The great divide? Cultural capital as a predictor of television preferences among Croatian youth

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Poetics journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/poetic

The great divide? Cultural capital as a predictor of television preferences among Croatian youth Krešimir Krolo*, Željka Tonkovic, Sven Marcelić Department of Sociology, University of Zadar, Obala kralja Petra Krešimira IV/2, 23000 Zadar, Croatia

ARTICLE INFO

ABSTRACT

Keywords: Cultural capital Television preferences Parental cultural capital High-school students Croatia

Despite the abundance of research on television genre preferences, the role of cultural capital has so far received little attention. This research employs Pierre Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital – and related theories of cultural consumption – to argue that there is a relationship between the respondents' television preferences and embodied, objectified, and institutionalized cultural capital of their parents. Empirical data was gathered from a large survey conducted on a quota sample of third- and fourth-year high school students in six larger cities on Croatia’s Adriatic coast. In order to determine different patterns of television genre preferences, factor analysis was used, which identified two types of taste in television: domestic television spectacles and foreign fiction television. Hierarchical regression analysis was employed to establish the effects of sociodemographic variables and cultural capital of respondents and their parents. The obtained results indicate not only the role of parental cultural capital and taste but also division between global cultural cosmopolitism and cultural seclusion.

1. Introduction In recent years various research tried to pinpoint deeper relationships between cultural capital and television (TV) consumption. For example, Bennett et al. (2009) look at television and cinema consumption patterns as contrasted with various class positions. More recent papers explore this relationship while re-examining the class distinctions as they were formulated in Bourdieu (1984) work. Straubhaar (2007) emphasized, prior to Bennett a shift towards global communication systems that has introduced an additional layer in the form of global culture as a distinction between preferences in local and national culture, with television consumption as an important marker of new class differences. A similar example can also be found in Prieur and Savage (2013) where they argue that cultural capital should be viewed outside of the framework of methodological nationalism as data suggest a shift towards mobile (European) continental class featuring cosmopolitan attitudes. The combination of a transnational social context with the availability, interactivity and connectivity of contemporary digital communication (Gripsrud, Hovden, & Moe, 2011) and the potentials of spatial mobility (Straubhaar, 2007) disrupted the strict class relations and distinctions as were registered in Bourdieu’s research (1984) of French society in the 1960s and 1970s. Furthermore, according to Friedman (2011), borders between popular and high culture have been blurred with the marketing of high culture to broader audiences, while products of contemporary “culture industries” such as “jazz, film and rock music have been simultaneously aestheticized” (Friedman, 2011: 351). This reconfiguration of cultural hierarchies disturbed the classic boundaries and patterns of cultural consumption, which in return produced the rise of cultural “omnivores” (Peterson, 1992). However, this does not mean that a more complex cultural consumption has erased class

⁎

Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (K. Krolo), [email protected] (Ž. Tonkovic), [email protected] (S. Marcelić).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2019.101400 Received 12 February 2019; Received in revised form 24 September 2019; Accepted 25 September 2019 0304-422X/ © 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article as: Krešimir Krolo, Željka Tonkovic and Sven Marcelić, Poetics, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2019.101400

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

distinctions in relation to forms of cultural capital, especially when we consider the intensive and prolific production of contemporary television programs which seems to be targeting various audiences in relation to their age, income or education level. The shift from cable and linear television towards digital and streaming services transformed the programing from broadcast to narrowcast (Lotz, 2018: 491) with the introduction of non-linear watching. This end of “the network era” basically managed to atomize the audience, separating them from broad mass definitions into specific demographic categories (Thorburn, 2019: 146). Fueled by algorithmic predictions and surveillance of consumer patterns, content creation in the “streaming era” is not only deliberated from time constrictions of cable television but is also strongly influenced by audience desires which opens a possibility of “reinforcement of taste”. This structural transformation was dubbed “conglomerates of niches” or “taste communities” which are “far more nuanced than genres or demographics” and they offer glimpse into “intersections among taste communities” (Lotz, 2018: 492–493). These variations and multiple possibilities of narrowcasting managed to change the paradigm of television from a medium of masses to a medium that also accommodates “complex narratives”. Within these structural conditions cultural capital should be considered as an important predictor of television consumption patterns because television viewing has merged with other patterns of cultural consumption as a distinct marker of lifestyle orientation, and as a way of positioning oneself in a broader socio-cultural configuration, and we argue that this potential reconfiguration of cultural capital can especially be noted in the television preferences of youth. This article reports on survey results gauging the cultural capital and cultural preferences of youth in Croatia. The data was gathered via a sample of high school juniors and seniors in the six biggest urban centers on the Adriatic coast. The questionnaire measured different forms of cultural capital of high-school students and their parents in order to address the idea of transmission of cultural capital, as expressed in our research questions. In this article we use specific dimensions of cultural capital, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu (1984) combined with theories of cultural consumption in the work of Richard A. Peterson (1992). The article is structured in the following way: first, an overview of the cultural capital and cultural taste literature is provided that addresses research with regard to the television consumption patterns. Secondly, a methodological approach is proposed that relies on the synthesis of existing theory and data. Finally, using multivariate hierarchical regression analysis, survey results are presented and discussed, and implications integrated into a broader understanding of the relationship between television viewing patterns and cultural capital. 2. Cultural capital and cultural taste as predictors of television preferences The theory of cultural capital is associated with the works of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu whose ground-breaking study “Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste” (Bourdieu, 1984) offered a deep insight into the relation between cultural consumption, cultural needs and class position within French society. Interestingly, television preferences were never operationalized in his research as a distinct marker of cultural taste and, consequently, of social class. The medium itself was the message, to paraphrase (McLuhan, 2016 [1964]), but not in the sense of communicative action, but rather as an indicator of taste in the same way potatoes and sports fishing were in Bourdieu’s research (Kuipers, 2006: 1). This is not unusual considering that television in the mid1960s did not yet offer such varied content that could potentially reflect the differentiated needs and preferences of the audience, and also had not taken the symbolic role of the postmodern cultural moment driven by rapid globalization (Louw & Carah, 2015: 219). Therefore, it comes as no surprise that Bourdieu viewed television as a cultural industry that is shaped by the logic of capitalism and profit in contrast to more autonomous fields of cultural production (Lavie, 2016: 503). Contemporary analysis that draws from this perspective (Lavie & Dhoest, 2015) argues that the field of television production has come a long way since Bourdieu’s operationalization, embodying within the very medium discrepancies that Bourdieu considered improbable. The domination of the “network era” introduced the content that has mass (market) appeal while the “streaming era” enhanced the creation of “quality” television that ushered the “golden age” of production. In this way diversity of content has reached global audiences with various tastes. This production in the streaming era can be broadly separated in two main categories: On the one hand there is “large scale” production that includes soap operas and reality shows, while on the other hand we see “restricted” production represented by quality drama, fantasy or sci-fi production. This transformation enabled television to enter a field of cultural distinctions where one can simultaneously have access to “highbrow” and “lowbrow” content or even to various fusions that resemble the postmodern cultural momentum. With this new structure of the television field in mind, we argue that Bourdieu’s concepts offer a potential to explain how television preferences, which constitute a form of class distinction through cultural consumption, can be related to other forms of cultural capital. In his later work, Bourdieu (1983) presented a more detailed definition of cultural capital, dividing it into three separate but interconnected categories: embodied, objectified and institutionalized. Embodied cultural capital is internalized through the conscious efforts of social actors, but it is also transmitted across family generations. Thus, privileged children whose parents have cultural capital corresponding with the cultural mores of the privileged classes inherit such configuration of that capital. Objectified cultural capital is expressed through possession of material objects and cultural artifacts (e.g. books, paintings, sculptures, records), while institutionalized cultural capital is determined by educational qualifications (Bourdieu, 1983). Bourdieu’s notion of embodied cultural capital is the most problematic empirical aspect of the analysis of cultural practices and consumption with regards to television. On the one hand, embodied cultural capital is the most vaguely defined form, not determined by possession of cultural goods or educational attainment like objectified and institutionalized forms are, but rather by the process of incorporation and internalization, or Verinnerlichungsprozeß (Bourdieu, 1983: 187). On the other hand, Bourdieu’s research was conducted in 1960s and his major work on cultural capital, Distinction, was published in 1979, in an age remote from modern uses of television. This means that the strategy of thinking about the incorporated cultural capital applied to television consumption has to resolve a specific problem. It is the issue of taste that is, in Bourdieu’s work, connected with aesthetic judgement. The underlying 2

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

argument of this article is that aesthetic judgements considering television consumption are congruent with other aspects of cultural taste since embodied cultural capital requires a coherent aesthetic framework. Certain types of television consumption will therefore, presumably, be correlated with certain types of other modes of cultural consumption. In the context of Croatian youth, language seems to play a key role in this regard as a strong demarcation of cultural tastes (Krolo, Marcelić, & Tonković, 2016). Furthermore, as embodied cultural capital is a matter of invested time (Bourdieu, 1983: 187) and transgenerational transfer (Krolo et al., 2016) this coherence results, to a certain extent, in a congruent taste of parents and children. Our notion of embodied cultural capital is thus based on this congruent aesthetic framework that can be applied to different modes of cultural production, including television. Although Bourdieu’s concepts represent a valuable theoretical contribution, it is also necessary to situate them within more contemporary discussions of cultural consumption. According to some, cultural capital should be contextualized in a diverse and fragmented context of individualized audiences (Chan & Goldthorpe, 2006) and set against a context of what some authors have called “liquid modernity” (Bauman, 2000) and “risk society” (Beck, 1992). The main emphasis within these perspectives is less dependence on the “grand narratives” of modernity that were, according to some authors (Chan & Goldthorpe, 2006; Chan, 2010; García-Álvarez, Katz-Gerro, & López-Sintas, 2007; Giddens, 1991; Jaeger & Katz-Gerro, 2010; Katz-Gerro & Jaeger, 2013), driving the patterns of cultural consumption in Bourdieu’s France in the 1970s. Peterson (1992); Peterson (2005) argues that with the development of contemporary culture, and its special emphasis on mass and popular culture, all social classes started to engage in cultural consumption more intensively, and with a larger array of possibilities and opportunities for participation. He also argues that the main distinction regarding cultural consumption now is not a distinction between the consumption of “high” and “low” culture, but rather between groups that engage extensively in a large range of cultural consumptions (which he dubbed “omnivores”), and groups that are still hanging onto more homogenous cultural consumption patterns (“univores”). Arguably, these distinctions could also be found in the consumption of contemporary television programs, whereby distinctions between groups would be manifested in a way that television omnivores find various genre-specific shows more appealing than do television univores. Therefore, it seems logical to explore the relation that youth have with contemporary televised production as they themselves bare both socio-cultural momentum of the late modernity and are vigorously targeted as a relevant group by the television industry (Potter & Goldsmith, 2017; Schee & Kline, 2013). The Bourdieusian position on television was, especially in “Distinction”, mirroring both the technological state of that medium and the scarcity of its contents. Bourdieu does not offer a detailed reading on formations of taste regarding television, like he does on music and other forms of culture. However, television became an important medium since the mid-sixties, when Bourdieu was conducting his research and there is now a rich and conceptually well-rounded body of research on television from a Bourdieusian perspective. Two distinct points can be made here. One is the content and status of television as a medium and the other concern the social and economic circumstances that influence its consummation. Television was not seen as a source of distinction in Bourdieu’s research, as it is considered “trivial”. However, triviality and popular genres, as Regev (1994) shows on the example of rock music, are not fixed categories, and we have witnessed several different media (film, photography) transitioning from popular to a more complex landscape of contents, emancipating themselves in terms of artistic value and social recognition as such – which arguably brings Bourdieu back into interpretation. Luthar and Kurdija (2011) are describing this process as the gentrification of a certain genre, specifically pointing out the case of jazz. This transformation, applied to television, was dubbed “quality television” by Hesmondhalgh (2006) and although it was initially considering Anglophone programmes, Lavie and Dhoest (2015) have demonstrated that the notion of quality television can also be applied to smaller markets. Although an aesthetic criterion is not the only one that explains the notion of quality television, it clearly involves a Bourdieusian mechanism at work, as it is “television production aiming towards an elite audience, in which cultural capital is somewhat more important than economic capital” (Lavie & Dhoest, 2015: 52). Secondly, considering socioeconomic background, Bennett demonstrates how occupation and education “play important roles in stratifying television audiences along traditional ‘high/low’ lines” (Bennett, 2006: 193) in Great Britain. Low legitimacy genres are connected with lower levels of education and lower social position and high legitimacy genres are the opposite. Television is thus a medium that, with time, came to reflect a Bourdieusian position and its applicability. 3. Television preferences, youth and cultural capital Television is now an integral part of youths’ cultural universe. This means that to understand youth culture we also need to understand how they consume television and other visual materials. To do that, we must also find out whether this kind of consumption reflects already established differences in cultural taste, primarily along the dividing line of foreign and domestic content. Although Bourdieu himself did not focus on the medium of television,1 there have been attempts to integrate his concepts – cultural capital, distinction, taste, and field – into the field of cultural capital research in regard to contemporary media (Bennett et al., 2009; Friedman, 2011; Gripsrud et al., 2011; Prieur & Savage, 2013; Straubhaar, 2007). In this work, the class position of audiences is considered to be an important determinant of media consumption. The latest research continues along these lines with notable examples of Rowe and Bennett (2018) in the Australian context where findings suggest a similar division along the lines of localized and globalized preferences for the televised content. In their previous research (Bennett et al., 2009) respondents – particularly those from the upper social strata (professional-executive class) – explain television consumption as an issue of available spare time while distinctions in relations to specific genres are visible as a “media diet,” or restraint from the media content that they value as less 1

Exception would be his short essay “On Television” Bourdieu (1996). 3

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

salient with valuable information (Bennett et al., 2009: 139). Bennett et al. (2009): 135) explain these distinctions as a contrast between the judgement of pleasure and the judgement and appreciation of aesthetics, in which the upper classes make distinctions between the “pedagogic value of television” opposed to the “escapism of entertainment” of working-class respondents. Considering the fact that contemporary televised dramatic production is saturated with various moral narratives (Krijnen & Tan, 2009; Krijnen & Verboord, 2016), it seems logical to explore whether those messages resonate with audience preferences when measurements for cultural capital are considered. For example, studies from Friedman (2011); Kuipers (2006) and Claessens and Dhoest (2010) that explore the link between cultural capital and taste in television comedy provide a significant contribution to this topic. They find that lower-educated respondents were more likely to enjoy “lowbrow” comedy, while higher-educated respondents preferred complex forms of comedy. They conclude that a “highbrow” comedy is codified in a manner that requires possession of knowledge and skills for decoding the material, while “lowbrow” comedy is less saturated with complex narratives and cultural symbols. However, as televised production grows in quantity and quality, these separations seem to be less important as various data suggests that there are now “fine distinctions” within the very medium. For example, Gripsrud et al. (2011) research on Norwegian students concluded that elite taste bears little or no values in Norwegian society, especially when television is taken into consideration. The cultural elite has gentrified those genres that used to belong almost exclusively to the working class while maintaining a connection to “elite” content. Distinctions are visible not between preferences towards a single genre, but within the fine tuning of an “omnivore” inclusivity (Gripsrud et al., 2011: 512). It is necessary to emphasize that there is a lack of this kind of research in Croatia, as the academic focus has mainly been on youth value orientations and political culture (e.g. Ilišin, Gvozdanović, & Potočnik, 2018), with some notable exceptions. For example, Pješivač and Imre (2016) draw similar conclusions as Gripsrud et al. (2011) when analyzing the relationship between television preferences and specific dimensions of cultural capital among Croatian youth. They argue that tastes cannot be separated only along the lines of institutionalized cultural capital in the form of education, but also as an accumulated knowledge of foreign language and social connections outside of the local culture. These findings reflect the cultural logic of late capitalism (Jameson, 1992), where barriers and borders between cultural fields are not as rigid and where an univore type of approach to culture is less emphasized than before (Peterson, 1992). The concept of omnivores marks a change in which highbrow taste is no longer “snobbish”, or rather it is not exclusive. More eclectic highbrow taste now includes reaching “down” and broadening one’s cultural repertoire, making symbolic boundaries of musical genres less clear. Omnivorism is, however, often a highbrow strategy of appropriating certain “lowbrow” genres. On a fundamental level, this is a perspective polemical to Bourdieu’s, as it replaces exclusion with openness (Peterson & Kern, 1996). 3.1. Cultural consumption of global and local contents It seems that “univores” are more connected with the notion of localized preferences while “omnivores” seem to represent a cultural elite with globalized and cosmopolitan views and values. This divide has been identified as relevant in several studies on different countries in the former Yugoslavia (Cvetičanin & Milankov, 2011; Krolo et al., 2016) and it defines a cultural configuration that proves to be very coherent. Similar to research by Pješivač and Imre (2016), this paper argues that language is an important factor when it comes to cultural practices, as there is a strong tendency within certain parts of the population to consume cultural content that is almost exclusively in their native language and possibly in mutually intelligible languages (which in the Croatian case primarily means Serbian, Bosnian, and Montenegiran cultural products). Cvetičanin and Milankov (2011) have furthermore identified two dominant axes that determine types of cultural consumption: local-global and contemporary-traditional. Cultural cosmopolitanism is thus seen as a tendency to consume global cultural contents, often in foreign languages, primarily English. Cicchelli and Octobre (2018) define it as mundane, everyday practice based on common, popular cultural practices, while it can implicitly be observed in many countries that are not Anglophone. Cvetičanin and Milankov (2011) show that in Serbia globallocal creates a continuum on which many cultural practices can be interpreted exactly in the key of Bourdieusian interpretive framework, while, in a similar vein, Krolo et al. (2016) show that similar mechanisms can be identified in Croatia as well. Croatian youth, as a population, is situated in a threefold cultural context: they are a part of global cultural sphere in which AngloAmerican production is dominant; they are involved in a regional cultural context in which mutually intelligible languages play an important role; and they are also nationally determined. In this sense it is useful to study cultural strategies of consumption as these three levels influence one another in a way that is not present in Anglophone world. Furthermore, television consumption is congruent with taste configurations in music and attendance of cultural manifestations and it reflects formations of taste that can be explained through wider cultural, socio-economic and socio-cultural factors. Considering the fact that there have been significant shifts in the way various social institutions have relevance in creating and maintaining specific forms of taste and cultural capital for youth, there is another element that is essential to consider. Parental cultural capital may establish whether patterns of cultural consumption, and the aesthetic tastes of students, can be explained through the influence of early socialization in the family context. Various studies have already established that there is a link between the musical cultural preferences of parents and their children (Bogt, Marc, Maarten, Peter, & Wim, 2011; Krolo et al., 2016) and also for reading parental choices heavily impact children’s patterns of taste (De Graaf, Graaf, & Kraaykamp, 2000; Nagel & Verboord, 2012; Sullivan, 2001). Considering the fact that cultural consumption embodies tendencies to be organized in similar ways for different types of cultural products – for example, people who enjoy “highbrow” classical music will also enjoy “highbrow” classical and abstract paintings (Bourdieu, 1984) – we expect this relation to also exist with respect to television preferences.

4

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

3.2. Television consumption in Croatia – key findings and trends According to recent data from the Croatian Bureau of Statistics (CBS) (2017), in the structure of household expenditures, the share of culture is approximately 3 %, which is about the average share for the European Union (Eurostat, 2019). Compared to other member states, Croatia is among the countries in which the majority of the cultural expenditure went to fees and subscriptions for radio and television. Data on cultural participation in EU countries shows that Croatia is in a group with a lowest level of participation, along with other countries in Southern and Eastern Europe (Eurostat, 2017). Croatia is also among the European countries with the largest differences in cultural participation by income group, educational attainment and residential status (Eurostat, 2019; Tonković, Marcelić, & Krolo, 2017). When it comes to the cultural consumption of youth, previous research confirmed distinctions between traditional, modern and elite types of cultural consumers (Krolo et al., 2016). There were 30 television broadcasters in Croatia in 2018: one public and 29 independent ones (Croatian Bureau of Statistics (CBS) (2019)).2 Public and independent broadcasters are national, regional and local regarding their signal distribution and coverage. Industry production of televised content is, as anticipated, largely represented by statewide stations when total amount of hours of programming is considered. However, regional television stations are trying to keep up with statewide television stations. For example, in the genre „information and documentary “regional television stations produced more (24927 h) than statewide television stations (19598 h) in 2018. Basically, local and regional television stations outpace statewide broadcasters in every genre except in fiction, in which statewide television stations produced 32100 h annually while regional and local stations produced 5500 h. Consumption of televised content in Croatia is mostly examined with market-oriented research, whilst academic research is more oriented toward issues of effects, morality and leisure (Tomić-Koludrović & Leburić, 2001). A recent study by IPSOS (2016) shows that linear television consumption is still a dominant way to enjoy televised content with more than 80 % of the population still relying on network channels to deliver the programs. Digital or streaming services are a medium of choice to 19 % of the respondents. However, other market reports3 paint a different picture according to which television is being watched via mobile devices and computers by 62 % of the respondents, with 59 % of the population engaging in simultaneous consumption of the televised content on two or more devices. When asked about the satisfaction with the television content only 20 % are extremely satisfied with an average 2.9 grade on a scale from 1 to 5 (IPSOS, 2016: 15). The IPSOS research report also provided a rare insight into the popularity of the genres. Movies and documentaries are the most appreciated forms of televised content. Right behind them are news programs, music programs, sports and domestically produced shows. Turkish soap operas and reality programs are among the least liked televised content. Cartoons and programs for children are the least popular. Respondents were also asked to evaluate the quality of above mentioned genres. Documentaries, news, movies, music programs and sports programs were considered to be of better quality than Turkish soap operas to which 43 % of respondents gave grades of 1 and 2 on the scale from 1 to 5; 39 % did the same for reality shows. Unfortunately, these results do not distinguish respondents according to age or gender. Yet they do show a pattern in taste that seems to differentiate between content along the lines of Bourdiean distinctions of the medium. One side is occupied by genres of “large scale” productions that adhere to the logic of mass audiences and marketization, while the other is populated by genres that can broadly be situated within the category of “restricted” or “quality” production (Lavie, 2016: 503). 4. Research questions and hypothesis The goal of our research reported in this article is to explore whether there is a relationship between the respondents’ preferences in television genres and the cultural capital of their parents. Our starting point was that a more detailed elaboration and operationalization of cultural capital can contribute to explaining young people’s television preferences. Hence our research questions and hypothesis are as follows: RQ1. Is there a relationship between the specific type of embodied cultural capital of parents and respondents’ television preferences? H1. A higher level of parents popular or traditional embodied cultural capital is positively associated with respondents’ domestic spectacle television preferences. H2. A higher level of parents’ elite type of embodied cultural capital is positively associated with respondents’ foreign fiction television preferences. Parental cultural capital in the region was operationalized examining taste in music (Krolo et al., 2016), where various types of embodied parental cultural capital were associated with the students’ preferences in music. RQ2. Is there a relationship between the institutionalized and objectified cultural capital of respondents’ parents and respondents’ television preferences? H3. Parents’ educational level is negatively related to respondents’ domestic spectacle television preferences. Although previous studies are mainly dealing with the role of institutional cultural capital of respondents (Bennett et al., 2009; Kuipers, 2006; Claessens & Dhoest, 2010; Friedman, 2011; Pješivač & Imre, 2016) there are examples in which educational level of 2 Netflix, HBO Go and Amazon prime are available for subscription in Croatia but there are no available reliable data regarding the market share in comaprisment to traditional (terestrial, cable and satellite) broadcasting systems. 3 https://www.24sata.hr/news/istrazivanje-agencije-hendal-o-navikama-gledanja-tv-sadrzaja-524698.

5

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

Table 1 Sociodemographic structure of the sample.

Age

Gender Type of school City

16 17 18 19 Male Female Three-year vocational Four-year vocational Gymnasium Pula Rijeka Zadar Šibenik Split Dubrovnik

N

%

191 1179 1168 94 1315 1334 243 1515 886 375 556 479 291 648 290

7.2 44.8 44.4 3.6 49.5 50.3 9.3 57.1 33.4 14.1 21.0 18.1 11.0 24.8 11.0

the parents is associated with cultural capital and various cultural preferences of youth (Krolo et al., 2016). This provides an area for the assumption that similar connections can be expected in relation to television preferences. H4. The number of books in the household will be positively associated with respondents’ foreign fiction television preferences. According to Bourdieu (1984), even mere possession of books is an important indicator of cultural capital. Larger collections of books suggest higher omnivorousness or “highbrow” cultural capital of parents which will manifest itself in transmission of cultural capital towards children that seek cultural content with a more intrinsic and “pedagogic value” (Bennett et al., 2009) in the form of various foreign television programs. 5. Sample and data The data used in this article is part of a broader research examining the role of cultural capital in cultural preferences of youth on the Adriatic coast in Croatia. Participants were high school juniors and seniors (N = 2649) selected by quota sampling. Six major cities (representing six out of seven counties of the Croatian NUTS2 Adriatic region) were included in the research: Pula (Istria county), Rijeka (Primorje-Gorski kotar county), Zadar (Zadar county), Šibenik (Šibenik-Knin county), Split (Split-Dalmatia county) and Dubrovnik (Dubrovnik-Neretva county), while Lika-Senj county was omitted because it lacks a major urban center and is sparsely populated. The first two counties form a region traditionally known as Istria and Kvarner, while the latter four belong to Dalmatia. This region corresponds to one of the two separate Eurostat macroregions of Croatia and it also presents two regions with pronounced regional identity anchored in urban centers. Our target population concerned students in the last year of study, e.g. third-year students in three-year vocational schools and fourth-year students for the rest. We have chosen this population because (a) they already participate in cultural consumption more than younger students (there are restrictions for persons younger than 16 regarding public places), (b) they are predominantly old enough to vote, and (c) they will soon have to make important decisions like choosing between study and work and staying in their cities or leaving. Data about the number of students and structure of enrolment in each of the cities was obtained from the State Office for Administration and used as the base for quota sampling. The quota was determined according to the size of cities, type of schools, and gender. 2649 students were included out of approximately 12,000. Respondents were between 16 and 19 years old. Table 1 provides descriptive statistics for this sample.4 We administered a quantitative pen and paper survey that was completed in the schools. On average, it took students around 25 min to complete the questionnaire. Students were informed of the purpose of the survey and told that their participation is voluntary. Further, students were assured that their responses would be treated confidentially. 6. Instruments and scales 6.1. Dependent variables: television genre preferences The scale of television genre preferences consisted of 19 items and for each item participants could choose how often they watch programs within that genre. Genres ranged from talent shows (e.g. X factor, The Voice), reality shows (e.g. Big Brother, The Farm)5, 4 Completion rate of the survey was 86% percent of the total sample size. Explanation for rather high rate can be found in the fact that the survey was filled within the structured environment of the classroom. 5 Although certain studies insist on placing reality and talent shows within the same genre, there are distinctive characteristics between them in

6

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

soap operas (both foreign and domestic), sitcoms (e.g. The Big Bang Theory, Two and a Half Men), fantasy and science fiction (e.g. Game of Thrones, The Walking Dead, The Flash), as well as television shows that deal with politics, music, sports, culture, and science. We formed two latent dimensions from an exploratory factor analysis with varimax rotation: taste in domestic television spectacles with six items – which consists of domestic soap operas, foreign soap operas, reality shows, domestic sitcoms, domestic talent shows and domestic lifestyle shows (M = 16.3, SD = 6.43, Cronbach’s α = 0.88) – and taste in foreign fiction television genres with five items which included crime shows, fantasy and science fiction shows, sitcoms and comedies, Hollywood movies and independent movies (M = 15.7, SD = 5.1, Cronbach’s α = 0.79) from which an aggregated index was formed for both of these dimensions. Factor loadings for domestic television spectacle ranged from 0.74 to 0.68 with total 22 % of variance explained for this specific factor. Foreign television genres exhibited similar values (form 0.52 to 0.77) Regardless of weak fluctuations in both of these scales, consistency of preferences is visible and reliable as an indicator of taste. 6.2. Independent variables 6.2.1. Parental cultural capital Respondents’ parents’ cultural capital was measured with regard to its institutionalized, objectified and embodied state. Following Bourdieu (1983), who defined institutionalized cultural capital as that obtained through formal education, the level of education of respondents’ parents was used as a measure that might capture transmission. In the sample, 69 % of fathers finished high school while 31 % obtained a university degree. The statistics were similar for mothers: 66.1 % have a high school diploma, while 33.9 % hold a bachelors or equivalent.6 Objectified cultural capital can be measured using items such as possession of paintings, antique furniture or books. For the purpose of this research, the possession of books (estimated number of books in the household) was used as an indicator of objectified cultural capital of parents. Embodied cultural capital of respondent’ parents was operationalized via cultural practices and taste in music. The cultural practices of parents were reported by their children and measured using items that describe the intensity of visiting events and spaces that offer various cultural content (i.e. visiting museums, concerts of classical music, concerts of domestic pop music etc.). The idea behind this choice stems from Bourdieu’s argument that appropriation of cultural capital is a process in which one has to invest one’s own time and must do it personally (Bourdieu, 1983: 187). Cultural consumption is therefore a process of investing in one’s cultural capital which translates into embodied form. Using explorative factor analysis with principal components and varimax rotation, three separate factors were established, explaining 57.7 % of variance. The first factor consisted of six items (visits to museums and art galleries, opera, ballet and theater, concerts of classical music, reading prose, reading poetry, visiting the city library) and was dubbed “elite” due to the prevailing content of “highbrow” cultural practices. The second factor included four items: visits to concerts of domestic pop folk music, concerts of domestic traditional music, concerts of older domestic pop rock performers, and consumption of sports events. This factor was later named “traditional-popular”. The third factor consisted of two items and included consumption of jazz and rock events. These factors were the basis for the creation of three separate indexes: an index of parental consumption of high culture (M = 11.89, SD = 4.66, Cronbach’s α = 0.83), an index of parental consumption of pop folk events (M = 8.81, SD = 3.41, Cronbach’s α = 0.74) and an index of parental consumption of jazz/rock events (M = 2.78, SD = 1.32, Cronbach’s α = 0.53).7 Parents’ musical preferences were measured using the estimation of frequency of listening to various genres as reported by their children (respondents). Again, explorative factor analysis of principal components with varimax rotation was used in order to determine the latent dimensions of the instrument. Those dimensions for parents were: taste in in pop folk music with four items (M = 11.6, SD = 3.84, Cronbach’s α = 0.74), taste in foreign pop rock with also four items (M = 9.6, SD = 3.7, Cronbach’s α = 0.72) and taste in classical (“elite”) music with two items (M = 5.11, SD = 2.19, Cronbach’s α = 0.65), explaining 61.3 % of the variance. 6.2.2. Respondents cultural capital Cultural capital of respondents was measured with regard to institutionalized and embodied forms, while objectified capital was not represented because it was assumed that students do not possess a relevant amount of objects at that age. (footnote continued) the form of content and production. Lavie (2016):505) argues that basic distinction is in the form of shows like Big Brother where no specific skills or talent are necessary to participate, and shows like “American Idol” or Britain’s got talent” that require from the contenders to manifest some form of talent in singing, dancing or cooking. In a broader sense they do constitute a “cultural genre which shows real people whose works and behavior are not presented as predetermined by a script” (Lavie, 2016:506) In our research we followed the line of distinction that separates them via logic of brand marketing and industry, but factor analysis showed a high correlation between these two items, suggesting that they could be both simultaneously considered as a separate entity, and a blended cultural form. 6 This percentage is much higher than the national average for that age group. According to the 2011 Census the percentage of the population with higher education within two age cohorts (35-39 and 40-44) that comprise the vast majority of parents of this population of high-school students was 22%. This is unsurprising because our sample is taken from the major cities where the population is better educated and Adriatic Croatia has a higher level of population with tertiary population than national average. 7 Although this is rather low, we have decided to keep this index as it proved to be relevant in previous research (Krolo et al., 2016). 7

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

To measure students’ institutionalized capital, we assessed the type of school they are attending8 as well as their formal and informal education in culture (i.e. attendance of workshops and lessons in arts, music, theatre, and writing). From this latter scale an index was formed (M = 1.9, SD = 2, Cronbach’s α = 0.78) ranging from 0 (no education) to 7 (educated at least at one point in life in different fields of arts and culture). Embodied cultural capital of respondents was measured with regard to taste in music, with a scale measuring their appreciation for various genres. Musical preferences of the respondents were theoretically constructed with two distinct latent dimensions: taste in music in foreign language (M = 20.2, SD = 4.76, Cronbach’s α = 0.79) with ten items, and taste in music in the local or regional language (M = 16.6, SD = 4, Cronbach’s α = 0.64) with five items having explained 53.8 % of the overall variance. Research in Croatia (Krolo et al., 2016) has shown that highbrow cultural practices are more common in gymnasiums, where enrolment includes very high percentages of students with highly educated parents and, furthermore, those students go on to enroll in tertiary education in percentages much higher than their counterparts in vocational schools. Gymnasiums are considered to be de facto prep schools for tertiary education. There is a clear connection between institutional context and forms of capital. 7. Statistical analyses and results After establishing a pattern of correlations between relevant variables, a hierarchical regression analysis was conducted. It consisted of three separate blocks of independent variables: the first one included basic sociodemographic variables9 ; the second included institutionalized (level of education), embodied (cultural practices and taste in music) and objectified aspects (number of books) of respondents’ parents’ cultural capital; the third block consisted of respondents’ embodied cultural capital (formal and informal education in arts and culture and taste in music), as well as their institutionalized cultural capital (type of high school attended). These blocks were then tested in relation to two separate dependent variables: the index of domestic television spectacle preferences and the index of foreign fiction television preferences. The sociodemographic block was used first in order to determine their influence before proceeding towards parental and respondents’ dimensions of cultural capital. According to the results presented in Table 2, several predictors prove relevant for understanding taste in domestic television spectacle. First, gender (β = 0.297) is a strong predictor, as it accounts for 15 % of the overall variance explained, even when other blocks of variables are introduced. Female students are 40 % more likely to report watching spectacle television. Parental education does not show a significant relation, which means that parental cultural capital might have an impact through students’ observation of “live” cultural activities of parents, but it does not appear to occur through educational resources. This is noticeable in model 2 with significant effects of: parental attendance of pop folk events (β = 0.155), parental taste in pop folk music (β = 0.257) and number of books in a household (β = 0.100), but not for parents’ education. This block of variables explains 13 % of overall variance. Although the coefficients are not strong, the results indicate a potential pattern of how cultural capital that was obtained and performed by parents, has a connection that explains similar cultural needs of children, even when different forms of arts and culture are considered. The final model which introduces the block of cultural capital that respondents have accumulated, shows how embodied cultural preferences have a positive predictive value for television spectacle preferences (β = 0.292), while preferences in foreign music shows a negative effect for the television spectacle preferences (β= −0.198). The contribution to the overall variance of the model is 9 %, while the overall model with all the blocks holds 37 % of the variance explained. This is perhaps the most intriguing part in this model. It shows the relationship between various dimensions of cultural capital (embodied and objectified) that seems to resonate with divisions along the lines of language. These divisions can be attributed to a larger cultural segregation between global cultural cosmopolitism (that also encapsulates the notion of “omnivorous” patterns of cultural consumption) and cultural seclusion (with a more nuanced “univorous” type of cultural consumption). More precisely, domestic television spectacle preferences include global patterns of production (soap operas, talent and reality shows) which require less codified knowledge while being adapted and broadcasted in Croatian, in comparison to genres that are simultaneously in a foreign language and require developed skills in decoding and appreciating the content. This produces a specific type of glocal positioning, but with more emphasis on cultural seclusion due to the lack of intergenerational transmission of cultural capital or even due to the transmission of specific type of cultural capital. The results presented in Table 3 show lower predictive values than the results in Table 2 as the overall explanation of the total variance is 20 %, but there are relevant findings that require a more detailed elaboration and discussion. First, with regard to the first model, the sociodemographic block has no predictive value, while the second block (parental cultural capital) contributes to the overall variance with 12 % with a positive coefficient of parental consumption of elite content (β = 0.153), and parental consumption of pop rock music (β = 0.282). The third block, containing respondents’ institutionalized and embodied cultural capital, contributes to the overall explanation of variance with 8 %. Here we see a weak but significant negative impact of formal and informal education in culture (β= −0.075), but a much stronger positive relation with taste in music in a foreign language (β = 0.306). The negative 8

The Croatian higher education system is comprised of three types of schools: three-year vocational schools, four-year vocational schools and gymnasiums. The first type does not offer the possibility of enrolment in tertiary education and usually has lowest entry grades required. Four-year vocational schools are based on vocational training ready for labour market, but their students also qualify for university enrolment. Gymnasiums are de facto preparatory schools without vocational elements and tend to have highest requirements regarding grades. 9 Type of region was used in order to determine whether there are substantial differences between these two categories, while size of settlement provides a possible distinction between urban and rural. All these variables were used as dummy variables. 8

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

Table 2 Sociodemographic indicators, parents’ cultural capital and respondents’ cultural capital as predictors of domestic television spectacle preferences. Predictor variables

Model 1

Model 2

Gender (0=male; 1= female) Family income (ref: highest) Low Medium High Region (0= Dalmatia; 1= Istria and Kvarner) Size of settlement (0= below 30,000; 1= above 30,000) Type of settlement (0= rural; 1= urban) Education of parents (0= low; 1= high( Father Mother Elite parental cultural participation Pop folk parental cultural participation Jazz rock parental cultural participation Pop folk parental taste in music Foreign pop rock parental taste in music Number of books in a household (1= below 50; 0= above 50) Type of school (0= vocational; 1= gymnasium) Formal and informal education in culture Taste in music in foreign language Taste in music in local and regional language R2 R2 change

0.343**

0.322**

0.297**

0.041 0.033 0.014 −0.017 −0.097** 0.024

−0.002 −0.005 −0.012 0.024 0.037 0.041

−0.016 0.014 −0.007 0.009 −0.022 0.029

−0.043 −0.049 −0.059 0.155** 0.013 0.257** −0.040 0.100**

−0.018 −0.033 −0.026 0.081* 0.021 0.118** 0.013 0.068* 0.085 0.027 −0.198** 0.292** 0.37 0.10

0.13

Model 3

0.27 0.14

Notes: Hierarchical regressions; *p < .05; ** p < .01. Table 3 Sociodemographic indicators, parents’ cultural capital and respondents’ cultural capital as predictors of foreign fiction television preferences. Predictor variables

Model 1

Model 2

Model 3

Gender (0=male; 1= female) Family income (ref: highest) Low Medium High Region (0= Dalmatia; 1= Istria and Kvarner) Size of settlement (0= below 30,000; 1= above 30,000) Type of settlement (0= rural; 1= urban) Education of parents (0= low; 1= high) Father Mother Elite parental cultural participation Pop folk parental cultural participation Jazz rock parental cultural participation Pop folk parental taste in music Foreign pop rock parental taste in music Number of books in a household (1= below 50; 0= above 50) Type of school (0= vocational; 1= gymnasium) Formal and informal education in culture Taste in music in foreign language Taste in music in local and regional language R2 R2 change

0.003

−0.039

−0.042

−0.071 0.003 0.004 0.025 0.028 0.015

0.001 0.063 0.047 0.000 00.005 00.005

00.018 031 0.023 0.008 00.010 0.001

0.000 00.009 0.153** 0.026 00.003 00.031 0.282** −0.028

00.005 00.017 0.125** 0.023 0.003 0.016 0.171** −0.002 −0.039 −0.075* 0.306** −0.008 0.20 0.08

0.008

0.12 0.12

Notes: Hierarchical regressions; *p < .05; ** p < .01.

relation between parental elite cultural consumption and domestic television spectacle preferences resonates with Bourdieu’s findings and classification of television as a medium that does not connect well with “highbrow” culture, at least when the combination of popular and elite culture is considered. Fine distinctions seem to thrive more between mass and popular culture, while elite or “highbrow” culture seems to show less predictability for other various forms of cultural consumption, including consumption of various television genres. Several conclusions can be drawn from these findings. Firstly, the transmission of cultural capital is clearly important. Domestic television preferences are connected to parents’ preference for domestic cultural content and the number of books in the household also plays a role. This is the “classical” idea of a 9

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

“highbrow” constellation – higher objectified cultural capital is also reflected in higher level of “elite” and foreign cultural content. Since transmission of cultural capital is well documented among Croatian youth (Krolo et al., 2016), this is not surprising. However, the second point related to these findings revolves around a more complex argument. Since language seems to be a clear demarcation of different tastes, with students that prefer foreign television programs also preferring highbrow cultural content and foreign music, there is a clear aspect of this cosmopolitan cultural dimension that opens up a debate on the role of linguistic competences in the contemporary understanding of youth culture (Pješivač & Imre, 2016). Global culture has brought the opportunity to consume diverse cultural content and age is an important factor in forming such tastes. Peterson and Kern (1996) have demonstrated that the highbrow taste of younger generations is more eclectic than the older ones, showing that culture is a dynamic field which broadens, rather than undermines, Bourdieu’s theoretical framework. Since the world has become more globalized, especially through changes in the mediascape and technoscape (Appadurai, 1996), today’s youth is able to participate in several supranational levels of culture. In that context, the national and regional level in Croatia rely on mutually intelligible languages and there is a cultural taste that is primarily oriented towards such content, whereas foreign (primarily English) languages serve as a demarcation of distinction. “Foreign” is, in a sense, becoming another dimension of highbrow taste that goes beyond the logic of a genre and involves different media, such as television and music. 8. Concluding remarks This paper examines the relationship between cultural capital and preferences for television shows among Croatian high school students. It expands the methodological framework from previous research by including other dimensions of embodied and objectified cultural capital, and by introducing the role of parental cultural preferences in the overall explanation of the youth television tastes. The results suggest that the explanatory potential of embodied cultural capital of parents along with the institutional cultural capital of students is quite high, with various types of that capital corresponding with specific profile of television preferences. On the one hand, having a taste for music in local or regional languages, as well as parental having a taste for (older) domestic pop folk music, partially explain preferences in domestic television spectacles. One of the most important aspects of this generational transfer is embodied cultural capital, where certain practices are reflected in the practices of children. Forming a habitus requires a certain investment of time and there is a congruent way in which this is achieved – high school students whose parents tend to have a popular taste, also tend to develop a popular taste, whereas highbrow practices are in the same vein transferred from parent’s elite taste to similar taste patterns among their children. This kind of congruent taste transmission offers a clear picture of how embodied cultural capital is formed and how certain patterns are transferred from parents to children. That is not to say that it is a process of replication, because high school students and their parents clearly do not listen to the same music or watch same television programs, but the overall strategies of forming taste remain stable – participation in “highbrow” and foreign or popular and domestic is acquired by children, but in a different, transformed way. Objectified cultural capital in the form of the number of books in the household also holds some explanatory power, but it is also clear that it is the type of content that mostly influences female students. Foreign fiction television preferences, on the other hand, are explained by both parental taste in foreign pop rock music and students’ taste in music in foreign language. There is also a positive correlation of the “elite” or “highbrow” cultural participation of parents for this type of television content, which suggests that the distinction between foreign and domestic preferences is also rooted in cultural practices that form certain constellations of embodied cultural capital. Furthermore, the results from the analyses suggest that this form of cultural capital not only shows distinctions along class lines, but it also seems to point to the separation between the culturally open and cosmopolitan system, on the one hand, and the culturally conservative system on the other. Preferences for television content are not only genre-related since divisions also run along the lines of language. Consumption of various forms of televised popular culture (whether it is reality or science fiction television genre) suggests that main distinctions in local settings are resolved through contemporary cultural production. Therefore, it seems that Bourdieu's theoretical framework provides a useful tool for the explanation of various patterns of cultural capital and cultural preferences, especially when intergenerational factors are taken into consideration. It also seems that there are additional elements to consider, especially in countries where English is not the native/official language as there are elements of distinction stemming from watching television programs in foreign languages. It shows that there is an additional dimension of cultural capital, or rather of its content, that has to do with linguistic context. Furthermore, we have shown that the Bourdieusian theoretical framework can be used in studying contemporary culture as distinctions continue to persist although there are new elements of cultural content and context determining culture compared to 1960s France. One of them is language, which is consistently found to be a mark of separation between tastes. The local/global cleavage presents itself in various forms, but in this particular case it forms an additional element to understanding how tastes are acquired and reproduced. Foreign language forms an obstacle to overcome in order to acquire a certain disposition and as such it requires an effort to be able to properly understand and appreciate the content. Language presents itself, thus, as a form of cultural competence (Bourdieu, 1984: 2) meaning that the form of distinction changes, but fundamental mechanisms remain. This is an important point when assessing the relevance of Bourdieu’s theory for the type of cultural consumption that was overlooked in his work, and which changed significantly since the late sixties becoming more prominent. However, due to the fact that globalized cultural production creates tensions that run along the lines either of various clustered preferences (“omnivores”) or unified taste (“univores”) our data suggests that these differences will also manifest themselves in contrast to the division between locally and globally oriented consumption. Peterson's concepts then resonate distinctions in a socially and technologically complex globalized system of class relations and broader cultural and identity divisions (Gripsrud et al., 2011). It also seems clear that these divisions will be most visible within the patterns of youth cultural preferences and might in the 10

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

end point to a broader global trend of social stratification. What was once an issue of national boundaries now seems to transgress into a fluid global class system where cosmopolitans enjoy mobility within cultural fields, while others remain secluded within cultural and national political boundaries. In order to grasp a more fundamental understanding of this phenomena, further research is required, particularly considering different age groups, since many of the genres and modes of cultural consumption involved in the study are related to the generational differences. This also represents the main limitation of the research as it would be important to see the change in generational constellations of culture that could be observed directly and not partially reconstructed through parents’ cultural capital. Funding The author(s) received financial support for the research from the Sociology Department, University of Zadar, Croatia. Acknowledgements This research was supported by the Department of Education, Culture and Sports of the Zadar County and by the Department of Sociology, University of Zadar, which is gratefully acknowledged. Special thanks for their critical insight and comments goes to Marko Dumančić, Jaka Primorac and Willliam Kindred Winecoff. Authors would also like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions. References Appadurai, A. (1996). Modernity at large: Cultural dimensions of globalization. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Bauman, Z. (2000). Liquid modernity. Cambridge, UK and Malden, MA: Polity Press. Beck, U. (1992). Risk society: Towards a new modernity. London: SAGE. Bennett, T. (2006). Distinction on the box: Cultural capital and the social space of broadcasting. Cultural Trends, 15(2–3), 193–212. https://doi.org/10.1080/ 09548960600713080. Bennett, T., Savage, M., Silva, E., Warde, A., Gayo-Cal, M., & Wright, D. (2009). Culture, class, distinction. London: Routledge. Bogt, T. T. F. M., Marc, J. M. H. D., Maarten, V. Z., Peter, G. C., & Wim, H. J. M. (2011). Intergenerational continuity of taste: Parental and adolescent music preferences. Social Forces, 90(1), 297–319. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41682642. Bourdieu, P. (1983). Ökonomisches Kapital, kulturelles Kapital, soziales Kapital. Soziale Ungleichheiten (Sozialen Welt, Sonderheft 2). Göttingen: Verlag Otto Schwartz183–198. Bourdieu, P. (1984). Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste. London: Routledge. Bourdieu, P. (1996). On television. New York: The New Press. Chan, T. W. (2010). Social status and cultural consumption. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chan, T. W., & Goldthorpe, H. J. (2006). Social stratification and cultural consumption: Music in England. European Sociological Review, 23(1), 1–19. https://doi.org/ 10.1093/esr/jcl016. Cicchelli, V., & Octobre, S. (2018). Aesthetico-cultural cosmopolitanism and French youth. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Claessens, N., & Dhoest, A. (2010). Comedy taste: Highbrow/lowbrow comedy and cultural capital. Participations: Journal of Audience & Reception Studies, 7(1), 49–72. Croatian Bureau of Statistics (CBS) (2017). The household budget survey. Basic characteristics of household consumption 2017. https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_Eng/publication/ 2018/14-01-02_01_2018.htm. Croatian Bureau of Statistics (CBS) (2019). Radio and television broadcasting, 2018. https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_Eng/publication/2019/08-03-03_01_2019.htm?fbclid= IwAR0JkPYowVOdDNsj8oAdx_VoGMk7twAQrn3u18dZnUK9ad51_JV2g4q46Nc. Cvetičanin, P., & Milankov, M. (2011). Kulturne prakse građana Srbije. Beograd: Zavod za proučavanje kulturnog razvitka. De Graaf, N. D., Graaf, P. M., & Kraaykamp, G. (2000). Parental cultural capital and educational attainment in the Netherlands: A refinement of the cultural capital perspective. Sociology of Education, 73(2), 92–111. https://doi.org/10.2307/2673239. Eurostat (2017). Culture statistics – Cultural participation by socioeconomic background. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Culture_statistics_-_ cultural_participation_by_socioeconomic_background#Cultural_participation. Eurostat (2019). Culture statistics – Private expenditure on culture. https://ec.europa.eu/eurostat/statistics-explained/index.php/Culture_statistics_-_private_expenditure_ on_culture. Friedman, S. (2011). The Cultural currency of a "good" sense of humour: British comedy and new forms of distinction. The British Journal of Sociology, 62(2), 347–370. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-4446.2011.01368.x. García-Álvarez, E., Katz-Gerro, T., & López-Sintas, J. (2007). Deconstructing cultural omnivorousness 1982–2002: Heterology in Americans’ musical preferences. Social Forces, 86(2), 417–443. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20430748. Giddens, A. (1991). The consequences of modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press. Gripsrud, J., Hovden, J. F., & Moe, H. (2011). Changing relations: Class, education and cultural capital. Poetics, 39(6), 507–526. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic. 2011.09.007. Hesmondhalgh, D. (2006). Bourdieu, the media and cultural production. Media Culture & Society, 28(2), 211–231. https://doi.org/10.1177/0163443706061682. Ilišin, V., Gvozdanović, A., & Potočnik, D. (2018). Contradictory tendencies in the political culture of Croatian youth: unexpected anomalies or an expected answer to the social crisis? Journal of Youth Studies, 28(1), 51–71. https://doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2017.1343937. IPSOS (2016). Navike gledanja televizijskog programa. Zagreb: Ipsos Connect. Jaeger, M. M., & Katz-Gerro, T. (2010). The rise of the eclectic cultural consumer in Denmark, 1964–2004. The Sociological Quarterly, 51(3), 460–483. Jameson, F. (1992). Postmodernism: Or, the cultural logic of late capitalism. London: Verso Books. Katz-Gerro, T., & Jaeger, M. M. (2013). Top of the pops, ascend of the omnivores, defeat of the couch potatoes: Cultural consumption profiles in Denmark 1975-2004. European Sociological Review, 29(2), 243–260. https://doi.org/10.1093/esr/jcr058. Krijnen, T., & Tan, E. (2009). Reality TV as a moral laboratory: A dramaturgical analysis of the Golden Cage. Communications, 34, 449–472. https://doi.org/10.1515/ COMM.2009.027. Krijnen, T., & Verboord, M. (2016). TV genres’ moral value: The Moral reflection of segmented TV audiences. The Social Science Journal. https://doi.org/10.1016/j. soscij.2016.04.004. Krolo, K., Marcelić, S., & Tonković, Ž. (2016). Roditeljski kulturni kapital kao odrednica kulturnih preferencija mladih. Društvena istraživanja, 25(3), 329–351. https:// doi.org/10.5559/di.25.3.03. Kuipers, G. (2006). Television and taste hierarchy: The case of Dutch television comedy. Media Culture & Society, 28(3), 359–378. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0163443706062884. Lavie, N. (2016). Reality Television Critique in Israel: How "Quality" Became "Morality". Cultural Sociology, 10(4), 502–522. https://doi.org/10.1177/

11

Poetics xxx (xxxx) xxxx

K. Krolo, et al.

1749975516650231. Lavie, N., & Dhoest, A. (2015). Quality television” in the making: The cases of Flanders and Israel. Poetics, 52, 64–74. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2015.08.006. Lotz, A. D. (2018). Evolution or revolution? Television in transformation. Critical Studies in Television the International Journal of Television Studies, 13(4), 491–494. https://doi.org/10.1177/1749602018796757. Louw, E., & Carah, N. (2015). Media and society: Production, content and participation. London: Sage. Luthar, B., & Kurdija, S. (2011). Razred in kulturne distinkcije. Teorija in praksa, 48(4), 982–1003. McLuhan, M. (2016). The medium and the message: Understanding the information world. New York: CG. Nagel, I., & Verboord, M. (2012). Reading behaviour from adolescence to early adulthood: A panel study of the impact of family and education on reading fiction books. Acta Sociologica, 55(4), 351–365. https://doi.org/10.1177/0001699312456858. Peterson, A. R. (1992). Understanding audience segmentation: From elite and mass to omnivore and univore. Poetics, 21(4), 243–258. https://doi.org/10.1016/0304422X(92)90008-Q. Peterson, A. R. (2005). Problems in comparative research: The example of omnivorousness. Poetics, 33(5–6), 257–282. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.poetic.2005.10.002. Peterson, A. R., & Kern, R. M. (1996). Changing hihgbrow taste: From snob to omnivore. American Sociological Review, 61(5), 900–907. https://doi.org/10.2307/ 2096460. Pješivač, I., & Imre, I. (2016). Cultural capital at its best: Factors influencing consumption of Ameerican television programmes among young Croatians. Journal of International Communication, 22(2), 253–272. https://doi.org/10.1080/13216597.2016.1221840. Potter, A., & Goldsmith, B. (2017). Reality’s children: Young people and factual entertainment television. Media International Australia, 164(1), 44–55. https://doi.org/ 10.1177/1329878X17709618. Prieur, A., & Savage, M. (2013). Emerging forms of cultural capital. European Societies, 15(2), 246–267. https://doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2012.748930. Regev, M. (1994). Producing artistic value: The case of rock music. The Sociological Quarterly, 35(1), 85–102. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1994.tb00400.x. Rowe, D., & Bennett, T. (2018). Tastes and practices in three Australian cultural fields: Television, music and sport. Media International Australia, 167(1), 121–125. https://doi.org/10.1177/1329878x18767937. Schee, C. V., & Kline, K. (2013). Neoliberal exploitation in reality television: youth, health and the spectacle of celebrity "concern". Journal of Youth Studies, 16(5), 565–578. https://doi.org/10.1080/13676261.2012.733812. Straubhaar, D. J. (2007). World Television: From global to local. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Sullivan, A. (2001). Cultural capital and educational attainment. Sociology, 35(4), 893–912. https://doi.org/10.1177/0038038501035004006. Thorburn, D. (2019). Unstable platforms: TV in the digital age. Critical Studies in Television the International Journal of Television Studies, 14(2), 160–169. https://doi. org/10.1177/1749602019835305. Tomić-Koludrović, I., & Leburić, A. (2001). Skeptična generacija - životni stilovi mladih u Hrvatskoj. Zagreb, AGM.d.o.o. Tonković, Ž, Marcelić, S., & Krolo, K. (2017). Kulturna potrošnja, društvene nejednakosti i regionalne razlike: Istraživanje Eurobarometra u Hrvatskoj 2013. godine. Sociologija i prostor, 55(2), 187–208. https://doi.org/10.5673/sip.55.2.2.2. Krešimir Krolo is an assistant professor at the department of sociology at the University of Zadar, Croatia. His research focus lies mainly in the area of digital interactive media, new media theories and methodologies, and (digital) youth cultures. He has published several articles in the area of cultural capital and cultural consumption as well as articles about social networks and social capital of youth. Željka Tonković is an assistant professor at the Department of Sociology, University of Zadar, Croatia. Her research interests include sociology of culture, urban sociology and social network analysis. She has researched widely in the field of cultural consumption, with particular reference to the intergenerational transmission of cultural capital and the role of culture for urban development. Sven Marcelić is an assistant professor at the Department of Sociology, University of Zadar. His research interests include cultural sociology, relationship between culture and values, theories of modernization and regional studies.

12