- Email: [email protected]
The geography of multiple deprivation in Scotland
Applied
0143-6228(!94)00005-0
Geography,
Vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 115-133, 1995 Copyright 0 1995 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved 0143-6228/95 $10.00 + 0.00
The geography of multiple deprivation in Scotland Michael Pacione Department of Geography, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow GI IXN, UK
The present research employs data drawn from the small area statistics of the 1991 census to provide the first published descriptive analysis of the distribution of multiple deprivation in Scotland. The empirical findings represent an essential foundation for detailed analysis of specific problem areas and provide a basis for critical evaluation of past policies aimed at alleviating conditions of multiple deprivation, as well as a guide to future policy formulation.
The differential distribution of quality of life represents a key area of research in applied human geography, with particular concern directed to conditions at the disadvantaged end of the quality-of-life spectrum. Over the last decade in the UK, the problems of poverty and deprivation experienced by those people and places marginal to the capitalist development process have intensified (Forrest and Murie, 1991; Lansley and Mack, 1990). During the 198Os, poverty increased more in the UK than in any other member state of the EC, so that by the end of the decade one in four of all poor families in the Community lived in Britain (O’Higgins and Jenkins, 1990; Smeeding et al., 1990). It is clear that despite the social legislation of the post-war era, poverty and deprivation remain the daily experience of large numbers of people in the UK. Clearly, up-to-date information on the nature and incidence of multiple deprivation would be of analytical and prescriptive value. This paper sets out to explore the geographical distribution of multiple deprivation in Scotland. The research is set within the framework of applied geography, which is defined as the application of geographic knowledge and skills to the resolution of social, economic, or environmental problems. Figure I provides a useful summary of the main stages in applied geographical research, the primary purpose of which is to provide a basis for planning remedial action. Within this organizing framework the present research is designed to provide a descriptive analysis of the geography of multiple deprivation in Scotland. As Figure 1 indicates, this represents an essential first step towards understanding and resolving any problem. In order to achieve its objective the current investigation employed a combination of statistical and spatial analysis to examine 64 census-based variables for the 38 098 output areas in Scotland (see Appendix). The paper is divided into four main parts. In the first part the nature of multiple deprivation is described. In the second, univariate analysis of several key deprivationrelated indicators is undertaken for each of the 56 Scottish districts. In part three, the 64 X 38098 data matrix for Scotland is subjected to multivariate analysis to provide a statistical and cartographic description of the geography of multiple deprivation at the district level. Finally, the scale of analysis switches to the intra-district level to examine the pattern of multiple deprivation within the major cities. 115
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
DESCRIPTION The identification of problems and issues EXPLANATION Analysis to provide understanding of the existing situation and of likely futures
EVALUATION (a) Development of alternative programmes of action (b) Assessing the merits of alternatives
PRESCRIPTION Presentation of recommended policies and programmes to decision-makers
IMPLEMENTATION Organisation and co-ordination to promote operationalisation of policy and programmes
1
MONITORING Assessing the success or failure of actions
Figure 1
Main stages in applied geographical research
The anatomy of poverty and deprivation A key factor in the debate over the nature and extent of poverty and deprivation in British society is the distinction between absolute and relative poverty. The absolutist or subsistence definition of poverty, derived from that formulated by Rowntree (1901: 186), contends that a family would be considered to be living in poverty if its ‘total earnings are insufficient to obtain the minimum necessaries for the maintenance of merely physical efficiency’. This notion of a minimum level of subsistence and the related concept of a poverty line exerted a strong influence on the development of social welfare legislation in post-war Britain. Thus the system of National Assistance benefits introduced following the Beveridge Report (1942) was based on calculations of the amount required to satisfy the basic needs of food, clothing and housing plus a small amount for other expenses. If, however, we accept that needs are culturally determined rather than biologically fixed, then poverty is more accurately seen as a relative phenomenon. This broader definition of needs inherent in the concept of relative poverty includes job security, work satisfaction 116
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
and fringe benefits (such as pension rights), plus various components of the ‘social wage’, including the use of public property and services as well as satisfaction of higher-order needs such as status, power and self-esteem. An important point for those conducting research into the incidence of poverty and deprivation is that, in essence, the absolutist perspective carries with it the implication that poverty can be eliminated in an economically advanced society, while the relativist view accepts that the poor are always with us. Poverty is a central element in the multidimensional problem of deprivation (Figure 2) whereby individual difficulties reinforce one another to produce a situation of absolute disadvantage for those affected. There are two major and opposing philosophies on the reasons for poverty and deprivation in contemporary British society. Those on the political Left indict the effects of the impersonal operation of market forces, while those on the New Right focus on individual deficiencies and the ‘culture of dependency’ which has arisen due to an excessively interventionist form of government promoted by those wedded to the concept of the welfare state (Pacione, 1992). More specifically, it is generally agreed that the root cause of deprivation is economic and stems from two sources (Thake and Staubach, 1993). The first arises due to the low wages earned by those employed in declining traditional industries or engaged, often on a part-time basis, in newer service-based activities. The second cause is the unemployment experienced by those marginal to the job market, such as single parents, the elderly, the disabled and, increasingly, never-employed school-leavers. Significantly, the complex of poverty-related problems such as crime, delinquency, poor housing, unemployment, increased mortality and mental illness has been shown to exhibit spatial concentration. Such patterning serves to accentuate the effects of poverty
I
I
POOR SCHOOLING I
p
SEGREGATION I
POOR SERVICES
I STIGMATISATION 1-1 I POWERLESSNESS -
I
1
I
CRIME
_
ONE-PARENT FAMILIES
POOR HOUSING Figure 2
The nature of multiple deprivation
Applied Geography I995 Volume 15 Number 2
117
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
and deprivation for the residents of particular localities. Neighbourhood unemployment levels of two or three times the national average are common in economically deprived communities, with male unemployment rates frequently in excess of 40 per cent (Domrison and Middleton, 1987). Lack of job opportunities leads to a dependence on public support systems. The shift from heavy industrial employment to service-orientated activities in regions such as Clydeside, and the consequent demand for a different kind of labour force, have also served to undermine long-standing social structures built around full-time male employment and have contributed to social stress within families. Dependence upon social welfare and lack of disposable income lower self-esteem and can lead to clinical depression. Poverty also restricts diet and accentuates poor health. Infant mortality rates are often higher in deprived areas and children brought up in such environments are more likely to be exposed to criminal sub-cultures and to suffer educational disadvantage (Carstairs and Morris, 1991). The physical environment in deprived areas is typically bleak, with little landscaping, extensive areas of dereliction, and shopping and leisure facilities that reflect the poverty of the area. Residents are often the victims of stigmatization, which operates as an additional obstacle to obtaining employment or credit facilities (Pacione, 1990a). Many deprived areas are socially and physically isolated and those who are able to move away do so, leaving behind a residual population with limited control over their quality of life. Yet in the midst of such desperate conditions most people live constrained but stable lives. Most have adapted to their circumstances and in some cases have formed networks of mutual support with other people with shared experiences of deprivation. Support groups, community organizations and pressure groups can engender social cohesion and make tangible gains. However, the scale and structural underpinnings of the problem of multiple deprivation generally preclude a grass-roots, community-based resolution of the difficulties facing such localities.
Univariate analysis of deprivation-related variables Univariate analysis is an essential preliminary step in the analysis and mapping of censusderived variables, since consideration of the statistical and spatial distribution of individual social indicators can reveal important patterns within the data set. Although all 64 variables employed in the present analysis were mapped, for illustrative purposes information on four key deprivation-related indicators is presented here. These were related to male unemployment, single-parent families, overcrowded housing and households with a long-term limiting illness. Selection of this particular set of exemplars was informed by reference to earlier studies of deprivation (see, for example Department of the Environment, 1983; Duguid and Grant, 1983; Townsend, 1987; Midwinter et al., 1988; Pacione, 1989), and by the conceptual framework depicted in Figure 2. Analysis of the 38 098 output areas for Scotland revealed the percentage of households in each area for each of the four variables. The highest 10 per cent of values on each variable was selected for comparative analysis at the district level. In order to control for the effect of district size, the number of output areas falling in the highest 10 per cent of Scottish output areas on each variable was divided by the total number of output areas in each district. This standardized percentage value provided an indicator that could be mapped and compared across all of the Scottish districts. Figure 3 depicts the percentage of district output areas in the highest 10 per cent in Scotland for male unemployment (output areas with male unemployment levels above 32.6 per cent). This revealed a concentration of high male unemployment in the central belt, with a particularly high incidence in the districts of Clydeside. Glasgow and Inverclyde districts, along with Cumnock and Doon Valley, have more than 20 per cent of 118
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
u ........ 0.
....
q uJ.u
0.0 - 5.0%
5.1 - 7.5%
7.6 - 10.0%
Figure 3
Percentage
of district output areas in worst 10 per cent for male unemployment
Applied Geography I995 Voiume IS Number 2
119
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
their output areas in which one-third of males are unemployed. Districts with between 10 and 20 per cent of output areas in the highest unemployment category include Dumbarton, Clydebank, Renfrew, Monklands, Hamilton and Motherwell. This distribution mirrors the geography of industrial decline, which has affected the traditional industrial areas of Clydeside and the former coal-mining areas of Ayrshire. The city of Dundee in the east (with 14.5 per cent of its output areas in the worst 10 per cent), also recorded high levels of male unemployment, reflecting the loss of job opportunities in the traditional jute and dock-related industries as well as more recent plant closures in the light engineering sector. Contiguous to these core areas, high unemployment levels were also found in districts like Falkirk (6.1 per cent of output areas in the worst 10 per cent), Clackmannan (7.5 per cent), Kirkcaldy (8.3 per cent), Cunninghame (9.2 per cent), Kilmarnock and Loudon (9.1 per cent) and Edinburgh (6.2 per cent). Outside the central belt, the rural districts of the Western Isles (with 5.1 per cent of output areas in the worst 10 per cent of Scotland) and Wigtown (5.8 per cent) recorded high levels of male unemployment in over 5.0 per cent of their output areas. Significantly, the oil capital of Aberdeen (1.8 per cent) and the affluent commuter suburbs of Bearsden and Milngavie (0.4 per cent) and Eastwood (0.5 per cent) around Glasgow, and the New Town of East Kilbride (1.4 per cent), exhibited few areas with high male unemployment. Figure 4 indicates the differential distribution of single-parent households in Scotland. In Glasgow and Clydebank over one output area in five fell into the highest 10 per cent (a value of over 12.2 per cent). In general, the distribution of single-parent households is focused on the central urban belt and Ayrshire, with eastward extensions into Fife and the Lothians, additional concentrations in the cities of Dundee and Aberdeen, and outliers in parts of the rural Highlands and western Borders. The distribution of households with residents suffering long-term limiting illness is shown in Figure 5. Districts with over 10 per cent of output areas exhibiting the highest incidence of limiting long-term illness (more than one household in four) reveal a familiar pattern of concentration in west central Scotland, with a significant outlier in Dundee (with 14.8 per cent of output areas in the worst decile). The fact that 25 per cent of output areas in Glasgow fell into the highest 10 per cent, plus the strong incidence of long-term ill health in the contiguous districts, suggest a direct link between ill health and urban living, which has been supported by other research (Townsend et al., 1988). Figure 6 maps the distribution of overcrowded housing and also reveals a close correlation with the principal urban areas of the country. The four major cities of Glasgow (with 29.0 per cent of output areas in the worst 10 per cent), Edinburgh (14.7 per cent), Aberdeen (17.3 per cent) and Dundee (13.1 per cent) feature prominently as a result of their legacy of densely developed inner tenement areas and an increasing rate of household formation in council estates poorly equipped to respond to such changing demographic circumstances. Other urban districts also recording high levels of overcrowding include Inverclyde, which contains the towns of Greenock and Port Glasgow, Renfrew (Paisley), Monklands (Airdrie and Coatbridge) and Motherwell.
The nature and distribution of multiple deprivation in Scotland As suggested earlier, the selection of indicators is of particular significance in any investigation. Clearly, if the object of the analysis is to examine the nature and incidence of deprivation with specific reference to either urban or rural Scotland, then the choice of variables would be informed by the geography of the particular socio-spatial milieu. For example, certain variables, such as the incidence of multi-storey housing, have an inherent urban bias as a result of the socio-cultural forces that condition the spatial distribution of such housing. On the other hand, variables such as the presence of (notoriously low paid) 120
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 1.5 Number 2
~~~tipie deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
El
0.0 - 5.0%
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . .
Figure 4 households
Percentage
of district
output areas in highest
Applied Geography IQ95 Voiume 15 Number 2
10 per cent for single-parent
121
Multiple deprivation
q .... 0 q
in Scotland: M Pacione
0.0-&o%
: : : : 6.1 - 7.5% ...
~
7.6 - 10.0%
10.1 - 20.0%
Figure 5
Percentage of district output areas in highest 10 per cent for residents limiting long-term illness
Applied Geography
suffering
1995 V&me 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation
q . 0 : ::: .
in Scotland: M Pacione
0.0 - 5.0%
5.1 - 7.5%
7.6 - 10.0% •m
mm
Figure 6 housing
Percentage
of district
output areas in highest
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
10 per cent for overcrowded
123
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
agricultural workers are clearly orientated more to the socio-cultural context of rural areas. The present study, designed to explore the structure of multiple deprivation across Scotland as a whole, employed a set of 64 deprivation-related variables in the multivariate analysis. While each of the 64 social indicators employed (see Appendix) is of both academic and practical utility in its own right, the univariate analyses suggested that some degree of statistical correlation and spatial overlap exists among the revealed patterns. In order to pursue the linkages among the individual distributions, the 64 X 64 variable correlation matrix was subjected to an R-type principal components analysis. The utility and value of statistical methods of analysis, including principal components analysis, have been the subject of debate, much of which has generated more heat than light. Clearly all statistical techniques are open to abuse if employed uncritically and without proper understanding of their advantages and deficiencies. In the present research, principal components analysis is used as an exploratory tool to uncover significant statistical relationships among a set of variables whose inclusion in the analysis was informed by conceptual understanding of the phenomenon under investigation. The procedure was employed to reduce the size of the initial data set and to extract a smaller set of components to account for most of the variance in the original data. No grandiose claims of causal significance are made. The analytical results do not explain the occurrence of multiple deprivation but do identify significant distributions of the phenomenon, which are of academic and practical relevance and provide the opportunity and guidance for further analysis by means of either quantitative or qualitative techniques. In terms of the objectives of the present analysis, principal components analysis successfully illuminated the nature and intensity of multiple deprivation at the district and urban levels in Scotland and underlay the calculation of area scores, which provided a basis for geographical investigation. Eighteen components accounting for 69.2 per cent of the variance emerged from the district-level analysis. The first component accounted for 15.6 per cent of the total variance and loaded highly in a positive direction on variable 21 (average number of cars per household), variable 12 (households in local authority rented accommodation), variable 6 (male unemployment), variable 62 (residents with limiting long-term illness), variable 7 (female unemployment), variable 60 (overcrowded housing), variable 30 (single-parent households), variable 52 (households living in high-rise accommodation) and variable 57 (households with children under five living at first-floor level or above) (Table I). This component was clearly interpreted as a measure of multiple deprivation, with high component scores indicative of households experiencing conditions at the lower end of the quality-of-life spectrum. Calculation of component scores on the principal component for each of the 38 098 Scottish output areas provided an indication of the incidence and depth of multiple deprivation across the country. Table 2 presents the percentage of output areas in each of the 56 districts that exhibited different categories of deprivation. This provided a detailed indication of the relative distribution of multiple deprivation across the country. Overall, while some rural districts revealed a degree of deprivation, mostly at the lower levels of intensity, the proportion of rural output areas affected was generally less than 5.0 per cent (for example, in Roxburgh, Moray or Angus). The highest incidence of multiple deprivation across all levels of intensity was recorded by the urban districts and, in particular, by the major cities. The spatial expression of multiple deprivation at the district level is shown in Figure 7. This records the distribution of districts with different proportions of their output areas in the worst 10 per cent in Scotland. The concentration of multiple deprivation in west central Scotland is pronounced, with Glasgow and the districts on the lower Clyde recording high proportions of deprived output areas. As Table 2 indicates, outliers of multiple deprivation were also found in the other major cities of Edinburgh (with 3.9 per 124
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation Table 1. Structure of principal component-multiple
deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
in Scotland
Variable
Description
Coefficient
21 20 11 23 50 12 6 62 56 7 10 43 38 60 30 52 51 51
Average number of cars per household % households with 2+ cars % households in owner-occupied accommodation % households with 6+ rooms % households in detached or semi-detached house % households in local authority rented housing % economically active males unemployed % residents with long-term limiting illness % households below occupancy norm % economically active females unemployed % in employment who are self-employed % households with head in socioeconomic groups l- -4 % in employment who travel to work by car % households above occupancy norm % single-parent households % households living in high rise % households with young children above first floor % households living in low rise
+ 0.95247 -0.84432 -0.80581 -0.7629 1 -0.74776 +0.71442 + 0.70790 + 0.68636 -0.67565 + 0.55086 -0.53711 -0.5345 1 -0.50042 + 0.49757 + 0.49632 + 0.46247 + 0.44973 -0.44057
cent of output areas in the worst 10 per cent), Dundee (9.9 per cent) and Aberdeen (2.9 per cent), as well as in smaller towns such as Falkirk (2.5 per cent), Clydebank (7.7 per cent) and Motherwell (3.7 per cent). Comparative analysis of the mean values on each of the deprivation-related variables for the four cities confirms the nature and intensity of multiple deprivation in the principal urban areas. Examination of Table 3 locates Glasgow at the head of the national deprivation league, with Dundee in second place, followed by Edinburgh and Aberdeen. However, in order to provide detailed insight into the differential incidence of multiple deprivation within the most disadvantaged districts it was necessary to undertake further analysis at the intra-urban scale.
The distribution
of multiple deprivation
within the city
In view of the predominance of Glasgow as a locus for multiple deprivation in Scotland, this city formed the principal focus of attention. Data on the 64 census-based variables for each of the 5374 output areas in Glasgow were subjected to principal component analysis. In this case, the principal component accounted for 14.5 per cent of the variance and was clearly identifiable as an indicator of multiple deprivation. Calculation of component scores provided a measure of deprivation for each of the city output areas. The spatial expression of the multiple deprivation component is portrayed in Figure 8. This reveals the major areas of deprivation to be located in interwar inner surburban areas such as Possilpark, Gamgad, Haghill and Blackhill, in isolated pockets south of the river in Govan, Gorbals and Pollokshaws, parts of the Maryhill Corridor and the GEAR area in the east, and in the post-war peripheral council estates of Drumchapel, Castlemilk and Easterhouse. This pattern reveals that over the past 25 years the distribution of multiple deprivation in Glasgow has shown a marked change. In 1971, a much greater proportion of deprived areas was located in the inner city, particularly in the east end and the Maryhill Corridor (Pacione, 1989). Over the intervening period, the traditional inner tenement housing, which previously exhibited severe deprivation, has recorded a relative improvement in Applied Geography
I995 Volume I5 Number 2
125
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
Table 2. The incidence and intensity of multiple deprivation in Scottish districts Percentage of district output areas in most deprived District
O-5%
Berwickshire Ettrick & Lauderdale Roxburgh Tweeddale Clackmannan Falkilk Stirling Annandale & Eskdale Nithsdale Stewartry Wigtown Dunfermline Kirkcaldy North East Fife Aberdeen Banff & Buchan Gordon Kincardine & Deeside Moray Badenoch & Strathspey Caithness Inverness Lochaber Naim Ross & Cromarty Skye & Lachalsh Sutherland East Lothian ~inburgh Midlothian West Lothian Argyll C Bute Bearsden & Milngavie Clydebank Cumbemauld & Kilsyth Cumnock & Doon Valley Cunnin~hame Dumb&n East Kilbride Eastwood Glasgow Hamilton Inverclyde ~lm~ock & Loudoun Kyle & Carrick Clydesdale Monklands Motherwell Renfrew Strathkelvin Angus Dundee Perth & Kinross Orkney Shetland Western Isles
0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.5 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.7 0.0 1.3 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.4 0.7 3.1 0.2 0.3 0.5 0.9 0.0 0.0 12.1 0.1 6.2 1.0 0.6 0.0 1.5 0.8 1.6 0.0 0.0 3.9 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0
126
0.0
6-10% 1.3 0.0 0.4 0.0 0.0 1.0 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.9 0.2 1.6 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.3 2.6 0.2 0.1 0.4 0.0 4.6 1.0 0.7 1.0 1.6 0.3 0.7 9.3 1.9 5.5 1.1 1.1 0.0 2.5 2.9 3.8 0.2 0.3 6.0 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.0
ll-20% 0.0
0.7 1.1 0.0 2.4 1.6 2.3 0.0 1.9 0.0 2.9 2.1 2.7 0.5 5.9 0.4 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.0 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.8 5.5 1.0 0.8 2.3 0.7 7.4 2.0 1.0 2.7 6.2 1.0 0.7 14.7 3.6 7.9 3.1 6.6 1.2 7.3 8.1 7.3 2.6 1.6 9.8 1.8 0.0 0.0 0.0
21-30% 1.3 1.0 3.1 1.6 3.6 3.8 2.5 0.0 3.3 1.0 2.1 3.7 4.9 0.7 5.8 1.2 0.0 0.3 1.3 0.0 1.0 2.2 0.7 1.2 0.6 1.1 0.0 1.7 6.2 1.0 2.6 4.2 0.0 9.7 1.7 4.8 3.0 4.6 2.1 1.4 10.7 6.2 8.2 4.4 6.8 1.2 5.9 8.4 8.3 3.3 2.8 9.5 1.6 1.4 0.0 0.0
31-40%
41-50%
0.0
0.0
1.7 0.2 1.6 3.3 4.1 3.3 1.0 3.7 0.0 1.7 3.7 4.7 1.3 4.5 1.8 0.8 0.6 1.4 0.0 0.5 3.5 0.7 1.2 0.8 0.0 0.0 3.5 6.2 3.9 3.5 2.1 1.4 10.8 4.9 5.8 6.0 5.8 3.1 5.4 8.4 8.8 7.6 4.1 6.3 3.4 8.8 8.7 8.0 4.1 3.8 9.2 1.4 0.0 0.0 0.0
3.5 4.2 4.1 6.6 5.7 4.2 0.7 2.8 0.5 2.1 5.1 5.4 2.0 4.3 2.5 0.6 1.2 1.9 1.1 4.6 3.5 1.4 0.0 1.2 1.1 0.9 3.8 5.3 3.1 3.7 2.8 0.7 9.1 3.9 9.7 6.5 3.4 3.3 1.2 6.5 10.0 6.2 5.8 5.1 4.7 12.6 11.6 5.6 4.3 3.9 6.8 3.2 0.0 0.7 1.7
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
c
cl..
El : : : :
.R
0.0 - 6.0%
--.
.
c?‘\
5.1 - 7.5%
Yl
Figure 7
Percentage
of district output areas in most deprived
Applied Geography I995 Volume 15 Number 2
10 per cent in Scotland
127
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
Table 3. Mean values of deprivation-related
variables
for the major Scottish cities
Variable
Scotland
Glasgow
Edinburgh
Dundee
Aberdeen
Average No of cars per household % households with 2+ cars % households owner-occupied % households with 6 + rooms % households detached/semi-detached % households council rented % males unemployed % long-term illness % households below occupancy norm % females unemployed % self-employed % household heads in SEG l-4 % travel to work by car % households above occupancy norm % single-parent households % households in high rise % households with children at height % households in low rise
0.4 16.5 52.6 20.3 31.7 33.3 13.7 14.3 86.8 8.5 8.3 13.4 51.2 2.8 4.5 5.6 1.7 94.2
0.7 6.5 37.7 9.2 13.1 42.8 25.7 19.5 16.2 15.3 4.7 8.9 34.5 5.9 7.1 15.2 3.1 84.7
0.5 13.8 66.3 19.8 23.9 19.4 11.5 12.7 85.8 6.4 8.0 18.5 41.5 3.3 4.3 11.4 2.4 88.9
0.5 11.2 45.1 14.7 29.0 39.0 16.4 16.2 83.5 11.7 5.5 10.5 46.1 3.5 6.4 12.2 2.6 87.7
0.4 17.0 50.8 18.3 28.6 36.9 6.4 13.5 84.1 4.3 6.1 16.9 51.5 3.3 4.0 7.1 2.1 92.6
Figure 8 128
Distribution
of most deprived
10 per cent of output areas in Glasgow Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
status, largely as a result of massive clearance and redevelopment by the local authority, combined in some areas, like GEAR, with modernization and new building aided by housing associations and private developers. This process involved the large-scale relocation of residents in a general process of decentralization. The inner areas now contain a much reduced and ageing population living in improved accommodation. Conversely, the outer estates exhibit a younger demographic structure and, while the housing is generally well provided with basic amenities, overcrowding is widespread. Serious social problems such as unemployment and a high proportion of single-parent families are also present. These spatial changes in the incidence of deprivation have been accompanied by a redistribution in terms of housing tenure. Whereas in 1971 a high proportion of deprived areas included older and frequently private-rented properties (notably in the east end, Maryhill, Springbum and Govan), deprivation has become increasingly concentrated in the public sector. The incidence of multiple deprivation in 1991 also sheds light on the effectiveness of the city’s system of priority planning areas. While significant improvements have been made to living conditions in the two inner areas of Maryhill and GEAR, comparatively little progress has been achieved in the outer estates, which have yet to benefit from the levels of expenditure that have been directed to the inner priority areas (Pacione, 1993). In addition, the geographical boundaries of the priority areas are open to question, with major concentrations of multiply deprived households (for example, in Possilpark and Haghill) excluded from the official priority designations. In general, however, as Figure 8 reveals, the most significant trend over the past two decades has been the increasing concentration of multiple deprivation in areas of council housing. This phenomenon represents a contemporary challenge for urban policy. Similar analyses of the distribution of multiple deprivation in the other Scottish cities confirmed the socio-spatial marginalization currently experienced by large numbers of households living on local authority estates. In Edinburgh, for example, the same general trends and problems that have characterized Glasgow in the post-war period are reflected in a clustering of the most severely deprived households in three main areas (Craigmillar-Niddrie, Pilton and Wester Hailes-Sighthill), all of which are peripheral local authority housing estates (Figure 9).
Conclusion The underlying causes of local concentrations of deprivation are clearly structural, stemming from the effects of global economic restructuring, the deindustrialization of the UK economy and government adoption of market-led policies aimed primarily at promoting national economic growth with little regard for their geographical consequences, particularly their effect on lagging regions. Nevertheless, the value of spatial analyses of deprivation can be supported on several grounds. Many, for example, have argued for a degree of ‘area effect’ in accentuating if not actually causing deprivation. Secondly, it is contended that the identification of geographical patterns is an essential starting point in understanding the local incidence of social disadvantage. Thirdly, a structuralist perspective cannot ignore the fact that in recent decades government policy has remained firmly focused on positive discrimination in favour of sub-areas. Finally, with particular reference to Scottish cities, a geographical approach is justified on the grounds that deprivation is strongly spatially concentrated as a result of the pattern of urban development in the post-war era (particularly the centrifugal movement of population into peripheral one-class council estates). The present research provides a descriptive analysis of the nature and incidence of deprivation at the district and urban scale in Scotland. Identification of the major loci of multiple deprivation is a prerequisite for subsequent detailed analyses of particular Applied Geography I995 Volume I5 Number 2
129
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione EDINBURGH
: MULTIPLE l
DEPRIVATION
MOSTDEPRNUI 10%W SCALE : -
=*..
WESTSR HALES**...*
1991
Crpl0”TW
AREAS /x
... LISSRTO~.. .
Figure 9
Distribution of most deprived 10 per cent of output areas in Edinburgh
problem areas. The analytical results presented also provide a basis for critical evaluation of past policies aimed at alleviating conditions of multiple deprivation, as well as a framework for future policy formulation, and it is to these questions that we now turn. Arguably, one of the most significant findings of the research at both district and urban scales is the apparent longevity of the patterns of deprivation. The pronounced incidence of multiple deprivation in the central urban belt, and west central Scotland in particular, as well as in particular locales within the major cities, reflects, to a significant degree, the geography of deprivation revealed in the mid-1970s (Holterman, 1975) and later (Pacione, 1986). This represents an indictment of past policy aimed at improving the position of the disadvantaged. The challenge for policy-makers confronted by this continuing manifestation of disadvantage is how to alleviate the situation. Successful implementation of any policy, however, is dependent upon the state’s ideological stance in relation to poverty and welfare. This governs the type of urban policy deemed acceptable within the prevailing political economy and, in so doing, conditions the incidence and intensity of multiple deprivation. It follows that in order to assess the prospects for alternative policies to improve the position of the disadvantaged, it is necessary to understand the reasons for the failure of existing anti-deprivation policy. The primary reason why government economic policy in the UK has been unable to induce a significant improvement in the quality of life of marginalized areas and people is that it is not intended to do so. Over the last 15 years, British economic and urban policy has been dominated by the imperative of national economic growth. The resultant succession of market-orientated strategies only indirectly addresses the poverty and deprivation of people living in disadvantaged areas. Urban-economic policy in the UK is 130
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
founded on a particular interpretation of the concept of partnership, which is based on a macro-scale corporatist link between the state and capital in order to produce an economic climate suitable for business-led economic development. This philosophy has been translated into policy practice in a variety of schemes including Urban Development Corporations, Enterprise Zones, Business in the Community and Local Enterprise Companies. After more than a decade of activity, however, there is little evidence that these public-private partnerships have resulted in any significant improvement in the life opportunities of the poor. Operating within the national political economy, local antideprivation strategies have fared little better over the last two decades (Pacione, 1990b). The scale and persistence of the problems of multiple deprivation are such that local authorities alone are incapable of resolving the difficulties encountered by residents of deprived areas within their boundaries. The proposed reorganization of local government in Scotland and the abolition of Strathclyde Region will place an even greater burden on individual district authorities. The city of Glasgow which, as we have seen, contains the highest concentrations of multiply deprived households in Scotland, will come under particular pressure. The ability of the major cities, as well as the other areas of deprivation identified, to respond is a matter of concern. Given the enduring nature of the problem, the limited resources available at the local level, the centralized structure of national government committed to market-led economic policy, and the increasingly competitive world economy, one cannot be sanguine that the problems of poverty and deprivation experienced by a significant proportion of Scotland’s population will be reduced to any significant extent in the immediate future.
References Carstairs, V and Morris, R (1991) Deprivation and Health in Scotland Aberdeen University Press, Aberdeen Department of the Environment (1983) Urban Deprivation, Information Note No 2, DOE, London Donnison, D and Middleton, A (1987) Regenerating the Inner City Routledge and Kegan Paul, London Duguid, G and Grant, R (1983) Areas of Specific Need in Scotland Scottish Office, Edinburgh Forrest, R and Murie, A (1991) Selling the Welfare State Routledge, London Holterman, S (1975) ‘Areas of deprivation in Great Britain’, Social Trends 6 Lansley, S and Mack, J (1991) Breadline Britain in the 1990s Harper Collins, London Midwinter, A, Mair, C and Moxen, J (1988) Rural Deprivation in Scotland: an Investigation into the Case for a Rural Aid Fund University of Strathclyde, Glasgow O’Higgins, M and Jenkins, S (1990) ‘Poverty in the E.C.‘, in R Teehens and B Van Praag (eds) Analwing Poverty in the European Community Eurostat, Luxembourg Pacione, M (1986) ‘Quality of life in Glasgow: an applied geographical analysis’, Environment and Planning A 18. 1499-1520 Pacione, M (1989) ‘The urban crisis: poverty and deprivation in the Scottish city’, Scottish Geographical Magazine 105, 101-115 Pacione, M (1990a) ‘What about people? A critical analysis of urban policy in the United Kingdom’, Geograph? 75(3), 193-202 Pacione, M (1990b) ‘A tale of two cities: the migration of the urban crisis in Glasgow’, Cities 7~4). 304-3 14 Pacione, M (1992) ‘Citizenship, partnership and the popular restructuring of UK urban space’, Urbun Geography 13(5), 405-42 1 Pacione. M (1993) ‘The geography of the urban crisis: some evidence from Glasgow’, Scottish Geogruphicol Magazine 109, 82-95 Rowntree, S (1901) Poverty Macmillan, London Smeeding, T, O’Higgins, M and Rainwater, L (1990) Povert)s Inequality and Income Distribution in Comparative Perspective Harvester Wheatsheaf, London Thake. S and Staubach, R (1993) Investing in People Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York Townsend, P (1987) ‘Deprivation’, Journal of SocialPolicy 16(3), 125-146 Townsend, P, Davidson, N and Whitehead, M (1988) Inequalities in Health Penguin, London (Revised manuscript Applied Geography
1995 Volume I5 Number 2
received 15 August 1994) 131
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
Appendix List of census variables
Vl v2 v3 V4 V5 V6 VI V8 v9 VlO Vll v12 v13 v14 v15 V16 v17 V18 v19 v20 v21 v22 V23 V24 v25 V26 v27 V28 V29 v30 V32 V32 v33 v34 v35 V36 v31 V38 v39 v40 v41 V42 132
Total residents present Percentage of residents aged O-4 Percentage of residents aged 5-14 Percentage of residents of working age Percentage of residents of pensionable age Percentage of economically active males unemployed Percentage of economically active females unemployed Percentage of males 16 + economically active Percentage of females 16+ economically active Percentage of those in employment, self-employed Percentage of households in owner-occupied accommodation Percentage of households in local authority rented accommodation Percentage of households in private rented unfurnished accommodation Percentage of households in private rented furnished accommodation Percentage of households with more than 1.5 persons per room Percentage of households with between 1.0 and 1.5 persons per room Percentage of households with no car Percentage of households lacking/sharing bath/shower or inside WC Percentage of households with no central heating Percentage of households with 2+ cars Average no cars per household Percentage of households with one or two rooms Percentage of households with 6 + rooms Percentage of household spaces vacant Percentage of households with 6+ persons Percentage of households not in self-contained accommodation Percentage of households with one pensioner living alone Percentage of households containing persons of pensionable age only Percentage of one-person households below pensionable age Percentage of single-parent households Percentage of residents aged 16+ in employment working in agriculture Percentage of residents aged 16+ in employment working in energy and water Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment working in manufacturing Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment working in construction Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment working in distribution and catering Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment working in transport Percentage of residents working outside district of residence Percentage of residents aged 16+ in employment travel to work by car Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment travel to work by bus Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment travel to work by train Percentage of residents aged 16+ in employment travel to work by foot Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment travel to work by other means Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation
v43 V44 v45 V46 v47 V48 v49 V50 v51 v52 v53 v54 v55 V56 v57 V58 v59 V60 V61 V62 V63 V64
in Scotland: M Pacione
Percentage of households with head in socioeconomic groups (SEG) l-4 (professional workers, employers and managers) Percentage of households with head in SEG 7,10,11 (personal service, semi-skilled, manual) Percentage of households with head in SEG 8,9 (foremen, supervisors, skilled manual) Percentage of households with head in SEG 13 (farmers-employers and managers) Percentage of households with head in SEG 14 (farmers-own account) Percentage of households with head in SEG 15 (agricultural workers) Population which speaks, reads or writes Gaelic Percentage of households in house, detached or semi-detached Percentage of households in house, two-storey or low-rise Percentage of households in house, high-rise Percentage of residents aged 16+ in private households, permanently sick or disabled Percentage of economically active or retired residents in SEG 7,10,11,15,17 (low-earning households) Percentage of households with 4 + children Percentage of households below occupancy norm Percentage of households with 1 + children under five, first floor or above Percentage of households with resident heads born in New Commonwealth Percentage of residents with different address one year before Percentage of households above occupancy norm Percentage of residents 16 + in employment working in banking and finance Percentage of residents in households with limiting long-term illness Percentage of vacant dwellings Percentage of residents 16 + in employment working in other services
Applied Geography I995 Volume 15 Number 2
133
0143-6228(!94)00005-0
Geography,
Vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 115-133, 1995 Copyright 0 1995 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved 0143-6228/95 $10.00 + 0.00
The geography of multiple deprivation in Scotland Michael Pacione Department of Geography, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow GI IXN, UK
The present research employs data drawn from the small area statistics of the 1991 census to provide the first published descriptive analysis of the distribution of multiple deprivation in Scotland. The empirical findings represent an essential foundation for detailed analysis of specific problem areas and provide a basis for critical evaluation of past policies aimed at alleviating conditions of multiple deprivation, as well as a guide to future policy formulation.
The differential distribution of quality of life represents a key area of research in applied human geography, with particular concern directed to conditions at the disadvantaged end of the quality-of-life spectrum. Over the last decade in the UK, the problems of poverty and deprivation experienced by those people and places marginal to the capitalist development process have intensified (Forrest and Murie, 1991; Lansley and Mack, 1990). During the 198Os, poverty increased more in the UK than in any other member state of the EC, so that by the end of the decade one in four of all poor families in the Community lived in Britain (O’Higgins and Jenkins, 1990; Smeeding et al., 1990). It is clear that despite the social legislation of the post-war era, poverty and deprivation remain the daily experience of large numbers of people in the UK. Clearly, up-to-date information on the nature and incidence of multiple deprivation would be of analytical and prescriptive value. This paper sets out to explore the geographical distribution of multiple deprivation in Scotland. The research is set within the framework of applied geography, which is defined as the application of geographic knowledge and skills to the resolution of social, economic, or environmental problems. Figure I provides a useful summary of the main stages in applied geographical research, the primary purpose of which is to provide a basis for planning remedial action. Within this organizing framework the present research is designed to provide a descriptive analysis of the geography of multiple deprivation in Scotland. As Figure 1 indicates, this represents an essential first step towards understanding and resolving any problem. In order to achieve its objective the current investigation employed a combination of statistical and spatial analysis to examine 64 census-based variables for the 38 098 output areas in Scotland (see Appendix). The paper is divided into four main parts. In the first part the nature of multiple deprivation is described. In the second, univariate analysis of several key deprivationrelated indicators is undertaken for each of the 56 Scottish districts. In part three, the 64 X 38098 data matrix for Scotland is subjected to multivariate analysis to provide a statistical and cartographic description of the geography of multiple deprivation at the district level. Finally, the scale of analysis switches to the intra-district level to examine the pattern of multiple deprivation within the major cities. 115
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
DESCRIPTION The identification of problems and issues EXPLANATION Analysis to provide understanding of the existing situation and of likely futures
EVALUATION (a) Development of alternative programmes of action (b) Assessing the merits of alternatives
PRESCRIPTION Presentation of recommended policies and programmes to decision-makers
IMPLEMENTATION Organisation and co-ordination to promote operationalisation of policy and programmes
1
MONITORING Assessing the success or failure of actions
Figure 1
Main stages in applied geographical research
The anatomy of poverty and deprivation A key factor in the debate over the nature and extent of poverty and deprivation in British society is the distinction between absolute and relative poverty. The absolutist or subsistence definition of poverty, derived from that formulated by Rowntree (1901: 186), contends that a family would be considered to be living in poverty if its ‘total earnings are insufficient to obtain the minimum necessaries for the maintenance of merely physical efficiency’. This notion of a minimum level of subsistence and the related concept of a poverty line exerted a strong influence on the development of social welfare legislation in post-war Britain. Thus the system of National Assistance benefits introduced following the Beveridge Report (1942) was based on calculations of the amount required to satisfy the basic needs of food, clothing and housing plus a small amount for other expenses. If, however, we accept that needs are culturally determined rather than biologically fixed, then poverty is more accurately seen as a relative phenomenon. This broader definition of needs inherent in the concept of relative poverty includes job security, work satisfaction 116
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
and fringe benefits (such as pension rights), plus various components of the ‘social wage’, including the use of public property and services as well as satisfaction of higher-order needs such as status, power and self-esteem. An important point for those conducting research into the incidence of poverty and deprivation is that, in essence, the absolutist perspective carries with it the implication that poverty can be eliminated in an economically advanced society, while the relativist view accepts that the poor are always with us. Poverty is a central element in the multidimensional problem of deprivation (Figure 2) whereby individual difficulties reinforce one another to produce a situation of absolute disadvantage for those affected. There are two major and opposing philosophies on the reasons for poverty and deprivation in contemporary British society. Those on the political Left indict the effects of the impersonal operation of market forces, while those on the New Right focus on individual deficiencies and the ‘culture of dependency’ which has arisen due to an excessively interventionist form of government promoted by those wedded to the concept of the welfare state (Pacione, 1992). More specifically, it is generally agreed that the root cause of deprivation is economic and stems from two sources (Thake and Staubach, 1993). The first arises due to the low wages earned by those employed in declining traditional industries or engaged, often on a part-time basis, in newer service-based activities. The second cause is the unemployment experienced by those marginal to the job market, such as single parents, the elderly, the disabled and, increasingly, never-employed school-leavers. Significantly, the complex of poverty-related problems such as crime, delinquency, poor housing, unemployment, increased mortality and mental illness has been shown to exhibit spatial concentration. Such patterning serves to accentuate the effects of poverty
I
I
POOR SCHOOLING I
p
SEGREGATION I
POOR SERVICES
I STIGMATISATION 1-1 I POWERLESSNESS -
I
1
I
CRIME
_
ONE-PARENT FAMILIES
POOR HOUSING Figure 2
The nature of multiple deprivation
Applied Geography I995 Volume 15 Number 2
117
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
and deprivation for the residents of particular localities. Neighbourhood unemployment levels of two or three times the national average are common in economically deprived communities, with male unemployment rates frequently in excess of 40 per cent (Domrison and Middleton, 1987). Lack of job opportunities leads to a dependence on public support systems. The shift from heavy industrial employment to service-orientated activities in regions such as Clydeside, and the consequent demand for a different kind of labour force, have also served to undermine long-standing social structures built around full-time male employment and have contributed to social stress within families. Dependence upon social welfare and lack of disposable income lower self-esteem and can lead to clinical depression. Poverty also restricts diet and accentuates poor health. Infant mortality rates are often higher in deprived areas and children brought up in such environments are more likely to be exposed to criminal sub-cultures and to suffer educational disadvantage (Carstairs and Morris, 1991). The physical environment in deprived areas is typically bleak, with little landscaping, extensive areas of dereliction, and shopping and leisure facilities that reflect the poverty of the area. Residents are often the victims of stigmatization, which operates as an additional obstacle to obtaining employment or credit facilities (Pacione, 1990a). Many deprived areas are socially and physically isolated and those who are able to move away do so, leaving behind a residual population with limited control over their quality of life. Yet in the midst of such desperate conditions most people live constrained but stable lives. Most have adapted to their circumstances and in some cases have formed networks of mutual support with other people with shared experiences of deprivation. Support groups, community organizations and pressure groups can engender social cohesion and make tangible gains. However, the scale and structural underpinnings of the problem of multiple deprivation generally preclude a grass-roots, community-based resolution of the difficulties facing such localities.
Univariate analysis of deprivation-related variables Univariate analysis is an essential preliminary step in the analysis and mapping of censusderived variables, since consideration of the statistical and spatial distribution of individual social indicators can reveal important patterns within the data set. Although all 64 variables employed in the present analysis were mapped, for illustrative purposes information on four key deprivation-related indicators is presented here. These were related to male unemployment, single-parent families, overcrowded housing and households with a long-term limiting illness. Selection of this particular set of exemplars was informed by reference to earlier studies of deprivation (see, for example Department of the Environment, 1983; Duguid and Grant, 1983; Townsend, 1987; Midwinter et al., 1988; Pacione, 1989), and by the conceptual framework depicted in Figure 2. Analysis of the 38 098 output areas for Scotland revealed the percentage of households in each area for each of the four variables. The highest 10 per cent of values on each variable was selected for comparative analysis at the district level. In order to control for the effect of district size, the number of output areas falling in the highest 10 per cent of Scottish output areas on each variable was divided by the total number of output areas in each district. This standardized percentage value provided an indicator that could be mapped and compared across all of the Scottish districts. Figure 3 depicts the percentage of district output areas in the highest 10 per cent in Scotland for male unemployment (output areas with male unemployment levels above 32.6 per cent). This revealed a concentration of high male unemployment in the central belt, with a particularly high incidence in the districts of Clydeside. Glasgow and Inverclyde districts, along with Cumnock and Doon Valley, have more than 20 per cent of 118
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
u ........ 0.
....
q uJ.u
0.0 - 5.0%
5.1 - 7.5%
7.6 - 10.0%
Figure 3
Percentage
of district output areas in worst 10 per cent for male unemployment
Applied Geography I995 Voiume IS Number 2
119
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
their output areas in which one-third of males are unemployed. Districts with between 10 and 20 per cent of output areas in the highest unemployment category include Dumbarton, Clydebank, Renfrew, Monklands, Hamilton and Motherwell. This distribution mirrors the geography of industrial decline, which has affected the traditional industrial areas of Clydeside and the former coal-mining areas of Ayrshire. The city of Dundee in the east (with 14.5 per cent of its output areas in the worst 10 per cent), also recorded high levels of male unemployment, reflecting the loss of job opportunities in the traditional jute and dock-related industries as well as more recent plant closures in the light engineering sector. Contiguous to these core areas, high unemployment levels were also found in districts like Falkirk (6.1 per cent of output areas in the worst 10 per cent), Clackmannan (7.5 per cent), Kirkcaldy (8.3 per cent), Cunninghame (9.2 per cent), Kilmarnock and Loudon (9.1 per cent) and Edinburgh (6.2 per cent). Outside the central belt, the rural districts of the Western Isles (with 5.1 per cent of output areas in the worst 10 per cent of Scotland) and Wigtown (5.8 per cent) recorded high levels of male unemployment in over 5.0 per cent of their output areas. Significantly, the oil capital of Aberdeen (1.8 per cent) and the affluent commuter suburbs of Bearsden and Milngavie (0.4 per cent) and Eastwood (0.5 per cent) around Glasgow, and the New Town of East Kilbride (1.4 per cent), exhibited few areas with high male unemployment. Figure 4 indicates the differential distribution of single-parent households in Scotland. In Glasgow and Clydebank over one output area in five fell into the highest 10 per cent (a value of over 12.2 per cent). In general, the distribution of single-parent households is focused on the central urban belt and Ayrshire, with eastward extensions into Fife and the Lothians, additional concentrations in the cities of Dundee and Aberdeen, and outliers in parts of the rural Highlands and western Borders. The distribution of households with residents suffering long-term limiting illness is shown in Figure 5. Districts with over 10 per cent of output areas exhibiting the highest incidence of limiting long-term illness (more than one household in four) reveal a familiar pattern of concentration in west central Scotland, with a significant outlier in Dundee (with 14.8 per cent of output areas in the worst decile). The fact that 25 per cent of output areas in Glasgow fell into the highest 10 per cent, plus the strong incidence of long-term ill health in the contiguous districts, suggest a direct link between ill health and urban living, which has been supported by other research (Townsend et al., 1988). Figure 6 maps the distribution of overcrowded housing and also reveals a close correlation with the principal urban areas of the country. The four major cities of Glasgow (with 29.0 per cent of output areas in the worst 10 per cent), Edinburgh (14.7 per cent), Aberdeen (17.3 per cent) and Dundee (13.1 per cent) feature prominently as a result of their legacy of densely developed inner tenement areas and an increasing rate of household formation in council estates poorly equipped to respond to such changing demographic circumstances. Other urban districts also recording high levels of overcrowding include Inverclyde, which contains the towns of Greenock and Port Glasgow, Renfrew (Paisley), Monklands (Airdrie and Coatbridge) and Motherwell.
The nature and distribution of multiple deprivation in Scotland As suggested earlier, the selection of indicators is of particular significance in any investigation. Clearly, if the object of the analysis is to examine the nature and incidence of deprivation with specific reference to either urban or rural Scotland, then the choice of variables would be informed by the geography of the particular socio-spatial milieu. For example, certain variables, such as the incidence of multi-storey housing, have an inherent urban bias as a result of the socio-cultural forces that condition the spatial distribution of such housing. On the other hand, variables such as the presence of (notoriously low paid) 120
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 1.5 Number 2
~~~tipie deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
El
0.0 - 5.0%
. . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . .. . .
Figure 4 households
Percentage
of district
output areas in highest
Applied Geography IQ95 Voiume 15 Number 2
10 per cent for single-parent
121
Multiple deprivation
q .... 0 q
in Scotland: M Pacione
0.0-&o%
: : : : 6.1 - 7.5% ...
~
7.6 - 10.0%
10.1 - 20.0%
Figure 5
Percentage of district output areas in highest 10 per cent for residents limiting long-term illness
Applied Geography
suffering
1995 V&me 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation
q . 0 : ::: .
in Scotland: M Pacione
0.0 - 5.0%
5.1 - 7.5%
7.6 - 10.0% •m
mm
Figure 6 housing
Percentage
of district
output areas in highest
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
10 per cent for overcrowded
123
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
agricultural workers are clearly orientated more to the socio-cultural context of rural areas. The present study, designed to explore the structure of multiple deprivation across Scotland as a whole, employed a set of 64 deprivation-related variables in the multivariate analysis. While each of the 64 social indicators employed (see Appendix) is of both academic and practical utility in its own right, the univariate analyses suggested that some degree of statistical correlation and spatial overlap exists among the revealed patterns. In order to pursue the linkages among the individual distributions, the 64 X 64 variable correlation matrix was subjected to an R-type principal components analysis. The utility and value of statistical methods of analysis, including principal components analysis, have been the subject of debate, much of which has generated more heat than light. Clearly all statistical techniques are open to abuse if employed uncritically and without proper understanding of their advantages and deficiencies. In the present research, principal components analysis is used as an exploratory tool to uncover significant statistical relationships among a set of variables whose inclusion in the analysis was informed by conceptual understanding of the phenomenon under investigation. The procedure was employed to reduce the size of the initial data set and to extract a smaller set of components to account for most of the variance in the original data. No grandiose claims of causal significance are made. The analytical results do not explain the occurrence of multiple deprivation but do identify significant distributions of the phenomenon, which are of academic and practical relevance and provide the opportunity and guidance for further analysis by means of either quantitative or qualitative techniques. In terms of the objectives of the present analysis, principal components analysis successfully illuminated the nature and intensity of multiple deprivation at the district and urban levels in Scotland and underlay the calculation of area scores, which provided a basis for geographical investigation. Eighteen components accounting for 69.2 per cent of the variance emerged from the district-level analysis. The first component accounted for 15.6 per cent of the total variance and loaded highly in a positive direction on variable 21 (average number of cars per household), variable 12 (households in local authority rented accommodation), variable 6 (male unemployment), variable 62 (residents with limiting long-term illness), variable 7 (female unemployment), variable 60 (overcrowded housing), variable 30 (single-parent households), variable 52 (households living in high-rise accommodation) and variable 57 (households with children under five living at first-floor level or above) (Table I). This component was clearly interpreted as a measure of multiple deprivation, with high component scores indicative of households experiencing conditions at the lower end of the quality-of-life spectrum. Calculation of component scores on the principal component for each of the 38 098 Scottish output areas provided an indication of the incidence and depth of multiple deprivation across the country. Table 2 presents the percentage of output areas in each of the 56 districts that exhibited different categories of deprivation. This provided a detailed indication of the relative distribution of multiple deprivation across the country. Overall, while some rural districts revealed a degree of deprivation, mostly at the lower levels of intensity, the proportion of rural output areas affected was generally less than 5.0 per cent (for example, in Roxburgh, Moray or Angus). The highest incidence of multiple deprivation across all levels of intensity was recorded by the urban districts and, in particular, by the major cities. The spatial expression of multiple deprivation at the district level is shown in Figure 7. This records the distribution of districts with different proportions of their output areas in the worst 10 per cent in Scotland. The concentration of multiple deprivation in west central Scotland is pronounced, with Glasgow and the districts on the lower Clyde recording high proportions of deprived output areas. As Table 2 indicates, outliers of multiple deprivation were also found in the other major cities of Edinburgh (with 3.9 per 124
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation Table 1. Structure of principal component-multiple
deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
in Scotland
Variable
Description
Coefficient
21 20 11 23 50 12 6 62 56 7 10 43 38 60 30 52 51 51
Average number of cars per household % households with 2+ cars % households in owner-occupied accommodation % households with 6+ rooms % households in detached or semi-detached house % households in local authority rented housing % economically active males unemployed % residents with long-term limiting illness % households below occupancy norm % economically active females unemployed % in employment who are self-employed % households with head in socioeconomic groups l- -4 % in employment who travel to work by car % households above occupancy norm % single-parent households % households living in high rise % households with young children above first floor % households living in low rise
+ 0.95247 -0.84432 -0.80581 -0.7629 1 -0.74776 +0.71442 + 0.70790 + 0.68636 -0.67565 + 0.55086 -0.53711 -0.5345 1 -0.50042 + 0.49757 + 0.49632 + 0.46247 + 0.44973 -0.44057
cent of output areas in the worst 10 per cent), Dundee (9.9 per cent) and Aberdeen (2.9 per cent), as well as in smaller towns such as Falkirk (2.5 per cent), Clydebank (7.7 per cent) and Motherwell (3.7 per cent). Comparative analysis of the mean values on each of the deprivation-related variables for the four cities confirms the nature and intensity of multiple deprivation in the principal urban areas. Examination of Table 3 locates Glasgow at the head of the national deprivation league, with Dundee in second place, followed by Edinburgh and Aberdeen. However, in order to provide detailed insight into the differential incidence of multiple deprivation within the most disadvantaged districts it was necessary to undertake further analysis at the intra-urban scale.
The distribution
of multiple deprivation
within the city
In view of the predominance of Glasgow as a locus for multiple deprivation in Scotland, this city formed the principal focus of attention. Data on the 64 census-based variables for each of the 5374 output areas in Glasgow were subjected to principal component analysis. In this case, the principal component accounted for 14.5 per cent of the variance and was clearly identifiable as an indicator of multiple deprivation. Calculation of component scores provided a measure of deprivation for each of the city output areas. The spatial expression of the multiple deprivation component is portrayed in Figure 8. This reveals the major areas of deprivation to be located in interwar inner surburban areas such as Possilpark, Gamgad, Haghill and Blackhill, in isolated pockets south of the river in Govan, Gorbals and Pollokshaws, parts of the Maryhill Corridor and the GEAR area in the east, and in the post-war peripheral council estates of Drumchapel, Castlemilk and Easterhouse. This pattern reveals that over the past 25 years the distribution of multiple deprivation in Glasgow has shown a marked change. In 1971, a much greater proportion of deprived areas was located in the inner city, particularly in the east end and the Maryhill Corridor (Pacione, 1989). Over the intervening period, the traditional inner tenement housing, which previously exhibited severe deprivation, has recorded a relative improvement in Applied Geography
I995 Volume I5 Number 2
125
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
Table 2. The incidence and intensity of multiple deprivation in Scottish districts Percentage of district output areas in most deprived District
O-5%
Berwickshire Ettrick & Lauderdale Roxburgh Tweeddale Clackmannan Falkilk Stirling Annandale & Eskdale Nithsdale Stewartry Wigtown Dunfermline Kirkcaldy North East Fife Aberdeen Banff & Buchan Gordon Kincardine & Deeside Moray Badenoch & Strathspey Caithness Inverness Lochaber Naim Ross & Cromarty Skye & Lachalsh Sutherland East Lothian ~inburgh Midlothian West Lothian Argyll C Bute Bearsden & Milngavie Clydebank Cumbemauld & Kilsyth Cumnock & Doon Valley Cunnin~hame Dumb&n East Kilbride Eastwood Glasgow Hamilton Inverclyde ~lm~ock & Loudoun Kyle & Carrick Clydesdale Monklands Motherwell Renfrew Strathkelvin Angus Dundee Perth & Kinross Orkney Shetland Western Isles
0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.5 0.3 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2 0.7 0.0 1.3 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.2 1.3 0.0 0.0 0.4 0.7 3.1 0.2 0.3 0.5 0.9 0.0 0.0 12.1 0.1 6.2 1.0 0.6 0.0 1.5 0.8 1.6 0.0 0.0 3.9 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0
126
0.0
6-10% 1.3 0.0 0.4 0.0 0.0 1.0 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.9 0.2 1.6 0.2 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.3 2.6 0.2 0.1 0.4 0.0 4.6 1.0 0.7 1.0 1.6 0.3 0.7 9.3 1.9 5.5 1.1 1.1 0.0 2.5 2.9 3.8 0.2 0.3 6.0 0.5 0.0 0.0 0.0
ll-20% 0.0
0.7 1.1 0.0 2.4 1.6 2.3 0.0 1.9 0.0 2.9 2.1 2.7 0.5 5.9 0.4 0.4 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.0 0.7 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.8 5.5 1.0 0.8 2.3 0.7 7.4 2.0 1.0 2.7 6.2 1.0 0.7 14.7 3.6 7.9 3.1 6.6 1.2 7.3 8.1 7.3 2.6 1.6 9.8 1.8 0.0 0.0 0.0
21-30% 1.3 1.0 3.1 1.6 3.6 3.8 2.5 0.0 3.3 1.0 2.1 3.7 4.9 0.7 5.8 1.2 0.0 0.3 1.3 0.0 1.0 2.2 0.7 1.2 0.6 1.1 0.0 1.7 6.2 1.0 2.6 4.2 0.0 9.7 1.7 4.8 3.0 4.6 2.1 1.4 10.7 6.2 8.2 4.4 6.8 1.2 5.9 8.4 8.3 3.3 2.8 9.5 1.6 1.4 0.0 0.0
31-40%
41-50%
0.0
0.0
1.7 0.2 1.6 3.3 4.1 3.3 1.0 3.7 0.0 1.7 3.7 4.7 1.3 4.5 1.8 0.8 0.6 1.4 0.0 0.5 3.5 0.7 1.2 0.8 0.0 0.0 3.5 6.2 3.9 3.5 2.1 1.4 10.8 4.9 5.8 6.0 5.8 3.1 5.4 8.4 8.8 7.6 4.1 6.3 3.4 8.8 8.7 8.0 4.1 3.8 9.2 1.4 0.0 0.0 0.0
3.5 4.2 4.1 6.6 5.7 4.2 0.7 2.8 0.5 2.1 5.1 5.4 2.0 4.3 2.5 0.6 1.2 1.9 1.1 4.6 3.5 1.4 0.0 1.2 1.1 0.9 3.8 5.3 3.1 3.7 2.8 0.7 9.1 3.9 9.7 6.5 3.4 3.3 1.2 6.5 10.0 6.2 5.8 5.1 4.7 12.6 11.6 5.6 4.3 3.9 6.8 3.2 0.0 0.7 1.7
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
c
cl..
El : : : :
.R
0.0 - 6.0%
--.
.
c?‘\
5.1 - 7.5%
Yl
Figure 7
Percentage
of district output areas in most deprived
Applied Geography I995 Volume 15 Number 2
10 per cent in Scotland
127
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
Table 3. Mean values of deprivation-related
variables
for the major Scottish cities
Variable
Scotland
Glasgow
Edinburgh
Dundee
Aberdeen
Average No of cars per household % households with 2+ cars % households owner-occupied % households with 6 + rooms % households detached/semi-detached % households council rented % males unemployed % long-term illness % households below occupancy norm % females unemployed % self-employed % household heads in SEG l-4 % travel to work by car % households above occupancy norm % single-parent households % households in high rise % households with children at height % households in low rise
0.4 16.5 52.6 20.3 31.7 33.3 13.7 14.3 86.8 8.5 8.3 13.4 51.2 2.8 4.5 5.6 1.7 94.2
0.7 6.5 37.7 9.2 13.1 42.8 25.7 19.5 16.2 15.3 4.7 8.9 34.5 5.9 7.1 15.2 3.1 84.7
0.5 13.8 66.3 19.8 23.9 19.4 11.5 12.7 85.8 6.4 8.0 18.5 41.5 3.3 4.3 11.4 2.4 88.9
0.5 11.2 45.1 14.7 29.0 39.0 16.4 16.2 83.5 11.7 5.5 10.5 46.1 3.5 6.4 12.2 2.6 87.7
0.4 17.0 50.8 18.3 28.6 36.9 6.4 13.5 84.1 4.3 6.1 16.9 51.5 3.3 4.0 7.1 2.1 92.6
Figure 8 128
Distribution
of most deprived
10 per cent of output areas in Glasgow Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione
status, largely as a result of massive clearance and redevelopment by the local authority, combined in some areas, like GEAR, with modernization and new building aided by housing associations and private developers. This process involved the large-scale relocation of residents in a general process of decentralization. The inner areas now contain a much reduced and ageing population living in improved accommodation. Conversely, the outer estates exhibit a younger demographic structure and, while the housing is generally well provided with basic amenities, overcrowding is widespread. Serious social problems such as unemployment and a high proportion of single-parent families are also present. These spatial changes in the incidence of deprivation have been accompanied by a redistribution in terms of housing tenure. Whereas in 1971 a high proportion of deprived areas included older and frequently private-rented properties (notably in the east end, Maryhill, Springbum and Govan), deprivation has become increasingly concentrated in the public sector. The incidence of multiple deprivation in 1991 also sheds light on the effectiveness of the city’s system of priority planning areas. While significant improvements have been made to living conditions in the two inner areas of Maryhill and GEAR, comparatively little progress has been achieved in the outer estates, which have yet to benefit from the levels of expenditure that have been directed to the inner priority areas (Pacione, 1993). In addition, the geographical boundaries of the priority areas are open to question, with major concentrations of multiply deprived households (for example, in Possilpark and Haghill) excluded from the official priority designations. In general, however, as Figure 8 reveals, the most significant trend over the past two decades has been the increasing concentration of multiple deprivation in areas of council housing. This phenomenon represents a contemporary challenge for urban policy. Similar analyses of the distribution of multiple deprivation in the other Scottish cities confirmed the socio-spatial marginalization currently experienced by large numbers of households living on local authority estates. In Edinburgh, for example, the same general trends and problems that have characterized Glasgow in the post-war period are reflected in a clustering of the most severely deprived households in three main areas (Craigmillar-Niddrie, Pilton and Wester Hailes-Sighthill), all of which are peripheral local authority housing estates (Figure 9).
Conclusion The underlying causes of local concentrations of deprivation are clearly structural, stemming from the effects of global economic restructuring, the deindustrialization of the UK economy and government adoption of market-led policies aimed primarily at promoting national economic growth with little regard for their geographical consequences, particularly their effect on lagging regions. Nevertheless, the value of spatial analyses of deprivation can be supported on several grounds. Many, for example, have argued for a degree of ‘area effect’ in accentuating if not actually causing deprivation. Secondly, it is contended that the identification of geographical patterns is an essential starting point in understanding the local incidence of social disadvantage. Thirdly, a structuralist perspective cannot ignore the fact that in recent decades government policy has remained firmly focused on positive discrimination in favour of sub-areas. Finally, with particular reference to Scottish cities, a geographical approach is justified on the grounds that deprivation is strongly spatially concentrated as a result of the pattern of urban development in the post-war era (particularly the centrifugal movement of population into peripheral one-class council estates). The present research provides a descriptive analysis of the nature and incidence of deprivation at the district and urban scale in Scotland. Identification of the major loci of multiple deprivation is a prerequisite for subsequent detailed analyses of particular Applied Geography I995 Volume I5 Number 2
129
Multiple deprivation in Scotland: M Pacione EDINBURGH
: MULTIPLE l
DEPRIVATION
MOSTDEPRNUI 10%W SCALE : -
=*..
WESTSR HALES**...*
1991
Crpl0”TW
AREAS /x
... LISSRTO~.. .
Figure 9
Distribution of most deprived 10 per cent of output areas in Edinburgh
problem areas. The analytical results presented also provide a basis for critical evaluation of past policies aimed at alleviating conditions of multiple deprivation, as well as a framework for future policy formulation, and it is to these questions that we now turn. Arguably, one of the most significant findings of the research at both district and urban scales is the apparent longevity of the patterns of deprivation. The pronounced incidence of multiple deprivation in the central urban belt, and west central Scotland in particular, as well as in particular locales within the major cities, reflects, to a significant degree, the geography of deprivation revealed in the mid-1970s (Holterman, 1975) and later (Pacione, 1986). This represents an indictment of past policy aimed at improving the position of the disadvantaged. The challenge for policy-makers confronted by this continuing manifestation of disadvantage is how to alleviate the situation. Successful implementation of any policy, however, is dependent upon the state’s ideological stance in relation to poverty and welfare. This governs the type of urban policy deemed acceptable within the prevailing political economy and, in so doing, conditions the incidence and intensity of multiple deprivation. It follows that in order to assess the prospects for alternative policies to improve the position of the disadvantaged, it is necessary to understand the reasons for the failure of existing anti-deprivation policy. The primary reason why government economic policy in the UK has been unable to induce a significant improvement in the quality of life of marginalized areas and people is that it is not intended to do so. Over the last 15 years, British economic and urban policy has been dominated by the imperative of national economic growth. The resultant succession of market-orientated strategies only indirectly addresses the poverty and deprivation of people living in disadvantaged areas. Urban-economic policy in the UK is 130
Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
founded on a particular interpretation of the concept of partnership, which is based on a macro-scale corporatist link between the state and capital in order to produce an economic climate suitable for business-led economic development. This philosophy has been translated into policy practice in a variety of schemes including Urban Development Corporations, Enterprise Zones, Business in the Community and Local Enterprise Companies. After more than a decade of activity, however, there is little evidence that these public-private partnerships have resulted in any significant improvement in the life opportunities of the poor. Operating within the national political economy, local antideprivation strategies have fared little better over the last two decades (Pacione, 1990b). The scale and persistence of the problems of multiple deprivation are such that local authorities alone are incapable of resolving the difficulties encountered by residents of deprived areas within their boundaries. The proposed reorganization of local government in Scotland and the abolition of Strathclyde Region will place an even greater burden on individual district authorities. The city of Glasgow which, as we have seen, contains the highest concentrations of multiply deprived households in Scotland, will come under particular pressure. The ability of the major cities, as well as the other areas of deprivation identified, to respond is a matter of concern. Given the enduring nature of the problem, the limited resources available at the local level, the centralized structure of national government committed to market-led economic policy, and the increasingly competitive world economy, one cannot be sanguine that the problems of poverty and deprivation experienced by a significant proportion of Scotland’s population will be reduced to any significant extent in the immediate future.
References Carstairs, V and Morris, R (1991) Deprivation and Health in Scotland Aberdeen University Press, Aberdeen Department of the Environment (1983) Urban Deprivation, Information Note No 2, DOE, London Donnison, D and Middleton, A (1987) Regenerating the Inner City Routledge and Kegan Paul, London Duguid, G and Grant, R (1983) Areas of Specific Need in Scotland Scottish Office, Edinburgh Forrest, R and Murie, A (1991) Selling the Welfare State Routledge, London Holterman, S (1975) ‘Areas of deprivation in Great Britain’, Social Trends 6 Lansley, S and Mack, J (1991) Breadline Britain in the 1990s Harper Collins, London Midwinter, A, Mair, C and Moxen, J (1988) Rural Deprivation in Scotland: an Investigation into the Case for a Rural Aid Fund University of Strathclyde, Glasgow O’Higgins, M and Jenkins, S (1990) ‘Poverty in the E.C.‘, in R Teehens and B Van Praag (eds) Analwing Poverty in the European Community Eurostat, Luxembourg Pacione, M (1986) ‘Quality of life in Glasgow: an applied geographical analysis’, Environment and Planning A 18. 1499-1520 Pacione, M (1989) ‘The urban crisis: poverty and deprivation in the Scottish city’, Scottish Geographical Magazine 105, 101-115 Pacione, M (1990a) ‘What about people? A critical analysis of urban policy in the United Kingdom’, Geograph? 75(3), 193-202 Pacione, M (1990b) ‘A tale of two cities: the migration of the urban crisis in Glasgow’, Cities 7~4). 304-3 14 Pacione, M (1992) ‘Citizenship, partnership and the popular restructuring of UK urban space’, Urbun Geography 13(5), 405-42 1 Pacione. M (1993) ‘The geography of the urban crisis: some evidence from Glasgow’, Scottish Geogruphicol Magazine 109, 82-95 Rowntree, S (1901) Poverty Macmillan, London Smeeding, T, O’Higgins, M and Rainwater, L (1990) Povert)s Inequality and Income Distribution in Comparative Perspective Harvester Wheatsheaf, London Thake. S and Staubach, R (1993) Investing in People Joseph Rowntree Foundation, York Townsend, P (1987) ‘Deprivation’, Journal of SocialPolicy 16(3), 125-146 Townsend, P, Davidson, N and Whitehead, M (1988) Inequalities in Health Penguin, London (Revised manuscript Applied Geography
1995 Volume I5 Number 2
received 15 August 1994) 131
Multiple deprivation
in Scotland: M Pacione
Appendix List of census variables
Vl v2 v3 V4 V5 V6 VI V8 v9 VlO Vll v12 v13 v14 v15 V16 v17 V18 v19 v20 v21 v22 V23 V24 v25 V26 v27 V28 V29 v30 V32 V32 v33 v34 v35 V36 v31 V38 v39 v40 v41 V42 132
Total residents present Percentage of residents aged O-4 Percentage of residents aged 5-14 Percentage of residents of working age Percentage of residents of pensionable age Percentage of economically active males unemployed Percentage of economically active females unemployed Percentage of males 16 + economically active Percentage of females 16+ economically active Percentage of those in employment, self-employed Percentage of households in owner-occupied accommodation Percentage of households in local authority rented accommodation Percentage of households in private rented unfurnished accommodation Percentage of households in private rented furnished accommodation Percentage of households with more than 1.5 persons per room Percentage of households with between 1.0 and 1.5 persons per room Percentage of households with no car Percentage of households lacking/sharing bath/shower or inside WC Percentage of households with no central heating Percentage of households with 2+ cars Average no cars per household Percentage of households with one or two rooms Percentage of households with 6 + rooms Percentage of household spaces vacant Percentage of households with 6+ persons Percentage of households not in self-contained accommodation Percentage of households with one pensioner living alone Percentage of households containing persons of pensionable age only Percentage of one-person households below pensionable age Percentage of single-parent households Percentage of residents aged 16+ in employment working in agriculture Percentage of residents aged 16+ in employment working in energy and water Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment working in manufacturing Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment working in construction Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment working in distribution and catering Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment working in transport Percentage of residents working outside district of residence Percentage of residents aged 16+ in employment travel to work by car Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment travel to work by bus Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment travel to work by train Percentage of residents aged 16+ in employment travel to work by foot Percentage of residents aged 16 + in employment travel to work by other means Applied Geography 1995 Volume 15 Number 2
Multiple deprivation
v43 V44 v45 V46 v47 V48 v49 V50 v51 v52 v53 v54 v55 V56 v57 V58 v59 V60 V61 V62 V63 V64
in Scotland: M Pacione
Percentage of households with head in socioeconomic groups (SEG) l-4 (professional workers, employers and managers) Percentage of households with head in SEG 7,10,11 (personal service, semi-skilled, manual) Percentage of households with head in SEG 8,9 (foremen, supervisors, skilled manual) Percentage of households with head in SEG 13 (farmers-employers and managers) Percentage of households with head in SEG 14 (farmers-own account) Percentage of households with head in SEG 15 (agricultural workers) Population which speaks, reads or writes Gaelic Percentage of households in house, detached or semi-detached Percentage of households in house, two-storey or low-rise Percentage of households in house, high-rise Percentage of residents aged 16+ in private households, permanently sick or disabled Percentage of economically active or retired residents in SEG 7,10,11,15,17 (low-earning households) Percentage of households with 4 + children Percentage of households below occupancy norm Percentage of households with 1 + children under five, first floor or above Percentage of households with resident heads born in New Commonwealth Percentage of residents with different address one year before Percentage of households above occupancy norm Percentage of residents 16 + in employment working in banking and finance Percentage of residents in households with limiting long-term illness Percentage of vacant dwellings Percentage of residents 16 + in employment working in other services
Applied Geography I995 Volume 15 Number 2
133