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The influence of street lighting improvements on crime, fear and pedestrian street use, after dark
LANDSCAPE AND URBAN PLANNING Landscape
and Urban Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
The influence of street lighting improvements on crime, fear and pedestrian street use, after dark Kate Painter Institute
oj’Criminology,
Cambridge
Uniurrsi~,
Cambridge,
CB3 9DT,
UK
Abstract This paper focuses upon the results of a co-ordinated programme of research designed to evaluate the impact of street lighting improvements on crime and fear of crime. The street lighting was upgraded in three urban streets and a pedestrian footpath considered by a multi-agency team to be crime and fear prone. The impact of the street lighting programme was assessed using attitudinal and behavioural measures, through ‘before’ and ‘after’ surveys of pedestrians. The results provide convincing evidence that sensitively deployed street lighting can lead to reductions in crime and fear of crime, and increase pedestrian street use after dark. Keywords:
Street lighting; Crime; Pedestrians
1. Introduction:
crime and fear in the dark
Ask most people why they do not venture out after dark and ‘crime in the streets’ is sure to figure as a common response. Concern about crime in urban areas is hardly new but it is realistic. The types of crime which cause most anxiety are focused in urban areas especially after dark. Data from the 1992 British Crime Survey show that the majority of violent crime occurs in public areas between 18.00 h and midnight (Mayhew et al., 1993). Public reaction to this unpleasant reality is logical. A substantial majority of women, elderly people and men avoid going out after dark simply as a precaution against the possibility of becoming a victim of crime. None the less, successive crime surveys have pointed out that those most fearful are least likely to be victimised and that even in high crime areas, the chances of being seriously victimised are still very low. Evidence that fear of crime is out of proportion 0169.2046/96/$15.00 PII
SO1 69-2046(96)003
to risk has caused researchers to examine a range of cues within the environment which arouse anxiety irrespective of actual risk. It is useful for the purpose of subsequent discussion to identify the pivotal environmental cues that signal to pedestrians they are in danger of being victimised. Research suggests that there are three cues which indicate potential risk and heighten fear for personal safety: darkness, disorder and finding oneself alone or in the presence of others who are perceived to be threatening. Darkness induces a sense of insecurity because it cuts down visibility and recognition at a distance. Dark or dimly lit streets create a limitless source of blindspots, shadows and potential places of entrapment. Consequently, to the extent that goodquality street lighting ameliorates one of the root causes of fear, darkness, it can make a substantial contribution as a fear reducing strategy. Research has also shown that crime and fear are linked to disorderly behaviour in public places. Al-
Copyright 0 1996 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.
11-8
194
K. Painter/Landtcupe
und Urbun Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
though much of this involves little that is criminal in a serious sense, rowdy youths, drunks or aggressive street people are a source of worry because they appear unpredictable, menacing and represent a threat to personal safety. Pedestrians sense that disorderly public places are uncontrolled-anything might happen. Besides, disorderly and drunken incidents do have the propensity to escalate into more serious crime (Wilson and Kelling, 1982; Skogan, 1990). Being alone in a dark street, or in the presence of others perceived to be threatening, induces fear for two reasons. First, the absence of other capable guardians on the street means there is no one who could come to one’s aid in the event of attack. Second, a person walking alone will be a much more attractive target than one who is accompanied. The cues to a dangerous environment from a normal pedestrian’s point of view are those of a safe environment from the potential offender’s perspective. The converse is also true. The cues to a safe environment from the public’s view (good visibility and recognition, an abundance and varied cross-section of pedestrians) is one of risk to the offender. Offenders are deterred by the presence of others in highly visible locations because this increases the possibility of being interrupted, recognised and apprehended. Consequently, it follows that one means of creating safer, well-used urban areas is to design streets and city centres so that there is a greater density of pedestrian traffic, a variety of facilities which people would want to use and clear visibility over long distances. Within this context, improved lighting is an immediate means of cost effectively creating a sense of public safety, enhancing the quality of the built environment and increasing the number of people on the streets after dark. The remainder of the paper outlines the design and results of a demonstration project designed to test the feasibility of street lighting as a crime and fear reducing measure.
2. Project design The programme consisted of three linked studies, each of which used a quasi-experimental design and multi-method approach. It was stripped to the bare essentials for evaluative purposes. Each of the three studies was strategy specific, crime specific, time
specific focused lighting carefully research lighting
and place specific. The programme was at street level to facilitate the introduction of improvements in conditions which could be controlled and monitored throughout the period. The aim was to assess the impact of improvements on crime, disorder and fear.
2.1. Selection of potentially
dangerous
streets
A multi-agency team made up of the crime prevention officer, local authority officials, lighting engineers and academics visited various sites identified by the police as poorly lit, fear inducing and potentially hazardous. The three urban streets chosen had similar characteristics. They were badly lit, clearly demarcated roads, running through mixed use locations (connecting commercial, transport, leisure and shopping facilities), containing on-street parking and with some pedestrian usage. The streets also displayed, to varying degrees, observable signs of environmental and social incivilities, such as youths hanging around, dogs roaming unrestrained, signs of drunken and disorderly behaviour, litter, graffiti, and damaged and dilapidated property. 2.2. Description
of streets selected
The first project was sited in Edmonton, North London. It comprised two thoroughfares (a street and a pedestrian footpath) leading from three high-density, multi-storey, council-owned tower blocks. The two routes converged at a point leading under a railway bridge, thence on to the railway station entrance, a public telephone box, snooker club, public houses, shops and a launderette. The second project was sited in Tower Hamlets, an extremely deprived, multi-racial area in the East End of London. A rail entrance-exit led onto the street. Property along the street was partly boarded up but also included high-density, dilapidated, council-owned accommodation. The street also connected the main arterial East End Road at one end with high-quality, private housing at the other. Located nearby was a Salvation Army hostel for alcoholics and the homeless and several public houses. The street was also used by nurses and night staff as a route to a large hospital, situated near the main arterial road.
K. Painter/
Lutulscupe uml Urhnn Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
The third study was located in Hammersmith and Fulham, an area in West London. The badly lit street ran from private, rented accommodation through a sheltered housing complex, inhabited by elderly people (65years and older) to a major arterial road, containing bars, shops, a launderette and late-night retailing outlets. 2.3. Types
195
uniformity of the lighting is inadequate, or if the lighting is obscured by trees or shrubbery, then the potential effectiveness of relighting will be obstructed. The improved lighting schemes at each site were designed to meet British Standard BS5489, Part 3. This lists three categories of lighting levels to correspond with low, medium and high crime risk areas. The highest category, 3/ 1, was achieved in all three exploratory projects. This gives an average illuminance of 1Olux and a minimum of 5 lux. The Code of Practice also states a preference for ‘white’ light sources for category 3/ 1. High-pressure sodium lamps were used to replace the low-pressure sodium (orange) lamps, which at that time did not even achieve the minimum standard of 3/3 laid down. In these circumstances, the lighting improvements made a significantly noticeable difference to the night-time environment.
of crime included in the study
There are many types of crime in public space after dark which could potentially be prevented by street lighting improvements. The focus was upon street robbery, physical and sexual assaults, theft of and from cars, vandalism, graffiti, sexual and verbal harassment, and threatening, drunken and disorderly behaviour. 2.4. Type and level of lighting installed
2.5. Survey procedures The type, level and uniformity of public lighting and the way it is designed will affect the potential to reduce crime and fear. If, for example, the level or
On-street pedestrian surveys were undertaken before and 6 weeks after lighting improvements in each
TOWER
HAMMERSMITH
HAMLETS
AND FULHAM
EDMONTON
Before
After
Before
After
Before
After
N =207
N=153
N=143
N=143
N=200
N=200
Street robbery 5 /physical
0
2
0
1
0
attack
Theft of/from/ damage
to vehicles
Threats
TOTAL
)
21
)
3
1
Fig. 1. Crime before and 6 weeks after lighting improvements in Edmonton, Painter (1988), Painter (I 989) and Painter (I 991). N, Sample size.
18
)
4
1
2
)
Tower Hamlets and Hammersmith
0
and Fulham. Compiled from
K. Painter/Land.wp
196
und Urban Planning
of the three streets and the pedestrian footpath. They were completed after dark between 17.00h and 23.30h for ten evenings in each pre- and post-test period. The focus of analysis was the amount of crime which occurred after dark in the street, 6 weeks before and 6 weeks after relighting. Pedestrians were asked about their experience of crime within a 5 min walk of the interview point, over the previous 12months. They were asked to be specific about crime which had occurred in the street after dark, during the 6 week period before the interview. The lighting was installed in 1 week following the pretest interviews. Six weeks after the lighting was installed, pedestrians using the same streets were interviewed in similar circumstances at comparable seasonal times
35 (1996)
193-201
(i.e. before the change to British Summertime). In addition, in both pre- and post-test surveys, incidents were mapped, the number of pedestrians using the streets was counted and on-site incidents of crime and disorder were logged. The short 6 week ‘before and after’ interval of the surveys was to facilitate control over other environmental influences which could have confounded the effects of the relighting programmes. None the less, it was important to consider whether any positive effects of relighting could be sustained over a longer period of time. For this reason, the Hammersmith and Fulham project also used a 12 month follow-up period to monitor impact. In addition to pedestrians, elderly people living alongside the relit street were interviewed on three occasions: before, 6 weeks after and 12 months
HAMMERSMITH EDMONTON
TOWER HAMLETS AND FULHAM *
% INCIDENT Male
Female
%Change
% Change
All
Cha n8e -
M
F
-67
-27
\AII
1 Physical 50
28
87
57
-44
-34
17
10
15
4
-41
-73
N/A
NIA
86
64
N/A
-26
49
16
79
58
attack
Threats1
-64
pestermg
WOMEN ONLY
NIA
NIA
77
60
NIA
-22
-69
Sexual assault
Fig. 2. Percentage fear of attack, at night, by gender. Respondents were asked: ‘Do you worry about the possibility of the following things happening, at night, when walking through here?’ Table compiled from Painter (1988). Painter (1989) and Painter (1991). a Gender breakdown not available for this project. All percentages are ‘rounded’ and sample sizes are the same as in Fig. I.
K. Pointrr/Lundscupe
197
und Urban Plunnin~ 35 (1996) 193-201
into more serious crime (Wilson and Kelling, 1982; Skogan, 1990). Where street lighting improvements can lead to a reduction in such incidents they have a significant contribution to make as a crime control strategy.
after the street lighting was upgraded. The findings of this study are described at the end of the Results section.
3. Results 3.2. Fear of crime 3.1. Crime
Alongside the reduction in crime, there was a marked reduction in fear of physical attack (Fig. 2) and a corresponding increase in personal safety, among men and women in all three streets. To simplify results, only the reductions in fear after dark are presented. Over 90% of pedestrians interviewed in all locations thought fear of crime in the surrounding area had decreased. In Edmonton, 62% said they had felt safer using the street; in Tower Hamlets, 69% felt safer. Pedestrians were then asked: ‘Why do you feel safer in this road?’ In Edmonton, 83% attributed this to the relighting. The figure for Tower Hamlets was significantly lower (30%). The majority of pedestrians at this site said they felt safer, but did not know why. This suggests that in some environments, lighting improvements might have a subliminal influence on personal safety even if the improvements have not been consciously noticed or have been taken for granted.
Incidents of crime and disorder were markedly reduced in two of the three streets, after lighting improvements (Fig. 1). After adjusting for difference in sample size in Edmonton, 21 incidents were reduced to four and similar reductions were found in Tower Hamlets (18 reduced to four). As there were only two reported incidents in the street in the Hammersmith pedestrian survey before relighting it is not possible to state that lighting had any impact on crime against pedestrians. One finding not shown in Fig. 1 is that there was a significant drop in crime and disorder (17 incidents reduced to three) in two adjacent unlit roads which led into the relit street. This suggests that lighting improvements had an unintended, positive impact outside of the study area. There is increasing evidence that crime prevention initiatives can have beneficial effects beyond their main objectives. This effect has been referred to as ‘diffusion of benefits’ (Clarke, 1992; Clarke and Weisburd, 1994). Most of the reductions reported relate more to threatening and disorderly incidents than to crime. Yet research indicates that social and physical disorder is closely correlated with high levels of crime, fear and neighbourhood decline. One explanation for the association between disorder, crime and fear is that if left unchecked, disorderly incidents escalate
Edmonton
II
ALL
MALE
FEMALE
69%
63%
82%
I
Hammersmith
and Fulham
noticing lighting improvements,
on women
Coincident with the reduction in women’s fear of physical and sexual assault, women were far more likely than men to notice the lighting improvements in all three locations. Towards the end of the interview, pedestrians were asked whether they had noticed any changes to the street lighting (Fig. 3).
61%
Tower Hamlets
Fig. 3. Percentage
3.3. Impact of lighting improvements
59%
I 79%
by gender. Table compiled
80%
I 76%
from Painter (1988), Painter
II 84%
(I 989) and Painter (1991).
K. Puinter/
198
Landscape und Urbun Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
TOWER
HAMMERSMITH
AND
EDMONTON HAMLETS
FULHAM
64%
76%
82%
55%
69%
70%
Sexual assaults
65%
53%
60%
Vandalism
39%
56%
48%
9%
26%
23%
85%
94%
90%
Threatening
Physical
behaviour
assaults
Gangs of youths loitering
Fear of crime
Fig. 4. Percentage of respondents believing problems had decreased from Painter (1988), Painter (1989) and Painter (1991).
in the immediate
area, after lighting
improvements.
BEFORE
AFTER
% CHANGE
1888 1374
2832 2259
+50% +64%
2976 2477
4271 3598
i-44 +45
898 524
1205 175
+34 f48
547 495
1098 846
+101 f71
Table compiled
EDMONTON Relit PEDESTRIAN MALE FEMALE
FOOTPATH
Relit ROAD MALE FEMALE
TOWER
HAMLETS
Relit ROAD MALE FEMALE
HAMMERSMITH
AND FULHAM
Relit ROAD MALE FEMALE
Fig. 5. Number of men and women pedestrians and Painter (1991).
before and after lighting improvements.
Table compiled from Painter (1988), Painter (1989)
K. Painter/Lwulscape
and Urban Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
The lighting projects provide empirical support for the proposition that women’s fear of crime is not simply related to their physical vulnerability, but to cues and stimuli within the built environment to which they appear more sensitive than their male counterparts. After lighting improvements, interviewers noted that women had altered their demeanour and the pace at which they walked. They used the pavement rather than the road, walked normally rather than ran, and generally appeared more confident. As one woman commented: ‘People don’t seem to walk in the middle of the road. People are more confident since the new lights. It looks less intimidating.’ 3.4. Indirect effects on perceptions environment
of crime and the
Perceptions of specific crime problems in all areas were positively affected, following the lighting initiatives. In each street, respondents thought that assaults, threatening behaviour and vandalism had decreased (Fig. 4). Perceptions of crime problems are an important aspect of crime prevention because attitudes can have a tangible impact on behaviour. If people believe crime is on the increase in an area they will use it less often. In turn, this reduces the amount of informal surveillance and social control, and opportunities for crime can be increased. 3.5. Impact on night-time
street usage
In all three streets and the pedestrian footpath the number of pedestrians were monitored pre- and post-test. Fig. 5 presents the results from all three projects. It is clearly evident that there was a significant increase in the number of people using the streets after the introduction of street lighting. The projects indicate that lighting improvements can increase pedestrian street use throughout the evening. This effect has been noted in other lighting projects implemented over a larger geographical area and monitored over a 12 month period (Bainbridge and Painter, 1993; Painter, 1994; Painter, 1995). 3.4. The impact on crime and fear of crime among elderly residents over 12 months The pedestrian surveys clearly achieved most of the stated aims. One limitation was the short time
199
period between the before and after surveys. Consequently, the third project, in Hammersmith and Fulham, included a 12 month follow-up household survey of elderly people living in the relit street, to assess whether any positive effects of relighting could be sustained over a longer period. This survey showed an immediate and marked reduction in disorder and incivilities in the relit area. A total of 35 incidents recorded in the 6 week period before street lighting improvements were made was reduced to three in the 6 week period after, a reduction which was sustained over the following 12 month period. Before lighting improvements, the majority of elderly residents were afraid to walk approximately 30m from their door to the on-site community centre. Fearful of crime and disorder, they felt vulnerable and powerless. As one elderly woman put it: ‘I can no longer exercise any control over the little bit of garden outside my flat and that includes my front porch.’ Lighting improvements greatly reduced elderly people’s concerns and fears about crime. In the pre-test period six out of ten worried ‘a lot/quite a lot’ about crime. In the post-test period only two out of ten worried ‘a lot/quite a lot’. Fears of being burgled, or robbed or assaulted in the street showed significant reductions (- 77% and - 65%, respectively). One in three elderly people said they were more willing to go out after dark and almost half (44%) thought it had increased their confidence to go out at night. Lighting also affected perceptions of crime problems over the 12 month period. Half of all respondents thought that crime had become less common in the previous 12 months; 61% thought fear of crime in the community had decreased and 94% thought that the lighting had made it easier to recognise people and aesthetically improved the area.
4. Discussion: the mechanisms by which lighting can work to reduce crime and fear Though it might seem obvious, from the results presented above, that good lighting has the potential to reduce crime and fear, there is a need to discuss how and in what circumstances this might occur. Street lighting is a tangible alteration of the built environment but it does not constitute a physical barrier to crime. As an environmental crime strategy
200
K. Puinter/Landscupe
und Urban Pluming
it can only be effective if it alters the behaviour and perceptions of the public, including potential offenders. Street lighting is not a straightforward solution to crime. Rather it can act as both a psychological deterrent to offenders and as a catalyst to stimulate the means to solve crime and disorder through a variety of mechanisms. What follows is a brief outline of the mechanisms through which street lighting reduced crime, disorder and fear. The most obvious way in which lighting works to reduce crime and fear is by increased visibility and recognition over greater distance. The improved sight lines deter potential offenders by increasing the perceived risks of offending. Equally, pedestrians feel safer because they are less at risk of surprise attack and a pivotal cue to fear, darkness, is alleviated. In addition, street lighting encourages more intensive use of streets after dark. The increased pedestrian density and traffic flow enhances natural surveillance. This increases the possibility of someone coming to one’s aid in the event of attack. People feel safer because of the ‘safety in numbers’ factor and they have a sense of being ‘watched over’ by the increased number of eyes on the street. From the offenders’ perspective, increased visibility, natural surveillance and the proximity of the public increase the risks of being seen and caught. The same cues which reduce risks and fears of ordinary street users increase the perceived risks to offenders. It is well established that offenders prefer to remain unseen when they are committing offences and they are threatened by the close proximity of passers-by (Mayhew et al., 1979). Street lighting also improves public confidence. Renovation of a highly noticeable aspect of the built environment after dark, combined with changed social usage of the streets, signals to potential offenders and victims that efforts are being made to improve the physical characteristics of the environment and this leads to a more positive neighbourhood image. Just as a neglected poorly lit environment signals a lack of control and potential danger, so too, a well-lit, intensely used street sends a non-verbal message that the area is improving and that there is potentially more social control, order and surveillance. As a general ‘feel good’ factor is enhanced for pedestrians, offenders perceive that crime is riskier here than elsewhere. These overlapping mechanisms,
35 (1996) 193-201
triggered by lighting improvements, reduce exposure to risk and fears for personal safety.
5. Conclusion One must acknowledge that there are limits to what can be achieved by any single strategy. It cannot be expected that relighting will address crime and fear problems in all contexts. What works in one urban street will not necessarily work in another. What holds true at one time may not hold good at another. However, it is well known that hot spots of crime persist in specific areas of towns and cities and we need to develop explanations for what kinds of streets and public places lead to a concentration of crime, especially after dark. The research findings from the Edmonton, Tower Hamlets and Hammersmith and Fulham projects provide consistent evidence that lighting improvements have a powerful capacity to reduce crime, incivilities and fear at night. In urban streets and residential settings they also have the potential to increase pedestrian street use after dark. The study also illustrates the necessity of having a clear conceptual and methodological approach to evaluation. A badly lit environment does not, of itself, cause crime. It would be foolish for policy-makers to believe that all that is required to reduce crime and fear is to find a badly lit site and relight it. If lighting is to be effective as a crime prevention strategy it is important to be clear about the mechanisms it is expected to induce in a specific environmental and social setting. It may be difficult to disentangle which mechanisms are induced with what effects. This is less important than thinking through in advance of installation how, why and where it could work. The demonstration project revealed how street lighting can act as a catalyst to bring about changes in social behaviour which in turn contribute to a reduction in crime and disorder. On a more general point concerning safety in the streets: one response to the growing crime problem in town centres has been the increasing reliance on technological measures and private security guards as means of surveillance in public space. Some have argued that CCTV and private security guards are inadvertently leading us towards a ‘fortress’, ‘big brother’ society in which civil liberties are undermined and fears about crime are worsened. One
K. Painrrr/Landmqx
and Urban Pluming
unintended side effect of increasing security measures is that they can send out signals to pedestrians that they are in a dangerous area. In contrast to such measures, street lighting is a publicly owned and community orientated strategy which benefits all sections of the community. Where it leads to increased street usage, it enhances natural, informal surveillance and contributes to increased public order and safety. It is counter-intuitive to take issue with the proposition that people feel safer in well-lit, well-used areas. The pedestrians in these surveys gave priority to better street lighting and more police on foot patrol as the measures which would do most to increase safety in the streets. They were not stupid to think this. They know that streets are safer if they are well lit, just as they are with more police on foot patrol. Surely it is the duty of policy-makers to link public intuition with community safety strategies. The public should be consulted about crime in their community and their opinions should be heeded; for only in this way will public policy connect with, inform and tackle crime, disorder and fear in urban streets.
References Bainbridge, D.I. and Painter, K., 1993. The Impact of Public Lighting on Crime, Fear of Crime and Quality of Life: a Study
35 (1996) 193-201
201
in the Moseley and Showell Green Areas of Birmingham. Aston Business School, Birmingham, and University of Cambridge, Institute of Criminology, Cambridge. Clarke, R.V.G. (Editor). 1992. Situational Crime Prevention: Successful Case Studies. Harrow and Heston, New York. Clarke, R.V.G. and Weisburd, D., 1994. Diffusion of crime control benefits: observations on the reverse of displacement, In: R.V.G. Clarke (Editor), Crime Prevention Studies, Vol. 2. Criminal Justice Press, Monsey, NY. Mayhew, P.M., Clarke, R.V.G., Burrows, J.N., Hough, J.M. and Winchester, S.W.C., 19’79. Crime in Public View, Home Office Research Study 49. HMSO, London. Mayhew, P.M., Aye, M. and Mirlees-Black, C., 1993. The 1992 British Crime Survey, Home Office Research Study 132. HMSO, London. Painter, K., 1988. Lighting and Crime Prevention: the Edmonton Project. Middlesex Polytechnic, Centre for Criminology, London. Painter, K., 1989. Lighting and Crime Prevention for Community Safety: the Tower Hamlets Study, First Report. Middlesex Polytechnic, Centre for Criminology, London. Painter, K., 1991. An Evaluation of Public Lighting as a Crime Prevention Strategy with Special Focus on Women and Elderly People. University of Manchester, Manchester. Painter, K., 1994. The Impact of Street Lighting on Crime and Crime Displacement: the Stoke-on-Trent Project. University of Cambridge, Cambridge. Painter, K., 1995. Street Lighting and Crime Displacement: the Dudley Project. University of Cambridge, Cambridge. Skogan, W.G., 1990. Disorder and Decline: Crime and the Spiral of Decay in American Neighbourhoods. Free Press, New York. Wilson, J.W. and Kelling, G., 1982. Broken windows. Atlantic Monthly, March, 29-38.
and Urban Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
The influence of street lighting improvements on crime, fear and pedestrian street use, after dark Kate Painter Institute
oj’Criminology,
Cambridge
Uniurrsi~,
Cambridge,
CB3 9DT,
UK
Abstract This paper focuses upon the results of a co-ordinated programme of research designed to evaluate the impact of street lighting improvements on crime and fear of crime. The street lighting was upgraded in three urban streets and a pedestrian footpath considered by a multi-agency team to be crime and fear prone. The impact of the street lighting programme was assessed using attitudinal and behavioural measures, through ‘before’ and ‘after’ surveys of pedestrians. The results provide convincing evidence that sensitively deployed street lighting can lead to reductions in crime and fear of crime, and increase pedestrian street use after dark. Keywords:
Street lighting; Crime; Pedestrians
1. Introduction:
crime and fear in the dark
Ask most people why they do not venture out after dark and ‘crime in the streets’ is sure to figure as a common response. Concern about crime in urban areas is hardly new but it is realistic. The types of crime which cause most anxiety are focused in urban areas especially after dark. Data from the 1992 British Crime Survey show that the majority of violent crime occurs in public areas between 18.00 h and midnight (Mayhew et al., 1993). Public reaction to this unpleasant reality is logical. A substantial majority of women, elderly people and men avoid going out after dark simply as a precaution against the possibility of becoming a victim of crime. None the less, successive crime surveys have pointed out that those most fearful are least likely to be victimised and that even in high crime areas, the chances of being seriously victimised are still very low. Evidence that fear of crime is out of proportion 0169.2046/96/$15.00 PII
SO1 69-2046(96)003
to risk has caused researchers to examine a range of cues within the environment which arouse anxiety irrespective of actual risk. It is useful for the purpose of subsequent discussion to identify the pivotal environmental cues that signal to pedestrians they are in danger of being victimised. Research suggests that there are three cues which indicate potential risk and heighten fear for personal safety: darkness, disorder and finding oneself alone or in the presence of others who are perceived to be threatening. Darkness induces a sense of insecurity because it cuts down visibility and recognition at a distance. Dark or dimly lit streets create a limitless source of blindspots, shadows and potential places of entrapment. Consequently, to the extent that goodquality street lighting ameliorates one of the root causes of fear, darkness, it can make a substantial contribution as a fear reducing strategy. Research has also shown that crime and fear are linked to disorderly behaviour in public places. Al-
Copyright 0 1996 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.
11-8
194
K. Painter/Landtcupe
und Urbun Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
though much of this involves little that is criminal in a serious sense, rowdy youths, drunks or aggressive street people are a source of worry because they appear unpredictable, menacing and represent a threat to personal safety. Pedestrians sense that disorderly public places are uncontrolled-anything might happen. Besides, disorderly and drunken incidents do have the propensity to escalate into more serious crime (Wilson and Kelling, 1982; Skogan, 1990). Being alone in a dark street, or in the presence of others perceived to be threatening, induces fear for two reasons. First, the absence of other capable guardians on the street means there is no one who could come to one’s aid in the event of attack. Second, a person walking alone will be a much more attractive target than one who is accompanied. The cues to a dangerous environment from a normal pedestrian’s point of view are those of a safe environment from the potential offender’s perspective. The converse is also true. The cues to a safe environment from the public’s view (good visibility and recognition, an abundance and varied cross-section of pedestrians) is one of risk to the offender. Offenders are deterred by the presence of others in highly visible locations because this increases the possibility of being interrupted, recognised and apprehended. Consequently, it follows that one means of creating safer, well-used urban areas is to design streets and city centres so that there is a greater density of pedestrian traffic, a variety of facilities which people would want to use and clear visibility over long distances. Within this context, improved lighting is an immediate means of cost effectively creating a sense of public safety, enhancing the quality of the built environment and increasing the number of people on the streets after dark. The remainder of the paper outlines the design and results of a demonstration project designed to test the feasibility of street lighting as a crime and fear reducing measure.
2. Project design The programme consisted of three linked studies, each of which used a quasi-experimental design and multi-method approach. It was stripped to the bare essentials for evaluative purposes. Each of the three studies was strategy specific, crime specific, time
specific focused lighting carefully research lighting
and place specific. The programme was at street level to facilitate the introduction of improvements in conditions which could be controlled and monitored throughout the period. The aim was to assess the impact of improvements on crime, disorder and fear.
2.1. Selection of potentially
dangerous
streets
A multi-agency team made up of the crime prevention officer, local authority officials, lighting engineers and academics visited various sites identified by the police as poorly lit, fear inducing and potentially hazardous. The three urban streets chosen had similar characteristics. They were badly lit, clearly demarcated roads, running through mixed use locations (connecting commercial, transport, leisure and shopping facilities), containing on-street parking and with some pedestrian usage. The streets also displayed, to varying degrees, observable signs of environmental and social incivilities, such as youths hanging around, dogs roaming unrestrained, signs of drunken and disorderly behaviour, litter, graffiti, and damaged and dilapidated property. 2.2. Description
of streets selected
The first project was sited in Edmonton, North London. It comprised two thoroughfares (a street and a pedestrian footpath) leading from three high-density, multi-storey, council-owned tower blocks. The two routes converged at a point leading under a railway bridge, thence on to the railway station entrance, a public telephone box, snooker club, public houses, shops and a launderette. The second project was sited in Tower Hamlets, an extremely deprived, multi-racial area in the East End of London. A rail entrance-exit led onto the street. Property along the street was partly boarded up but also included high-density, dilapidated, council-owned accommodation. The street also connected the main arterial East End Road at one end with high-quality, private housing at the other. Located nearby was a Salvation Army hostel for alcoholics and the homeless and several public houses. The street was also used by nurses and night staff as a route to a large hospital, situated near the main arterial road.
K. Painter/
Lutulscupe uml Urhnn Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
The third study was located in Hammersmith and Fulham, an area in West London. The badly lit street ran from private, rented accommodation through a sheltered housing complex, inhabited by elderly people (65years and older) to a major arterial road, containing bars, shops, a launderette and late-night retailing outlets. 2.3. Types
195
uniformity of the lighting is inadequate, or if the lighting is obscured by trees or shrubbery, then the potential effectiveness of relighting will be obstructed. The improved lighting schemes at each site were designed to meet British Standard BS5489, Part 3. This lists three categories of lighting levels to correspond with low, medium and high crime risk areas. The highest category, 3/ 1, was achieved in all three exploratory projects. This gives an average illuminance of 1Olux and a minimum of 5 lux. The Code of Practice also states a preference for ‘white’ light sources for category 3/ 1. High-pressure sodium lamps were used to replace the low-pressure sodium (orange) lamps, which at that time did not even achieve the minimum standard of 3/3 laid down. In these circumstances, the lighting improvements made a significantly noticeable difference to the night-time environment.
of crime included in the study
There are many types of crime in public space after dark which could potentially be prevented by street lighting improvements. The focus was upon street robbery, physical and sexual assaults, theft of and from cars, vandalism, graffiti, sexual and verbal harassment, and threatening, drunken and disorderly behaviour. 2.4. Type and level of lighting installed
2.5. Survey procedures The type, level and uniformity of public lighting and the way it is designed will affect the potential to reduce crime and fear. If, for example, the level or
On-street pedestrian surveys were undertaken before and 6 weeks after lighting improvements in each
TOWER
HAMMERSMITH
HAMLETS
AND FULHAM
EDMONTON
Before
After
Before
After
Before
After
N =207
N=153
N=143
N=143
N=200
N=200
Street robbery 5 /physical
0
2
0
1
0
attack
Theft of/from/ damage
to vehicles
Threats
TOTAL
)
21
)
3
1
Fig. 1. Crime before and 6 weeks after lighting improvements in Edmonton, Painter (1988), Painter (I 989) and Painter (I 991). N, Sample size.
18
)
4
1
2
)
Tower Hamlets and Hammersmith
0
and Fulham. Compiled from
K. Painter/Land.wp
196
und Urban Planning
of the three streets and the pedestrian footpath. They were completed after dark between 17.00h and 23.30h for ten evenings in each pre- and post-test period. The focus of analysis was the amount of crime which occurred after dark in the street, 6 weeks before and 6 weeks after relighting. Pedestrians were asked about their experience of crime within a 5 min walk of the interview point, over the previous 12months. They were asked to be specific about crime which had occurred in the street after dark, during the 6 week period before the interview. The lighting was installed in 1 week following the pretest interviews. Six weeks after the lighting was installed, pedestrians using the same streets were interviewed in similar circumstances at comparable seasonal times
35 (1996)
193-201
(i.e. before the change to British Summertime). In addition, in both pre- and post-test surveys, incidents were mapped, the number of pedestrians using the streets was counted and on-site incidents of crime and disorder were logged. The short 6 week ‘before and after’ interval of the surveys was to facilitate control over other environmental influences which could have confounded the effects of the relighting programmes. None the less, it was important to consider whether any positive effects of relighting could be sustained over a longer period of time. For this reason, the Hammersmith and Fulham project also used a 12 month follow-up period to monitor impact. In addition to pedestrians, elderly people living alongside the relit street were interviewed on three occasions: before, 6 weeks after and 12 months
HAMMERSMITH EDMONTON
TOWER HAMLETS AND FULHAM *
% INCIDENT Male
Female
%Change
% Change
All
Cha n8e -
M
F
-67
-27
\AII
1 Physical 50
28
87
57
-44
-34
17
10
15
4
-41
-73
N/A
NIA
86
64
N/A
-26
49
16
79
58
attack
Threats1
-64
pestermg
WOMEN ONLY
NIA
NIA
77
60
NIA
-22
-69
Sexual assault
Fig. 2. Percentage fear of attack, at night, by gender. Respondents were asked: ‘Do you worry about the possibility of the following things happening, at night, when walking through here?’ Table compiled from Painter (1988). Painter (1989) and Painter (1991). a Gender breakdown not available for this project. All percentages are ‘rounded’ and sample sizes are the same as in Fig. I.
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197
und Urban Plunnin~ 35 (1996) 193-201
into more serious crime (Wilson and Kelling, 1982; Skogan, 1990). Where street lighting improvements can lead to a reduction in such incidents they have a significant contribution to make as a crime control strategy.
after the street lighting was upgraded. The findings of this study are described at the end of the Results section.
3. Results 3.2. Fear of crime 3.1. Crime
Alongside the reduction in crime, there was a marked reduction in fear of physical attack (Fig. 2) and a corresponding increase in personal safety, among men and women in all three streets. To simplify results, only the reductions in fear after dark are presented. Over 90% of pedestrians interviewed in all locations thought fear of crime in the surrounding area had decreased. In Edmonton, 62% said they had felt safer using the street; in Tower Hamlets, 69% felt safer. Pedestrians were then asked: ‘Why do you feel safer in this road?’ In Edmonton, 83% attributed this to the relighting. The figure for Tower Hamlets was significantly lower (30%). The majority of pedestrians at this site said they felt safer, but did not know why. This suggests that in some environments, lighting improvements might have a subliminal influence on personal safety even if the improvements have not been consciously noticed or have been taken for granted.
Incidents of crime and disorder were markedly reduced in two of the three streets, after lighting improvements (Fig. 1). After adjusting for difference in sample size in Edmonton, 21 incidents were reduced to four and similar reductions were found in Tower Hamlets (18 reduced to four). As there were only two reported incidents in the street in the Hammersmith pedestrian survey before relighting it is not possible to state that lighting had any impact on crime against pedestrians. One finding not shown in Fig. 1 is that there was a significant drop in crime and disorder (17 incidents reduced to three) in two adjacent unlit roads which led into the relit street. This suggests that lighting improvements had an unintended, positive impact outside of the study area. There is increasing evidence that crime prevention initiatives can have beneficial effects beyond their main objectives. This effect has been referred to as ‘diffusion of benefits’ (Clarke, 1992; Clarke and Weisburd, 1994). Most of the reductions reported relate more to threatening and disorderly incidents than to crime. Yet research indicates that social and physical disorder is closely correlated with high levels of crime, fear and neighbourhood decline. One explanation for the association between disorder, crime and fear is that if left unchecked, disorderly incidents escalate
Edmonton
II
ALL
MALE
FEMALE
69%
63%
82%
I
Hammersmith
and Fulham
noticing lighting improvements,
on women
Coincident with the reduction in women’s fear of physical and sexual assault, women were far more likely than men to notice the lighting improvements in all three locations. Towards the end of the interview, pedestrians were asked whether they had noticed any changes to the street lighting (Fig. 3).
61%
Tower Hamlets
Fig. 3. Percentage
3.3. Impact of lighting improvements
59%
I 79%
by gender. Table compiled
80%
I 76%
from Painter (1988), Painter
II 84%
(I 989) and Painter (1991).
K. Puinter/
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Landscape und Urbun Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
TOWER
HAMMERSMITH
AND
EDMONTON HAMLETS
FULHAM
64%
76%
82%
55%
69%
70%
Sexual assaults
65%
53%
60%
Vandalism
39%
56%
48%
9%
26%
23%
85%
94%
90%
Threatening
Physical
behaviour
assaults
Gangs of youths loitering
Fear of crime
Fig. 4. Percentage of respondents believing problems had decreased from Painter (1988), Painter (1989) and Painter (1991).
in the immediate
area, after lighting
improvements.
BEFORE
AFTER
% CHANGE
1888 1374
2832 2259
+50% +64%
2976 2477
4271 3598
i-44 +45
898 524
1205 175
+34 f48
547 495
1098 846
+101 f71
Table compiled
EDMONTON Relit PEDESTRIAN MALE FEMALE
FOOTPATH
Relit ROAD MALE FEMALE
TOWER
HAMLETS
Relit ROAD MALE FEMALE
HAMMERSMITH
AND FULHAM
Relit ROAD MALE FEMALE
Fig. 5. Number of men and women pedestrians and Painter (1991).
before and after lighting improvements.
Table compiled from Painter (1988), Painter (1989)
K. Painter/Lwulscape
and Urban Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
The lighting projects provide empirical support for the proposition that women’s fear of crime is not simply related to their physical vulnerability, but to cues and stimuli within the built environment to which they appear more sensitive than their male counterparts. After lighting improvements, interviewers noted that women had altered their demeanour and the pace at which they walked. They used the pavement rather than the road, walked normally rather than ran, and generally appeared more confident. As one woman commented: ‘People don’t seem to walk in the middle of the road. People are more confident since the new lights. It looks less intimidating.’ 3.4. Indirect effects on perceptions environment
of crime and the
Perceptions of specific crime problems in all areas were positively affected, following the lighting initiatives. In each street, respondents thought that assaults, threatening behaviour and vandalism had decreased (Fig. 4). Perceptions of crime problems are an important aspect of crime prevention because attitudes can have a tangible impact on behaviour. If people believe crime is on the increase in an area they will use it less often. In turn, this reduces the amount of informal surveillance and social control, and opportunities for crime can be increased. 3.5. Impact on night-time
street usage
In all three streets and the pedestrian footpath the number of pedestrians were monitored pre- and post-test. Fig. 5 presents the results from all three projects. It is clearly evident that there was a significant increase in the number of people using the streets after the introduction of street lighting. The projects indicate that lighting improvements can increase pedestrian street use throughout the evening. This effect has been noted in other lighting projects implemented over a larger geographical area and monitored over a 12 month period (Bainbridge and Painter, 1993; Painter, 1994; Painter, 1995). 3.4. The impact on crime and fear of crime among elderly residents over 12 months The pedestrian surveys clearly achieved most of the stated aims. One limitation was the short time
199
period between the before and after surveys. Consequently, the third project, in Hammersmith and Fulham, included a 12 month follow-up household survey of elderly people living in the relit street, to assess whether any positive effects of relighting could be sustained over a longer period. This survey showed an immediate and marked reduction in disorder and incivilities in the relit area. A total of 35 incidents recorded in the 6 week period before street lighting improvements were made was reduced to three in the 6 week period after, a reduction which was sustained over the following 12 month period. Before lighting improvements, the majority of elderly residents were afraid to walk approximately 30m from their door to the on-site community centre. Fearful of crime and disorder, they felt vulnerable and powerless. As one elderly woman put it: ‘I can no longer exercise any control over the little bit of garden outside my flat and that includes my front porch.’ Lighting improvements greatly reduced elderly people’s concerns and fears about crime. In the pre-test period six out of ten worried ‘a lot/quite a lot’ about crime. In the post-test period only two out of ten worried ‘a lot/quite a lot’. Fears of being burgled, or robbed or assaulted in the street showed significant reductions (- 77% and - 65%, respectively). One in three elderly people said they were more willing to go out after dark and almost half (44%) thought it had increased their confidence to go out at night. Lighting also affected perceptions of crime problems over the 12 month period. Half of all respondents thought that crime had become less common in the previous 12 months; 61% thought fear of crime in the community had decreased and 94% thought that the lighting had made it easier to recognise people and aesthetically improved the area.
4. Discussion: the mechanisms by which lighting can work to reduce crime and fear Though it might seem obvious, from the results presented above, that good lighting has the potential to reduce crime and fear, there is a need to discuss how and in what circumstances this might occur. Street lighting is a tangible alteration of the built environment but it does not constitute a physical barrier to crime. As an environmental crime strategy
200
K. Puinter/Landscupe
und Urban Pluming
it can only be effective if it alters the behaviour and perceptions of the public, including potential offenders. Street lighting is not a straightforward solution to crime. Rather it can act as both a psychological deterrent to offenders and as a catalyst to stimulate the means to solve crime and disorder through a variety of mechanisms. What follows is a brief outline of the mechanisms through which street lighting reduced crime, disorder and fear. The most obvious way in which lighting works to reduce crime and fear is by increased visibility and recognition over greater distance. The improved sight lines deter potential offenders by increasing the perceived risks of offending. Equally, pedestrians feel safer because they are less at risk of surprise attack and a pivotal cue to fear, darkness, is alleviated. In addition, street lighting encourages more intensive use of streets after dark. The increased pedestrian density and traffic flow enhances natural surveillance. This increases the possibility of someone coming to one’s aid in the event of attack. People feel safer because of the ‘safety in numbers’ factor and they have a sense of being ‘watched over’ by the increased number of eyes on the street. From the offenders’ perspective, increased visibility, natural surveillance and the proximity of the public increase the risks of being seen and caught. The same cues which reduce risks and fears of ordinary street users increase the perceived risks to offenders. It is well established that offenders prefer to remain unseen when they are committing offences and they are threatened by the close proximity of passers-by (Mayhew et al., 1979). Street lighting also improves public confidence. Renovation of a highly noticeable aspect of the built environment after dark, combined with changed social usage of the streets, signals to potential offenders and victims that efforts are being made to improve the physical characteristics of the environment and this leads to a more positive neighbourhood image. Just as a neglected poorly lit environment signals a lack of control and potential danger, so too, a well-lit, intensely used street sends a non-verbal message that the area is improving and that there is potentially more social control, order and surveillance. As a general ‘feel good’ factor is enhanced for pedestrians, offenders perceive that crime is riskier here than elsewhere. These overlapping mechanisms,
35 (1996) 193-201
triggered by lighting improvements, reduce exposure to risk and fears for personal safety.
5. Conclusion One must acknowledge that there are limits to what can be achieved by any single strategy. It cannot be expected that relighting will address crime and fear problems in all contexts. What works in one urban street will not necessarily work in another. What holds true at one time may not hold good at another. However, it is well known that hot spots of crime persist in specific areas of towns and cities and we need to develop explanations for what kinds of streets and public places lead to a concentration of crime, especially after dark. The research findings from the Edmonton, Tower Hamlets and Hammersmith and Fulham projects provide consistent evidence that lighting improvements have a powerful capacity to reduce crime, incivilities and fear at night. In urban streets and residential settings they also have the potential to increase pedestrian street use after dark. The study also illustrates the necessity of having a clear conceptual and methodological approach to evaluation. A badly lit environment does not, of itself, cause crime. It would be foolish for policy-makers to believe that all that is required to reduce crime and fear is to find a badly lit site and relight it. If lighting is to be effective as a crime prevention strategy it is important to be clear about the mechanisms it is expected to induce in a specific environmental and social setting. It may be difficult to disentangle which mechanisms are induced with what effects. This is less important than thinking through in advance of installation how, why and where it could work. The demonstration project revealed how street lighting can act as a catalyst to bring about changes in social behaviour which in turn contribute to a reduction in crime and disorder. On a more general point concerning safety in the streets: one response to the growing crime problem in town centres has been the increasing reliance on technological measures and private security guards as means of surveillance in public space. Some have argued that CCTV and private security guards are inadvertently leading us towards a ‘fortress’, ‘big brother’ society in which civil liberties are undermined and fears about crime are worsened. One
K. Painrrr/Landmqx
and Urban Pluming
unintended side effect of increasing security measures is that they can send out signals to pedestrians that they are in a dangerous area. In contrast to such measures, street lighting is a publicly owned and community orientated strategy which benefits all sections of the community. Where it leads to increased street usage, it enhances natural, informal surveillance and contributes to increased public order and safety. It is counter-intuitive to take issue with the proposition that people feel safer in well-lit, well-used areas. The pedestrians in these surveys gave priority to better street lighting and more police on foot patrol as the measures which would do most to increase safety in the streets. They were not stupid to think this. They know that streets are safer if they are well lit, just as they are with more police on foot patrol. Surely it is the duty of policy-makers to link public intuition with community safety strategies. The public should be consulted about crime in their community and their opinions should be heeded; for only in this way will public policy connect with, inform and tackle crime, disorder and fear in urban streets.
References Bainbridge, D.I. and Painter, K., 1993. The Impact of Public Lighting on Crime, Fear of Crime and Quality of Life: a Study
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in the Moseley and Showell Green Areas of Birmingham. Aston Business School, Birmingham, and University of Cambridge, Institute of Criminology, Cambridge. Clarke, R.V.G. (Editor). 1992. Situational Crime Prevention: Successful Case Studies. Harrow and Heston, New York. Clarke, R.V.G. and Weisburd, D., 1994. Diffusion of crime control benefits: observations on the reverse of displacement, In: R.V.G. Clarke (Editor), Crime Prevention Studies, Vol. 2. Criminal Justice Press, Monsey, NY. Mayhew, P.M., Clarke, R.V.G., Burrows, J.N., Hough, J.M. and Winchester, S.W.C., 19’79. Crime in Public View, Home Office Research Study 49. HMSO, London. Mayhew, P.M., Aye, M. and Mirlees-Black, C., 1993. The 1992 British Crime Survey, Home Office Research Study 132. HMSO, London. Painter, K., 1988. Lighting and Crime Prevention: the Edmonton Project. Middlesex Polytechnic, Centre for Criminology, London. Painter, K., 1989. Lighting and Crime Prevention for Community Safety: the Tower Hamlets Study, First Report. Middlesex Polytechnic, Centre for Criminology, London. Painter, K., 1991. An Evaluation of Public Lighting as a Crime Prevention Strategy with Special Focus on Women and Elderly People. University of Manchester, Manchester. Painter, K., 1994. The Impact of Street Lighting on Crime and Crime Displacement: the Stoke-on-Trent Project. University of Cambridge, Cambridge. Painter, K., 1995. Street Lighting and Crime Displacement: the Dudley Project. University of Cambridge, Cambridge. Skogan, W.G., 1990. Disorder and Decline: Crime and the Spiral of Decay in American Neighbourhoods. Free Press, New York. Wilson, J.W. and Kelling, G., 1982. Broken windows. Atlantic Monthly, March, 29-38.