2. Hypothesis testing Before testing the hypotheses, an independent sample t-test was conducted to see whether Americans in the NI-priming conditions (both positive and negative) evaluated ads with a patriotic theme more favorably than those in the non-NI-priming condition. Results confirmed the findings of previous studies (Carvalho & Luna, 2014; Yoo & Lee, 2016) (Aad: MNI primed = 3.94 vs. Mnon-NI priming = 3.23 t = 2.76, p < 0.05; Ab: MNI priming = 4.16 vs. Mnon-NI priming = 3.49 t = 2.30, p < 0.05; PI: MNI priming = 3.45 vs. Mnon-NI priming = 2.93 t = 1.95, p = 0.06). Furthermore, a series of independent sample ttests were performed for the non-NI-priming group to provide the base condition. The results showed that when people were exposed to non-NI priming, no significant difference between the promotion-focused message and the prevention-focused message emerged. Then, in order to test H1, a 2 (Negative NI priming: sadness vs. fear) × 2 (Message framing: promotion vs. prevention) MANCOVA was performed using chronic patriotism and ethnocentrism as covariates. The effect of patriotism (Aad: F = 5.12, p < 0.05 Ab: F = 3.78, p < 0.05, PI: F = 3.73, p < 0.10) and ethnocentrism (Aad: F = 13.75, Ab: F = 9.55, PI: F = 26.86, all p < 0.05) on three DVs were overall significant. The results of MANCOVA (Wilks' λ = 0.85, F = 9.00, p < 0.01) indicated significant interaction effects for Aad (F (1, 155) = 7.64, p < 0.01, η2 = 0.05), Ab (F (1, 155) = 24.95, p < 0.001, η2 = 0.14), and PI (F (1, 155) = 16.38, p < 0.001, η2 = 0.10). To further investigate the interaction effect, subsequent contrast tests were run. The results of the contrast test indicated, as expected, that when participants were exposed to the national event video that predominantly elicited sadness, they showed more favorable attitude toward the promotion-focused message than the prevention-focused message (Aad: Mpromotion = 4.60 vs. Mprevention = 3.55; F (1,62) = 8.28, p < 0.01; Ab: Mpromotion = 5.03 vs. Mprevention = 3.83; F (1, 62) = 15.97, p < 0.001; PI: Mpromotion = 4.25 vs. Mprevention = 3.19; F (1, 62) = 8.04, p < 0.001). On the other hand, participants exposed to the national event that aroused fear showed more favorable attitude toward the prevention-focused message than the promotion-focused message (Aad: Mpromotion = 3.64 vs. Mprevention = 4.24; F (1,95) = 6.17, p < 0.05; Ab: Mpromotion = 3.55 vs. Mprevention = 4.51; F (1,95) = 20.29, p < 0.01; PI: Mpromotion = 2.67 vs. Mprevention = 4.01; F (1,95) = 21.84, p < 0.01). Thus, H1 and H2 were supported (see Figs. 1, 2, and 3).

Fig. 3. Negative NI prime × Framing on PI.

5. Study 1: results 5.1. Manipulation checks In order to determine the efficacy of manipulating the independent variables, manipulation checks were conducted. First, in order to determine whether the NI-priming condition successfully activated NI, the number of participants who report their identity as “American” was compared between two NI-priming condition (Sadness NI priming vs. Fear NI priming) and one control group. Selfreported answers containing words associated with NI, such as “American” or “Citizen of America,” were coded as 1; responses that did not include any of these words were coded as 0. Since this measure does not explicitly ask participants about specific identification, but allows people to describe themselves along any dimensions they feel are relevant, this measure is believed to be sensitive measure to assess the unconscious impact of stimuli on identity salience (McGuire et al., 1978) Results revealed that participants who were exposed to either the sadness or fear NI-priming video were more likely to report their NI as “American” (52.8%) than those who were exposed to the non-NIpriming video (18.4%) (χ2 (1, N = 199) = 7.00, p < 0.05). A series of paired-sample t-tests were conducted to check whether each video clip successfully elicited the target emotion. In the sadness condition, sadness (Msadness = 5.48, SD = 1.40) was elicited significantly more than any other negative emotion (i.e., fear (Mfear = 3.37, SD = 1.64; tsadness & fear = 10.53, p < 0.01), anger (Manger = 3.12, SD = 1.65; tsadness & anger = 11.05, p < 0.01), disgust (Mdisgust = 3.56, SD = 1.73; tsadness & disgust = 8.75, p < 0.01)). Also, fear (Mfear = 4.45, SD = 1.72) was the most dominant emotion in the fear condition compared to sadness (Msadness = 3.68, SD = 1.67; tfear & sadness = 4.36, p < 0.01), anger (Manger = 2.80, SD = 1.70; tfear & anger = 8.26, p < 0.01), and disgust (Mdisgust = 2.53, SD = 1.68; tfear & disgust = 9.85, p < 0.01). Therefore, the manipulation of the discrete emotional arousals from national events was deemed successful. Finally, as expected, “Keep America the Best” was perceived more as a promotion-focused message (Mpromotion = 4.77), while “Americans, Save the U.S.A” was perceived more as a prevention-focused message (Mprevention = 3.53). A significant difference in perception of message framing was verified through independent t-tests (t = 5.24, p < 0.001). Therefore, the manipulations for NI priming and regulatory focus framing were successful.

6. Study 2: method 6.1. Overview and design Based on the asymmetric effect of positive and negative emotions on goal regulation, H2 hypothesized the absence of a moderating effect of regulatory-focus framing in the positive NI-priming condition. A 2 (Positive NI priming: happiness vs. relief) × 2 (Message framing: promotion vs. prevention) between-subjects design with a control non-NI-priming group was used. Study 2 was distinct from Study 1 in two ways. First, Study 2 used news articles describing either Independence Day (happiness NI priming) or enhanced U.S. security (relief NI priming) to manipulate the discrete group emotion (see Appendix A). The non-NI-priming news article (i.e., control group) discussed the effect of online gaming on brain function. Second, Study 2 used different product categories (i.e., airline and gas station) and ad copy (“America, Go Forth” and “We Keep America Safe”) to increase the generalizability of the findings.

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activation through positive national events was found (Wilks' λ (λ = 0.99, F = 0.78, p > 0.05); Aad (F (1, 158) = 0.05, p > 0.05), Ab (F (1, 158) = 0.02, p > 0.05), and PI (F (1, 158) = 1.22, p > 0.05)). However, as expected, a significant main effect of message framing on Aad (F (1, 158) = 15.17, p < 0.01, η2 = 0.09), Ab (F (1, 158) = 12.84, p < 0.01, η2 = 0.08), and PI (F (1, 158) = 9.37, p < 0.01, η2 = 0.06) was found. Specifically, when NI was activated through a positive national event, irrespective of discrete emotion type (happiness vs. relief), the promotion-focused patriotic ad message induced more favorable Aad, Ab, and PI than the prevention-focused message (happiness NI priming: Aad: Mpromotion = 5.29 vs. Mprevention = 4.42, F = 9.33, p < 0.05; Ab: Mpromotion = 5.25 vs. Mprevention = 4.51, F = 7.12, p < 0.05; PI: Mpromotion = 5.25 vs. Mprevention = 4.35, F = 8.14, p < 0.05; relief NI priming: Aad: Mpromotion = 4.95 vs. Mprevention = 4.15, F = 5.77, p < 0.05; Ab: Mpromotion = 4.98 vs. Mprevention = 4.27, F = 5.32, p < 0.05; PI: Mpromotion = 4.90 vs. Mprevention = 4.40, F = 1.99, p > 0.05). Therefore, H2 was supported.

6.2. Sample and procedure A total of 221 U.S. citizens gathered through Mturk participated in the online survey (see Table 1 for the sample composition). In Study 2, data for the happiness NI-priming condition (i.e., Independence Day article) was collected on Independence Day to increase the ecological validity of the study, and data for relief NI-priming condition was collected two weeks after Independence Day to avoid any confounding effects. The subsequent procedures of Study 2 were identical to Study 1. Please see Table 2 for measures. 7. Study 2: results 7.1. Manipulation checks In order to determine the efficacy of manipulating the independent variables, manipulation checks were conducted. First, in order to determine whether the NI-priming conditions successfully activated NI, the number of participants who reported their identity as “American” was compared between the two NI-priming conditions (happiness NI priming vs. relief NI priming) and one control group. As expected, participants who were exposed to either the happiness or the relief NI-priming article were more likely to report their identity as “American” (63.4%) than those who were exposed to the non-NIpriming article (17.5%) (χ2 (1, N = 221) = 35.64, p < 0.001). Also, a series of paired-sample t-tests confirmed that participants exposed to the happiness NI-priming article experienced a significantly higher level of happiness (Mhappiness = 5.32, SD = 1.29; Mrelief = 4.13, SD = 1.50; t = 9.53, p < 0.01), and relief was the most salient emotion in the relief condition (Mhappiness = 3.46, SD = 1.72; Mrelief = 4.51, SD = 1.41; t = 6.23, p < 0.01). Finally, as expected, participants assigned to the promotion condition believed that the ad message was concerned more with promotion or enhancement, while participants assigned to the prevention condition indicated that the ad message was concerned more with prevention or protection (Mpromotion = 5.33 vs. Mprevention = 3.60, t = 8.78, p < 0.001). Therefore, the manipulations for NI priming and regulatory focus framing were successful.

8. Discussion 8.1. Theoretical implications The purpose of this study was to examine how NI activation through different primes influence the persuasiveness of patriotic messages framed by two different regulatory foci. Previous studies have suggested that when NI is activated (vs. non-NI activation), people tend to evaluate ads with a patriotic theme more favorably as a way to support or defend their nation. While supporting this argument, our studies extended previous findings by considering (a) the diverse emotional contexts in which NI is activated and (b) message factors. Through two experiments, we found that (a) people tend to experience different group-based emotions depending on the emotional context in which NI is activated and (b) as a function of group-emotion and its role in goal regulation, consumer preferences for patriotic advertising vary with different regulatory message framing. Although previous studies have examined the role of identity activation on advertising that targets a particular social group (e.g., ethnicity, nationality; Forehand & Deshpandé, 2001), how the context in which those identities are switched on influences the way consumers evaluate ads has not been fully examined. Supporting the notion of group-based emotion, the current study shows that media content about significant national events not only increases “nationality self-awareness” but also triggers distinct group-based emotions that go beyond mere pleasant or unpleasant emotional states. Studies have shown that different affective states influence motivation and decision making (Bless, Bohner, Schwarz, & Strack, 1990; Worth & Mackie, 1987) and can ultimately change how consumers perceive advertising or choose products. Based on regulatory focus theory, the current study further showed that when an NI prime aroused an agitation (vs. dejection)-related emotion, such as fear (vs. sadness), the prevention-focused (vs. promotion-focused) ad message was more effective than the promotionfocused (vs. prevention-focused) ad message (Study 1). This finding is in line with Lazarus (1999) and Higgins (2002), who argued that the unique patterns of agitation-related and dejection-related emotions are distinctively associated with goal orientation. However, in the context of positive NI priming, evaluation of promotion-focused patriotic ad messages was more favorable, regardless of the discrete positive emotion (i.e., happiness vs. relief) elicited through the NI prime (Study 2). Although Higgins (2002) predicted that regulatory focus was

7.2. Hypothesis testing Consistent with previous studies, an independent sample t-test revealed that Americans in the NI-priming conditions (both happiness and relief) were more likely to evaluate ads with a patriotic appeal more favorably than those in the non-NI-priming condition (Aad: MNI priming = 4.69 vs. Mnon-NI priming = 3.77 t = 3.67, p < 0.01; Ab: M NI priming = 4.74 vs. M non-NI priming = 4.03 t = 3.66, p < 0.01; PI: M NI vs. M non-NI priming = 4.00 t = 2.82, p < 0.01). priming = 4.71 Furthermore, a one-way MANOVA was performed for the non-NIpriming group to provide the base condition. The results again showed that when people were not exposed to NI priming, no significant difference between the promotion-focused and prevention-focused message emerged. In order to test H2, a 2 (Positive NI priming: happiness vs. relief) × 2 (Message framing: promotion vs. prevention) MANCOVA was conducted. Again, chronic patriotism and ethnocentrism were included as covariates to rule out possible confounding effects. The effects of patriotism (Aad: F = 15.27, Ab: F = 15.29, PI: F = 7.37, all p < 0.05) and ethnocentrism (Aad: F = 23.29, Ab: F = 23.41, PI: F = 22.01, all p < 0.05) on three DVs were all significant. As expected, no moderating effect of regulatory-focus framing on NI

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elicited through NI priming, future researchers should examine how identity primes that elicit other emotions (e.g., pride, anger, guilty) influence consumer attention to or attitude toward different types of products or commercials that emphasize the target social identity.

symmetrically associated with positive and negative emotions, our finding suggests an asymmetric effect of positive and negative emotions on goal regulation. As Toltsoy wrote, “Happy families are all alike; every unhappy family is unhappy in its own way.” Feeling happy and feeling relieved are somewhat different, but their fundamental influence on individual behavior might not be different. Both positive emotional states could signal to individuals that the nation is in good condition, generally motivating them to maintain or improve a favorable status by pursuing achievement or setting new goals. On the other hand, problematic situations are likely to have their own unique qualities, and each negative national event or negative group-emotion (e.g., fear, sadness, anger) is likely to communicate how to react to or solve a problem differently (e.g., fear: fleeing, avoidance vs. sadness: reward-seeking, goal striving) (Leone et al., 2005). Therefore, regulatory focus framing becomes more important when NI is activated in a negative context than in a positive context. Although they do not address patriotic advertising, similar results were reported in Leone et al. (2005), and more research is needed to test the possible asymmetric effects of negative and positive emotions on consumer behavior. According to social identity research, the importance of group membership in defining one's self concept is greater for individuals who highly identify with a group (Bizman & Yinon, 2001). Thus, identification level with a social group can affect the extent to which individuals adopt group-based strategies that support the welfare and value of the group (Mummendey, Kessler, Klink, & Mielke, 1999). Thus, although we included chronic patriotism as a covariate to rule out any confounding effects, we also examined the possible moderating role of patriotism. Our results indicate that the pattern of interaction between NI priming and regulatory focus framing remains, regardless of an individual's chronic patriotism. Consistent with the relationship between identity strength and identity activation discussed in Forehand and Deshpandé (2001), our findings suggest that although activating NI when chronic patriotism is high might be easier, once NI becomes salient through stimulus cues, consumers are likely to evaluate favorably ad messages that match their goal orientation, irrespective of their enduring patriotic feelings. In addition to the level of patriotism, in this study, the effect of consumer ethnocentrism was also controlled in order to examine the pure effect of NI priming, distinguishing the effect of momentary activation of NI from the effect of the enduring personality trait. The significant effect of consumer ethnocentrism as a covariate found in this study suggests that a chronic level of consumer ethnocentrism might directly affect evaluation of ads with a patriotic theme. This finding is consistent with previous studies that showed a positive effect of consumer ethnocentrism on the evaluation of domestic products (Sharma et al., 1995; Wall & Heslop, 1986). When controlling for the level of consumer ethnocentrism, the result of this study showed that momentary NI activation led to favorable evaluations of patriotic messages that had a high level of fit with an individual's emotional state. Although many studies have stressed the importance of the enduring personality trait (e.g., consumer ethnocentrism) as a driver of patriotic behavior (Cadinu & Cerchioni, 2001; Sharma et al., 1995), this study found that situational NI priming itself plays a significant role in triggering a positive response to well- framed patriotic ads. Furthermore, the additional analysis of consumer ethnocentrism as a moderator revealed that the interaction between NI priming and regulatory focus framing remains, regardless of the strength of consumer ethnocentrism. While the current study focused on the two most common types of negative (sadness and fear) or positive (happiness and relief) emotions

8.2. Practical implications Like the AT & T CEO who had to apology for their 9/11 tweet in 2013 (Nudd, 2013), many marketing practitioners have had to endure or witness cynical attitudes toward patriotic marketing. Although NI activation might lead to favorable attitudes more often, the recognition that patriotic messages can backfire has made marketers very passive when employing patriotic messages. The current study suggests that the mere inclusion of patriotic cues in advertising does not always lead to a successful campaign and provides strategic guidelines for framing patriotic ad messages more effectively, taking into account the emotional impact of various national events. First, the findings from this study imply that consumer evaluation of patriotic ads, irrespective of framing type, tends to be more favorable when NI is activated through positive priming (vs. negative priming). Thus, when a positive national event, such as Independence Day or the Olympic Games, is imminent, marketers should strongly consider blending a patriotic theme into their marketing mix. For instance, in May 2016, one of the top-selling beer brands, Budweiser, announced that it would place a new temporary brand name, “America,” on its cans, bottles, and packaging from May 23 through the November presidential election. This patriotic marketing strategy was designed in preparation for a span of months that would feature several patriotic events: Independency Day, Rio 2016 Olympics, and a variety of major political events. Second, the results of this study suggest that the persuasiveness of patriotic ads could be enhanced by promotion-focused ad messages during and after positive national events or media coverage of positive national issues. However, in the context of negative national events, advertisers should be more cautious in their message framing and pay attention to the dominant discrete emotions that consumers experience in order to develop ad messages that match their goal orientation. The predominant negative emotion might vary from event to event and could change during an event. For instance, in the case of a terrorist attack, people are more likely to feel tremendous fear or shock initially due to high levels of perceived future threat. In this case, although the execution of highly commercialized messages (e.g., encouraging purchase) should be handled delicately, corporate advertising or PSAs with a patriotic theme should highlight the safety or security of the nation in an attempt to reduce feelings of uncertainty. Later, the fear might significantly diminish and be replaced by higher levels of anger or rage, a dejection-related emotion. Still later, once people are able to feel safe again and start to realize the losses they have endured, they are likely to feel sadness more strongly (McNaughton-Cassil, Novian, Holmes, & Smith, 2009). Our study suggests that as emotional states change from agitation to dejection, the way patriotic advertising is framed should shift to a promotion focus. Insofar as people experience emotional flow during and after tremendous national events, advertisers should pay attention to the predominant emotion at the time their ads are launched. Appendix A A.1. Sadness NI prime (Study1) https://videostimuli1.wistia.com/medias/ym5ron124j

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A.2. Fear NI prime (Study1) https://videostimuli1.wistia.com/medias/y279jwihpj

A.3. Happiness NI prime (Study2)

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A.4. Relief NI prime (Study2)

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Appendix B. Ad stimulus

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Hyejin Bang (Ph.D., The University of Georgia) is an assistant professor of strategic communication at the University of Kansas. Her research examines how digital technologies influence the way people perceive, process, and evaluate branded messages. Also, her research investigates the effect of discrete emotions on persuasion. She has published articles in various journals, including Computers in Human Behavior, Journal of Current issues and Research in Advertising, and Behaviour & Information Technology. She is an active member of the American Academy of Advertising. Jinyoung Jinnie Yoo (Ph.D., University of Texas at Austin) is an assistant professor of marketing at Gachon University, South Korea. Her research interests are in multicultural advertising, multicultural consumer behavior and psychology, consumer ethnocentrism, and international branding. She has published articles in many academic journals such as Journal of Advertising, Journal of Global Marketing, Journal of Marketing Communications, etc. She has also authored several books in marketing communications such as Handbook of Research on International Advertising and The Routledge Companion to Ethnic Marketing. Dongwon Choi (Ph.D., The University of Georgia) earned a Ph.D. in Mass Communication from the University of Georgia. His research primarily examines the effect of online video ad features on consumer enjoyment of ad content and reactance to ad exposure. He also investigates the dimensions of and disclosure issues related to native advertising. His work has appeared in Computers in Human Behavior.

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