Polit;cal
Geogruphy. Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 473-495, 1995 Coowieht 0 1995 Elsevier Science Ltd Printed in &eat Britain. All rights reserved O?W-6298/95 $10.00 + 0.00
The last walk: a geography of execution in the United States, I786 - 1985 ’
Department
qf Geography,
UniversiQ of Muryhnd, Baltimore 21228- 5.398. USA
AI~\TRA(T.Increases application
uneven
in violent
of capital
application,
offender
15 000 people
in scope
diminish application
over
in response
of capital
punishment,
rates
and
space.
capital
by eras; and
of capital
the
most
rates
serious
countries Five
between and
race
ot
near])
attitudes
toward
tended
to
toward
its
issues
and the historical
punishment:
of execution:
in terms
has
crimes.
broader
history,
punishment
executed
the relationship of capital
and
Public
are
geograph)
and
execution:
the relationship
kt\yeen
inter-state
MD
in part to its
of American
c,ivil authority.
and
of persons
in the geography
of homicide
application
under
time.
to only
here: the attributes
trends
time
in the
owing
in c‘onccrt with trend5 in developed
examined recent
interest issue
In the course
executed
evoh’ed
renewed
in both
characteristics.
have been
have
have
a controversial
historically.
and offense
execution
crime
punishment,
County, Bultimore,
variation
in the
punishment.
Introduction While
the use of execution
relnains
an
punishment practice.
has declined
outpost-the
only
as the ultimate
throughout
deterrent
While capital punishment
is not only
Iran, China or Nigeria (Economist,
the
of decades
while
themselves from the practice. In Canada, where 230 offenses effect
in the
19th century,
of the First World,
belief alive,
in
the
utility
other
but is also frequently
19891, it has enjoyed
developed
had been
the most
recent
nations
punishable execution
have
by death was
under
British
in 1062, and
was abolished
in 1976. In 1987, amidst
calls for the reinstitution
as a deterrent,
the Canadian
voted
Parliament
death penalty (Gendreau, 1988). Pro-capital punishment Parliament in Britain have been unable to forge a majority elected;
once
use of a pro-capital
law in
civil capital of capital
148 to 127 not to restore
the
Conservative Members of due in I~art to the mellowing
punishment
in office they tend to change
in
to distance
punishment
to get candidates
capital put into
a renaissance
tended
punishment
of older MPs and the apparent
the USA of
is not used in the IJSA on the scale that it is employed
in, for example, last couple
most
democracy-where
position
merely
to an anti-hanging
as a ploy position
(Ecommi.st, Ilnion.
1988). Another recent development was that, with the break-up of the Soviet several former Soviet territories eliminated the death penalty (Harries, 19923).
Although
a complete
(1968 to 1976) bridging
hiatus
in capital
the Supreme
punishment Court’s
in the IJSA occurred
for nine years
Furmarz V. Georgia (40X 1J.S. 23X, 1972)
474
7;be last walk: a geography of execution in the United States, 1786-1985
decision
suspending
capital punishment
in 1972, recent
use, with some 226 executions between the Supreme Court), and 1993. Between the pace then picked
up markedly,
1991: 10; Biskupic, rate of execution capital
1976-90
(about
number
Statistics,
under
the
significant process
between
issues
is evidence
twice
the annual
three
rate for the
1989 and 31 December by 5 percent
of a certain
DC) without
‘social
and
and precedents
and the public are examined
geography
states,
in the geography
residual
context
1990, the
(F@&-e 1; Bureau
of
political
ambivalence,
statutes
on the books,
2). IJnderlying
cultures’
of the
exemplifies
in respect
vacillation
punishment,
the relationship examination
between of trends
for representative are reviewed,
The long appeals 1989).
of persons
executed
titne
race and execution for several periods.”
including
I III FIC;~IW1. State executions
is
of the topThird,
recent
the influence
Status of Death Penalty, 199 I
of
by eras, from the late 18th century
Second,
punishment
pace
are just as
on the part of both
of this issue (Kamen, First, the attributes
the
states
in the role of determinants.
through
and 17s maps of capital
(Figure
political
in this article.
of capital
are reviewed.
in a geographic execution
an annual
that of the preceding
the 37 states with capital punishment that
as legal traditions
until the mid-1980s ranking
23 prisoners,
and the actual low rate of executions
and the historical
trends
digits (Greenfield,
represented
trivial. In 1990, 11 of the 36 states
of death increased
Washington,
is the concept
the legal establishment
viewed
sentence
the USA there
15 (including
Five broad
one quarter
by but
1991).
Yet, even within and
executed
1976-90
by 1993 the total was up to 3X. Between
given the dichotomy executions
statutes
have seen a revival in its
years in double
it was still far from quantitatively
of prisoners
Justice
10 per year) only about
punishment
period;
with all subsequent
1994). While the total in the period
and a half centuries,’ with
decades
1976’ (when the death penalty was reinstated 1976 and 1983 only 11 executions occurred,
Executions (11) Death penalty, no executions (25) No death penalty as of 12-31-90 (15)
in 1090 and status of the death penalty. Source: C;reenfeld (lc)c)l)
of
KEITH HAKKIFS
region,
political
of the
relationship
consideration
factors
and geographic
between
of the apparent
inter-state
variation
DC-Virginia
Data sources
and method
research
was
implications
of homicide
deterrent
is examined
Washington,
This
rates
475
effect,
in the
from opinion and
rates
polls. Fourth,
of execution
if any, of capital
context
of a case
the issue
permits
punishment.5
study
of the
some Finally,
Maryland-
region.
made
possible
by the availability
of a comprehensive
databdse-
known as the Espy File-of executions in the USA from the 1608 shooting in Jamestown of the mutinous Captain George Kendall, to mid-1987. M. Watt Espy. beginning work at his home
in Headland,
executions
known
neu’spapers.
Alabama,
to date.
microfilmed
it is recognized
records,
that some
undiscovered,
and some
relatively
recent
Louisiana
and Mississippi
data
file was ultimately
Political
years
such
transferred
of the
from
confirmed
as those
carried
owing
intentionally
to the
lack
Stuti.stics qfthe
censuses
for its component
states.
to each census; to the
as
updated
(Rand,
in 1977 for for
and Smykta,
excludes
(used
data
in the
the first 178 for rate
specific
rates. Hence
beginning
specific
for the
for the years 1800 Census,
spans
ICPSR
Stutes, 1790
(US Bureau
were
drawn
in 1790 provided
of this analysis,
of execution
the study period
from another
of Population
to the population
thus executions
for the clustering
decades:
data drawn
of the
from
Vitul
1992).
and so on. Thus each of 20 censuses,
mid-point
the basis
for the nation a decade
for the
as a whole
of execution
I786 to 1795 were aggregated executions
and
for 1796 to 1805 were
1790 to 1980, becatne
an approximatr
data and the calculation
the earliest
and
data was
of population-
and latest bounds
of these
data
1786 and 1985.
The data thub derived materials
in The
Consortium
and Social D&i: 7%~ likted
in part of the analysis
For the purpose
1790 Census:
temporal aggregation
Center (Espy
of census
with census
Economic.
of population
of rates of execution
accumulated.
chairs
13 329 are included
and necessarily
of availability
rates employed
1Juited Stutq
The decennial
assigned
electric
Law
of Michigan
of which
remain
for accurately.
the Inter-university
14 570 executions,
which
frame
data. Even some
portable
of Alabama
through
with data from the 1980 Census
1984). Homicide
attached
part of the time
However,
until 1790.”
lo 1070, in combination
calculation
other archives.
out with
file on
of corrections,
with incomplete
(ICPSR) at the Iiniversity
Historical. Dernogruphic,
Census,
the earlier
were
Data from the Espy File are interfaced resource:
the most complete
state departments
and various
to the University
file included
record
histories
and distribution
part of this paper,
c.alculations)
by hand
from
in the 1940s and ‘50s. may not be accounted
Research
1987). The complete analytical
executions
updating
and Social
gathered
county
executions
executions,
computerization,
in 1970, compiled
Data were
were
for the interpretations
then
used
to assemble
charts
and tnaps
forming
the mw
that follow.
An overview of execution
&sic
attributes r?f’persons executed
Several
characteristics
population from
which
of the 13 329 subjects
was overwhelmingly some
23 percent
of this analysis
male (97.4 percent) of all offenders
were
demand
with a modal drawn,
comment. age cohort
followed
First, the of 20-29,
by the 30-39
age
The last walk: a geography of execution in the United States, 1786-1985
476
(12.7 percent).
group
unknown
However,
with sufficient
heavily
over-represented
nearly
half,
with
occupational percent
in the record.
making
of those
not be)
offenders,
51 percent
to be included
with respect
whites
structure
could
convicted
the age of almost
precision
was
to their proportion
up
for whom
heavily
or those
biased
accounted
for 5.3 percent
percent,
and were
the largest
single
crimes
for which
are murder,
accounting
most
prevalent
percent).
If burglary-murder
classification,
it accounts
lower
of convict,
executed.
‘occupation’
other status
constituting
10 percent.
However,
The
(and over 52
employment.
escaped
convict,
Indeed,
ex-convict
or
slaves made up nearly
have
occurred
for over 60 percent,
for 82.3 percent
was were
10
group.’
executions
and rape-murder
races
could be determined
toward
of those
enumerated
African-Americans
of the population,
and
occupation
with the status
parolee,
Of the 39 specific
40 percent
of those
are included
of documented
since
1608, by far the
and robbery-murder to create
a generic
(18.2 murder
executions.
National patterns According
to Schneider
presented
by the Espy File may be divided
and Smykla (19911, the profile
(1880-1930),
Peak
general
was upward,
period
trend
(193Os),
and Decline although
of Stability was also marked However,
(since
increase.
maxima
executions)
and 1905 (156). In the Peak period,
TOTAL
COUNT
were
frequency
Growth
fluctuation
by major variation,
of marked
KiW
1940). During
considerable
new
of the
into four eras:
the Growth is evident
but the overall reached,
executions
of executions
(to 1879), Stability the
2). The
trend was not one
notably
reached
period,
(Fi@re in
1902
their all-time
(147
high in
PEAK, 1930-1939
= 14,570
200 190 180 170
DECLINE, 1940-
160 150 140 130 120 110
1
100 90
GROWTH,
80
1608-1879
70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1600
1700
1800
1900
YEAR FKIIKF 2.
Annual execution
frequencies,
USA. 1608--1c)8i. So~rcc? Espy and Smykla
(lc)87)
477
KEITH HARRIES
the USA in 1935-36, with 197 and 196 incidents, frequent, never
with over 100 in all years except
again
approached
100. In terms
has had the most executions pattern
broadly
execution
has three
levels
of shading
mean of all counties
with executions;
mean),
and (3) counties
period
of 271 years including
Hence
the pattern
Pennsylvania
by county,
representing,
without
shows
of murder
(Harries,
cartographically
quite region
1991: 9). a
1988; 1992a). in a set of four
maps
by era (Figures .3-O. Each choropleth
map
(2) other counties
executions.
particularly
and Smykla,
for each era: (1) levels
the colonial
and Virginia notable
remained
the South census
1800 (Schnyder
is represented
frequencies
Executions
distribution,
since
with the geography
of execution
depicting
of regional
in all decades
coincident
The geography
respectively.
1950 (83) until 1951; after that year, the total
with executions
The Growth period
heavy
of execution
above
the
(at or below
the
Era (Figure 3) encompasses
a
and the first 103 years of the republic.
concentrations
for the extent
in the colonial
of contiguous
counties
region,
above
with
the mean
for the era. The half century extensive and
constituting
geographic
accompanying
developed. capital
punishment
would
come
The Peak counties
Carolinas,
were
did not become
punishment
was widely
now
more
by the most era
settlement and
fully
a state until 1907 and therefore
first
in the Stability
accepted
to the earlier
extensive
Era map (Figure 4). Furthermore,
and not subject
to the Legal challenges
that
later. Em
(1930-39)
with executions
in thtl period stronger
institutions
Oklahoma
of capital
is characterized
of the four eras, In relation
governmental
For example,
sh0m.s evidence
the Stability Era (1880-1929)
coverage
suggests
(Figure _9.’ The Decline
southern Florida.
a heavily
and those counties
southern
above
Era map (Figwe
bias with
extensive
blocks
Georgia,
Atahamd.
Louisiana,
emphasis
in relation
the mean for counties
0 is similar, but suggests
of contiguous Mississippi
execution and Texas.
to both
with executions counties Thus
an even in the there
is
The last walk: a geography of execution in the United States, 17861985
478
FIG~W 4. Execution frequencies
some evidence region, crude
to suggest
mirroring dichotomy
predominantly
that the South has emerged
its demonstrated emerges,
southern,
with at least 75 executions
by LIS counties, Stability Era, 1880-1930
with
smaller overall
prominence large
cities
population were
in the 20th century
as a high homicide on one
centers
hand
relatively
anomalous,
on the other. Nine of the 17 counties
in the South (Tuhle
FIGURE5. Execution frequencies
and
as an execution
area. Historically,
1).
by US counties, Peak Era. 1930s
a
KEITH HARRIES
Fr(;r,w 6. Execution
frequencies
Uohm (1991: 136) has noted time arc best explained
look to so&i to assist between Grobdl
events
the Revolution
and
I>ecline
in aggregate
If opinion
in concert
an understanding
Era, was characterized
New York I’cnnsylvmia Illinois ~Massachllsetrs South Carolina Louisiana New York Washington. DC Georgia California Pennsylvania Alabama Arkansas California Texas Maryland Kentucky
that ‘variations
by social events’.
or social events
in developing
hy YS cwmtiea.
conflict
Kings Washington, DC Fulton Los Angeles Allegheny .Jefferson Sebastian San Francisco
1Iarris Mtirnore Jefferson
City
penalty
opinions
over
one may
contemporary
idedogies,
punishment.
The period
roughly
over capital
New York Philadelphia Cook Suffolk Charleston Orleans
1940)
thus influenced,
in capital
the Civil War, for example. by constant
death
is indeed
with dominant
of trends
Era (since
coincident
punishment.
with
the
Beccaria’s
480
The last walk: a geography of execution in the United State.5,1786 198~5
An Essay on Crimes and Punishments deterrence,
but also arguing
deterrence
model
had met with
capital punishment of the
of executions
middle
Garfield
class
as provoking
a public
attempting
raw
frequencies
below,
demand
discussion
unemployed
in 1931, and sharp
of Fascism.
wave
Monq
in the
he wrote
the switch’.
(See
period
decade
capital
punishment, an exercise
in
are represented
‘Homicide
and
by
execution’,
(if not rate) peak in the 193Os? Drawing With
I6 percent
in marriage,
could
in Simon,
and an increase
birth
be seen
statutes
events
strikes,
system‘
as the
punishment
and the gradual
force
it was a
and in Europe
(Simon.
‘control’
the
1967), and the response
of the
in ?“be Big
this connection
(1920-33)
overlapped
history
as Furman
of capital
in part as
punishment
v. Georgia followed
escalation
of executions
to
with the
could be interpreted
The recent
such
labor
rates,
[sic1 and hired the executioner
that Prohibition
in capital
of the
and divorce
1967: 88) implied
gang violence.
with landmark
of capital
and
could be seen
is generally
the New Deal, numerous
also he noted
to the associated
of Lincoln
executions
under
‘they have built the electricchair
It should
Depression
formulation
declines
(cited
a response
less speculative,
including
over whether
is unavoidable.
including
Dos Passes
when
throw
to single events
rates.
for was
of the sensibilities
assassinations
It was ‘a major crisis of the capitalist
of executions
establishment.
as a reflection
as the
responses,
their numerical
Depression
of social turmoil,
rationales
of style, if not substance,
in execution confusion
manifest
to the
decade
such
of the
of this point.)
connections
shadow
by 1820 and alternative development
for tougher
or population-adjusted
Why did executions
the role
Initially accepted,
Huey Long, and John and Robert Kennedy
by possible
for further
advocating
was ineffectual.
in the 183Os, interpreted
to link upticks
futility, compounded
A parallel
1989). Events
(Masur,
or, in the 20th century,
though
penalty
disillusionment
were necessary.
the privatization
(18011 was influential,
that the death
is
by the re-
as an inevitable
consequence.
Execution,
race and execution
The upper
left panel
blacks
and
whites
measure.’
This
individual
states.
compared
7 were While
of Figure 7 shows since
provides
the first census
a template
against
In combination
with
the US race-specific
1790, when
in terms of time, space those
Pennsylvania show
eras
the largest
with
which
to compare
the
of executions:
rates
Georgia,
of
can be in Figure
for inclusion
California,
of
of this
experiences
Figures 3, 4, 5 and 6, execution
and race. The five states selected number
rate experience
the calculation
New
York,
and Virginia.
detailed
analysis
that rates for whites
of each profile tended
is beyond
the scope
to be consistently
early, around
1800, and then again around
southern
states,
are quite
striking;
Georgia
relatively probably
recently while Virginia’s peaks associated with the penchant,
saw
of this paper,
low, particularly
contrast, rates for blacks were erratic, hut on average whites. While black rates were much more erratic peaked
execution
enabled
the charts”’
after about
1800. In
several times higher than those for than white, in several cases they
1900. Differences its highest
rates
between of black
states, even execution
occurred mostly before 1860, a phenomenon in Virginia, for the execution of escaped
slaves.
Figures 8-11 put black and decades, 1876-85 and 1926-35, straddling the Stability and Peak 1880 Census data; the later maps
total execution rates in a geographic context in two the former representative of the Growth era, the latter periods. The maps for the earlier decade are based on use a 1930 base. Rates in all four maps are expressed in
KI-ITHHAKHIES
481
United States
California
2
7 6 5 4 3 2 1
1.5 1 0.5
P
P
1860 1880 1900
1800182018401860188019001920194019601980
1920
Georgia
1960
1980
New York
ir
1800 1820184018601880190019201940 19601980
1800182018401860188019001920194019601980
Year
Yea
Pennsylvania
Virginia 3
IIr
4*
1940
Y&Z
YCU
2.5
f’
2
1.5
1 0.5 7 1800 1820 1840 1860 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980
1800 1820 1840 1860 1880 1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 Year
FIGIVIE7. Race
adjusted
execution Key:
hh/e:
Year
(vertical
scales axis)
(horizontal
axis)
Source.
vary.
+
are
rates
per
white,
+
standardized
Figuxs
standard
deviation
units, with a mean
of Figures .3-5, Figures &ll
southern
or eastern
execution
rate maps
emphasis. for both
L’SA ancl selected
with
the
anti
exception
of 0.0 and a standard
decades.
While
of California.
Rate
(1$X37) (executions);
Smykla
scale5 ICPSR
clata).
are somewhat
Most striking,
states.
black.
7-l 7: Espy (demographic
context
10 000.
deviation
surprising
perhaps,
is the western
explanation
of 1.0. Seen in the
in their western focus
is necessarily
rather than of the black
speculative,
it
should be noted that the states with exceptionally high rates were sparsely populated; a few executions of minority group persons would produce extremely high populationspecific
rates.
This observation subject
to
executions
minorities discrimination
in the
begs
the question
in the first place West
and perhaps
were
of why
conspicuous
persecution.
such
and one
a tiny population
is reduced
and
This finding
more
likely
of higher
group
to the surmise to
western
be
the
wouId
be
that racial objects
rates is consistent
of
482
The last walk: a geogruphy of execution in the United State.s, 17861985
Il.O-4.7 m 0.22 - 0.85 -0.73 - -0.05 FKXXF 8. Execution
rates as Z-scorca,
c] c]
FICXW 9. Execution
rates as Z-scores,
1876-1885.
total population,
I 2.71 - 2.79 I 0.79 - 1.08 m-o.50 - -0.20 African-American
No executions No data
0 0
No executions No data
population,
1876-1885
-0.73 - -0.05
-1.0-4.7 I
FKXU~I IO. Execution
r;ites as Z-scores. tot:il popul:uion.
No executions 19X-lY)35
Execution Rates as 2 Scores Black Population, 1926 -1935 m 1.OO- 4.36 1-0.51 - -0.22 m 0.07 - 0.53 0 No executions
,
FIGIXF 11. Execution
El
0.22 - 0.85
rates as %-scores,
African-AmeCcan
population.
1()26-1935
Thelast walk: a geography of execution in the United States, 17861985
484
with Bohm (1991) quoted been
among
Recent
trends through
crime.
polls show
the death
that westerners
have
penalty.
emergence
of the
urban
as the greatest
of violent predatory
crime
confronting
tourists
recorded
constituents
as ‘desperately
enormity
neighborhoods,
more
measures
high-security
fences
into adjacent
neighborhoods.
renewed
Anecdotal
and car-jacking
of firearms,
of rapists.
that violent
it has become
1208 homicides
police,
terms
and
task forces, highway
From among
for the
stringent guard
prisons,
gun control
the advocates
their
application
presence
such
in various
and even
from straying
measures
penalty,
of
in certain
special-purpose forms,
miscreants
of control
of the death
of their
1994: A3).
rest stops to prevent
activation
described
crime is not only eroding
a national more
were became
the execution
law rnakers
.’ (Booth,
pressures
armed
1992), victim-
given to the latter is
laws included The
the
of new
publicized
violence;
For example,
that proposed
generated
prison
at inter-state
to cast
mentioned
(e.g. Wilgoren,
by heavily
area. The attention
the state’s economy
as anti-drug
relatively
have come little used
v. Georgia. evidence
from newspaper
shows,
casual
support
of capital punishment
hope or belief retribution.”
Southern
pressure
availability
given to ‘indigenous’
castration
calls for a broader-based
Furman
in the IJSA,
renewed
in Miami) in 1992 (FBI. 1993). Florida legislators
and better
mandatory
ameliorative
turf battles
1992), and the evolution
as exemplified
of violence
the
its concomitant
greater
non-newsworthy.
of the problem
measures:
toward
afraid’ and ‘worried
but threatening
lifestyles The
and
almost
in part to
crime re-escalated
that crime is most frequently
shooting
lack of attention
about the impact murderers
a level
was attributable
came under
(e.g. Thomas,
at tourists
as to be relatively
14-year-old
with
level in declined
the USA.
firearms
in Florida (128 of these
so concerned
makers
in the Miami, Florida,
ironic in light of the relative so commonplace
culture
by the trend
aimed
in 1986, reaching
As lethal violent
such as drive-by
attacks
of foreign
cocaine
polls indicate
was exacerbated of those
again
its highest
This rate then
1992). This increase
and policy
Public opinion
level of lethality
‘control’
per 100 000 persons.
weaponry.
increased
problem
The situation
izations
crack
in light of contemporary
rate in the USA reached
to start upward
with more effective
about for solutions.
forms
10 incidents
198Os, only
apprehension
higher
1976 can be reviewed
by 1990, to that of 1980 (Rand,
conducted public
since
In 1980, the homicide
exceeding
the early
equivalent,
since
that have supported
rate of execution
in violent
the 20th century,
and
groups
trends
The increased
the
irzfrato the effect that Gallup
population
conversations that capital
and
editorials,
public
suggest punishment
letters
opinion
polls
that widespread will deter
to the editor, which
radio and TV talk
probe
fear of violent
or at least provide
reasons
for
crime promotes
the
the
the satisfaction
of
emphasis
While some states, notably Texas and Virginia (Pressley, 1992), have begun to execute residents of death rows as appeals processes run their course, use of the death penalty in the USA in recent decades has not only been quite limited, but has also tended to exhibit a southern emphasis in terms of number (and rate) of executions and of persons convicted to die. Eight of 11 states that executed people in 1990 were southern” (Figure
KEITH
2). Of the 23 persons were
executed
also over-represented
executed
had grown
based
of prisoners
on death
on a South region
were
sentenced
rows in 1990 were
1990). yet on a per capita
(Bureau
485
in 1990, 17 (74 percent)
in terms
to 38, with 28 (still 74 percent)
of the 2356 prisoners Statistics,
HAKRIES
1985 as a representative
have a larger proportion
of homicides
than its population
total; FIG. 1986). but both
still disproportionately
Various
hypotheses,
cultural typical
arguments
see the South
societies.
from those
Kecent
of ;I more
greater
renaissance
of capital
the LJS Senate
federal
courts
punishment.
the power
was supported
the death penalty
‘Fairness
in Death
Sentences
based
1976 was of a white
version
as ‘even
chaos‘
(Anonymous.
Columbia
worse’,
capital’
penalty,
23 capital
easily giving
offenses
that
1991). This action
in
like the Senate
a provision,
known
as the
challenges
to death
of racial discrimination
in certain
out that only one of the 144 executions
the House
that ‘would
1991).
bill as ‘outrageous’
throw
the federal the designation
of the USA led Mayor Sharon homicides
and the Senate
judicial
system
into
of the District
of
Pratt Dixon’ ’ to suggest
was an idea that ‘merits study’
1991a, 1991b).
Symptomatic
of the fear of crime in general.
of anti-crime
being
given
Although
as ‘anti-crime’ death
allowed
a black (Isikoff,
for drug-related
about
may result in a general
bill authorizing,
have
1991: A26). Also in Washington,
as the ‘murder
round
permanently
pointed
described
1990.)
(Dewar,
It also eliminated
(in
see Harries,
to ‘do something’
embracing
would
ownership
historically
the federal
defects’
a different
differing
a hill characterized
the existence
measure
a measure
that revival of the death penalty (Ragland.
Act’, that
for murdering
Post editorial
on politicians
anti-crime
for over 50 crimes.
Sentencing
emphasis.
to pathologies
firearms
re\%v.
have reinstated
House
by a later
prone
practices
crisis proportions,
to ‘procedural
and (b)
southern
region honor,
literature
it for 51 crimes,
owing
of the fairness
A Wkshiqton
of the
in the South
the South as having
on personal
For example,
on data demonstrating
states. Supporters
(43 percent
(a) economic. this
poor
views
and pressure
to impose
the Senate
explain
and child-rearing
in 1991; it would
had been excluded
since
emphasis
(For an extended
previollsly version,
perspective
by many to have reached
passed
to
as an historically
in the 17s Congress
perceived
predict
row populations
emphasizing
advanced
rural society).
of the non-South.
initiatives
violence,
year. the South did indeed
would
and death
into those
been
The cultural
way of life. with relatively part :I product
executions
divided
have
of poor
expected.
large. I3
broadly
interpretations,
Economic
of Justice
have been
of some H5.4 million out of a ITS total of 248.7 million
1992). lising
were
would
which
Some 58.1 percent
in the South (Bureau
of the Census,
national
states,
By 1993, the total
from the South. found
basis only 34.3 percent
population
in southern
to death.
initiatives
to a controversial felons most
with three rhetoric
that appeared ‘three (federal)
in recent
strikes
and of violence
in particular,
was another
in Congress
in 1994, with
most
and
out’ provision
to incarcerate
you’re
attention
convictions. years
has come
from
death
penalty
proponents,
retired Supreme Court Justice Harry Blackmun stirred controversy in 1994 with his highly publicized declaration of his position in opposition to execution (Biskupic, 1994; see also Will, 1994, in response Personal victimized.
to Blackmun).
experiences of politicians came into play as they or those close to them were In the most influential case, Tom IJarnes, an aide to Alabama Senator Richard
486
of execution in
The last walk: a geography
Shelby,
was
introduce
murdered
legislation
the restoration
of execution
1992, the Shelby Columbia.
in Washington, providing
This move passed
1992, generating
sharp
1992b). As written broadest
opposition
degree
homicide
young
compared
would
of homicide,
an attempted
in the law.
polls
Another
indicator
found
in opinion
Bohm
(1991:
Ultimately,
at the November
of changes
in the attitude
poll data. In a detailed
135) noted
the greatest
the measure
1992 general
that race,
differences
was
of mostly
in recent
years
as
man that led to
easily
toward
of Gallup
socio-economic
thousands white
many
any first-
rejected
by the
election.
of the public
analysis
as ‘one of the
essentially
connected
1992a,
it contained
of Columbia
of one politically
(Jenkins,
was described
1992). Although
of
on 24 September
leaders
elsewhere;
in the District
1992). In late
in DC’s appropria-
In its breadth,
statutes
(Harriston,
had died
it was the death
DC voters
Opinion
showed
males
change
Washington,
the measure juveniles.
to
including
in the District
of Representatives
and religious
with capital
be eligible
African-American
victims
in the House
1992 ballot,
punishment
of this requirement
from political
the senator
in the District,
in 196215 (Shelby,
on capital
and did not exclude
of eligibility
1992, prompting
for murder
abolished
the incorporation
for the 3 November
more criteria
had been
by a 2-1 margin
in the country’
penalties’
led to a referendum
followed
tions bill, which
DC in January
for ‘tougher which
initiative
the United States, 1786 1985
capital
punishment
Polls between
status,
gender,
is
1936 and 1986,
politics
and
region
over the 50 year period:
whites, wealthier people, males, Republicans, and Westerners have tended to support the death penalty more than blacks. poorer people, females, Democrat&and Sourherners. A longitudinal showed
comparison
a decline
from about
60-65
percent
to about
80 percent
indicated
high approval
199-201).
In general,
changes
of Gallup
Polls taken at intervals
in the proportion to about
approval
40 percent.
(74 percent)
changes
homicide
until about
Figure
encourages
punishment
is to some
extent
over the period
penalty
between
This was followed Poll data approval declined
1980 (Bureau
by a fairly steady and
correlated
of Justice
Fbdmdgan,
quite
Statistics,
that public
reaction
rise
1990 similarly closely
from the mid-1930s
the conclusion
an understandable
1936 to 1988 1936 and 1966
for 1989 and
for both years (Maguire
in public
rate which
1960s and then rose sharply 3). This relationship
the death
by 1988. Roper
ratings these
in the national
favoring
1991: with
to the mid1988; see also
approval
to fear of violent
of capital crime.
Given the high level of approval of capital punishment by the public at large and their political representatives (presidential candidates Bush and Clinton both supported capital punishment developed geographic extraordinary
in their 1992 campaigns), countries
with
regard
and the discontinuity
to this question,
between
it is appropriate
perspective. This viewpoint has the capacity degree of place-to-place variation in execution,
the USA and other to put the issue
to convey a problem
in
a sense of the that continues to
be an intensely controversial topic in the policy arena. Ultimately, this place-to-place variation is the expression of not only inter-state differences in laws, but also inter-state (and intra-state) applications of those laws. Such variations imply abrogation of the doctrine of equal effect that people
protection under the law, notwithstanding the often heard who commit capital offenses are ‘taking their chances’.
view to the
487
KEITH HARRIES
The eq@-ience As noted
since Espy
elsewhere,
Between
the last recorded
execution
in the Espy File was on 6 July
that date and 27 April 1994, 154 executions
of approximately
seven years, 79 percent
Economist (1985) could note in respect nation’s
undisputed
execution (since
between
South
non-South
extended
to method
its executions,
lethal injection choice
and the gas chamber The trend one might rise from
(17) followed.
The contrast
punishment
also
chair for about
half of
lethal injection
chair and hanging
were
was the
used
once,
on four occasions. executions
in light of public
clear whether
1980s had flattened
that Florida was ‘the any other jurisdiction
of capital
for the other half. In the non-South, but the electric
1987.
12). In this period
in the South. While 7%e
with the South using the electric
of 1994 (9) suggested
by no means fine-tuned
of application
is not the consistently
opinion
out, or whether
their
capital
1 No Executions in period
(4)
statutes
only
no record-breaking
the trend
that on average a flood
to reduce
upward
and fear of violence.
11 in 1988 to 38 in 1993, 1991 recorded
four months
occurred
capital punishment
(18) and Florida
in terms
(81 percent),
in very recent expect
1987). Virginia
of execution
overwhelming
of those events of recent
leader’, Texas was later to far outstrip
with its 51 executions and
took place (Figure
While
increase. had been
trend
upward
would
soon
since occur
error,
did
in the first
As of mid-1994,
of technical
that
executions
14 and the number
of executions
the chances
linear
it was the late as states
and appeals
ran out
0
I:~c;mt
12. Executions,
(31) 8 July
1987 to 27 April 27 l’$M. Sorrr-CC:National l)ath Ikdty.
Coalition
to Ahdish
the
488
The lust walk: a geography of execution in the United States, 17XG1985
Homicide
and execution
Figure 2-3shows States between standard
trends
in population-based
1900 and
deviation
1985, expressed
1.1 in 1903 (minimum) (several
regarded
and
0.19/100000,
as the situation
around
1902-03.
that would rates,”
the execution
some 3300 executions, history
in one 0.05/100
execution
200 executions,
Prudence
or about
comparable
wo~11d
to the count
is in order
and standard dictate
of parity. for Figure
to provide
a sense
to this came early
one-sixth
deviations;
of the homicide
the
in
mean
In contemporary in the peak years cwves
century
rate. Given that
execution
terms,
equate
to
in LJS
rate has ken
year, when this would
the rate of mean
some
of the 1930s.
have been
of how rates have varied
the ‘real’ rates. as noted
be
At that time,
as have ever occurred
by 1950, an average
that each curve is interpreted
could
to have the
in the 199Os, this would
representative
73. The
parity were
rates were maximized.
annually
about
rate range was between
theoretical
17 times as many executions the more
1 percent
units in order
own means
rate was about
= 0.0 and
rates per 100 000 of
and executions
approach
and execution
000. This was exemplified
A note of caution deviation
the closest
mean
1.3, is between
of homicide
The execution
arise if homicides
can be expected
year. However,
was about
in terms
rates for the United with
in Figure
in 1902. If crude
rates were minimized
more than 20 000 homicides
around
as scaled
to 10.7 in 1980 (maximum).
years)
homicide
(Z) scores
to an actual range
Same population-adjusted when
and execution
= 1.0.” The range of values,
2.0 and -2.5, corresponding zero
homicide as standard
above,
resealed
in standard
with regard
to their
differ substantially.
only in terms of trend
(up
or down)
MEAN
-
Homicide Rate
-
1900
1910
1920
Execution Rate
1930
1940
1950
1960
1970
1960
Year FKXIKB13. Homicide and execution rates, USA, 1900-1985. Sources: Espy and Smykla (1987) (executions); National Center for Health Statistics, Vi&l Statistics of the United States (annual) (homicides); ICPSR (demographic data).
KFITH HARHIES
489
and in respect of its mean and variation. All that the two series have in common is that their means are both 0.0 and their standard deviations are 1.0 on the Figure 13 scale.
Theoretically, homicides varies
the
execution
greatly
the period
when
homicide
to rise while executions while
both
(1940-60).
rates downward,
years,
homicide(s)
were
curve
insofar
The production between
rising together
as
function
the rates only in 1920 to 1940)
(about
1900 and 1920 rates were converging-execution Between
1960 and 1980. homicide However,
rates tended
homicide
rates also fell
hiatus was still operative. pattern
demands
that one take into account
about seven
execution(s)
the average
years. At least in the more recent
this lag into any analysis,
so that
homicide
in trends
either
more or less suspended.
to execution:
one sho~~ltl incorporate
of the executions.
correspondence
curves
rates upward.
were
of the historical
time from conviction
is a function that ‘produce’
Between
the execution
Exploration
by seven
crimes
over time, with some
1920-60,
or falling together
sharply
curve
are the (principal)
roughly
shifting
the execution
correspond
to the
took place. While this lag is not presented
grdphicalty
decades.
curve to the left
year
in which
here. it would
the
seem to
offer little in the way of clarification. Various
interpretations
longitudinal
data
IQ-oponents
the
of execution
were highest increasing
homicide
execution
(and
could
point
when executions
opponents
and
proponents.
the temporal
dimension.
homicide
in the first decade
stopped.
dam
these
rates when COLII~
Opponents In seeming
of
punishment. execution
rates
and to rapidly
point to quite high rates
1935. tending
to offer some
ultimately
this fragment
capital
of the century,
1920 to about
effect.
from
and
to very low homicide
from about
had littlc deterrent
will) he drawn
between
deterrent?)
and execution
actually
no doubt
relationship
(and maximally
of lx)th homicide both
could
on
provide
to suggest
that
encouragement
no definitive
to
help
to
helpful
in
either. While shedding that
light on the deterrent
interpretation
historically
based
at least in this context,
effect of capital
on
territorial
high rates of execution located
independently
of the rate of execution
aggregate
tongitudindl
necessarily
submerged.
The generalized much
more
relati\4y
in the South.
owing
2Oth-century
states
have
in part to doubts
challenges
also
difficulty
in the appeal
is more homicide
Harries, as F&rll-e
has been
persuasive.
rates
1.j. this
have
States been
regional
rate has been upward.
their utility, equity,
with
sustained
statutes
dimension
downward,
Executions
and cost, culminating discussion
that
is
\vhile,
have declined
that the execution
As the following capital
has suggested
1985. 198X. 1990, 1992~1). In an
point in the sense
levels. passing
prior analysis
been those with high rates of homicide,
in the execution
about
a turning
to pre-Foreman had
such
trend
high
(see
that of homicide
~uY~~~I~~ v. &wrgia decision, to date. recovered
Those
interpretation
ambiguously,
differences
have generally
predominantly
is not particularly
punishment.
in the
rate has not,
will demonstrate.
arc immune
to technical
process.
Examples of regional complexity: of Columbia
Maryland, and neighboring
Virginia and the District
Three political units, Maryland, Virginia and Washington, DC make interesting case studies in the influence of regional culture and political process. Although these states” are neighbors,
their recent
capital
punishment
experiences
are quite different.
MarykInd,
The last walk: a geography of execution in the United States, 17861985
490 in contrast three
with Virginia,
decades.
Maryland
was
murder.
that
statute
Punishment
was
defendants findings
Lipscomb
and
the
with
reporting
and
51 rapists)
emerged.
First, some
who were strangers, the death
likely to be executed, those
In the
penalty.
and third,
receiving
death
it was the ‘unguided, application-that 1993: 8-9). A new Maryland the trial from mitigating
statute
Maryland,
were
and automatic
more
and executions Court found
that
authority’-arbitrary
1972-76
divided
new
(State
capital
of Maryland,
the guilt determination
consideration
review
were
predominant
consequently
in the period
appellate
had
1993: 7). aggressively,
the sentencing
incorporated
sentences
blacks
laborers
unconstitutional;
in 1978 which
122
principal
for victims were most
to death,
group,
which
Three
in death
capital
part of
of aggravating
of any death
sentence
and
(State of
1993: 19).
an uneven
geography
tions‘. 2o In each population
suburban with more
attributable
(State of Maryland, The issue of possible Commission
areas.
among statute
These
reviewed.
the
differences
twenty-four
represents
racial disparity
effects
was
murder
24 ‘charging
jurisdic-
frequencies
and
It was were
found
seen
jurisdictions’
state policy,
found
that
the
smaller
proceedings
as being
charging
its application
as
‘primarily policies..
varies
sharply
1993: 200).
drew attention
the discriminatory
the state’s
between
were more likely to have capital sentencing
urbanized
penalty
among
relationship
proceedings
counties
to differences the death
prosecutions
the
sentencing
compared
qfthe Governor’s Commission on the Death Penalty
of capital
jurisdiction,
of capital
although
sentenced
allowed
penalty
part and
9 of the 1993 Report
Finding
number
resulting
in
on Capital
during
to death.
with strangers
punishment
in 35 states
followed
circumstances,
1936-61
(State of Maryland, capital
discretion
enacted
the sentencing
once
Committee
v. Georgia in which the US Supreme
the death
laws were
of murders
Second,
sentences
standardless made
punishment
period
than
of first-degree
of the Maryland
Murdy
sentenced
as an occupational
until Furman
diminished
the
were
in more
1961, convicted
the
or burglars
1960s, the NAACP attacked
gradually
on
60 percent
and robbers
anyone
The last execution
about the breadth’”
of executions,
charged
executed
convictions.
on 9 June
to concerns dearth
(71 murderers
liable to receive among
for lack of capital
of Nathdnial
In that year, in response
punishment
victims
has not (at the time of writing)
This has not been
was more ambiguous.
to the perceived of capital
such evidence
while
noting
discrimination
(State of Maryland,
unfairness
punishment
Public testimony
of the death
on blacks,
penalty,
but the Commission
that this did not in itself prove
or disprove
before
the
particularly found
no
the existence
of
1993: 201).
Virginia Virginia continues in its established role as a leading execution state, along with Texds,L’ Florida and Louisiana, having put to death 23 persons since the restoration of the death penalty
in 1976, and six in the 14-month
‘efficient’ percentage
capital
punishment
of its death
system
period
ending
of any state;
row inmates-over
February
no other
20 percent
(Baker,
1994, giving it the most
has executed
such
a high
199417; State of Maryland.
1993). Given the active status of capital punishment in Virginia, the legislature has been involved in the adoption of execution innovations, proposing lethal injection as an execution option in addition to the electric chair (Baker and Babington, 1994). Another proposal would permit the relatives of victims of capital offenders to view the execution, in order. in the words of one proponent, to achieve ‘closure’ (Baker, 1994a). ‘Virginia’s
491
KEITHHARRIFS experience
is different
process,
from
[Maryland’s],
but in maintaining
produced
over
attributable
time
not only
an exceptionally
a steady
stream
in part to the relative
in assuring
low reversal
of executions.
simplicity
The
of Virginia’s
an expeditious
rate. That low
reversal
sentencing
review
combination rate
procedure;
has
may
be
a simpler
procedure produces fewer errors On the other hand, the low reversal rate in capital cases may reflect the effect of judicial elections on the legal culture of the Virginia courts’ (State of Maryland,
1993: 132).
The latter reference could
be construed
of opinion
calling
Maryland, general
judges
vociferously a more
neither
unambiguously
elections
is significant.
for more
are initially appointed
elections,
suggests,
to judicial
The popular
as more likely to lead to the election
indirect
inter-state
frequent
application
and then confirmed
expression
of public
nor intrd-state
variations
at the door of any particular
judges’
of the death
will. However,
of judges in a climate
for continuation
in capital
causal
election
of ‘hanging
penalty.
In
in office
in
as this discussion
punishment
can he laid
factor.
Washirzgton, DC Washington,
DC, like
executions
placca in 1957.
The most
executions
(eight)
the eight.
of capital
118 executions
striking
than
were
crimes
Tabk
other.
I) 69 percent
Although
unlike
the modal
and espionage,
of African-
1942, when the
more
typical
offenses
which
118
the last took
were
is the year
However,
for murders,
of spying
penalty.
in the District,
in the DC data
in any
all executions
wartime
convictions
(see
anomaly
occurred
all, or nearly
the quintessential
Figure Z), has no death
(see
as a result
Of the
Americans. which
14 states
have occurred
year
in
in 1942 were
accounted
for six of
all white.
Conclusion The issue of capital public concern
has surfaced
in recent
years.
over rising rates of urban
offenders
by stepping
deterrent. death
punishment
consciousness,
A subtext
row through
violence,
up executions
to this discussion
in the media,
debate
went
the
and hence
developed
and the perceived
in order, related
what the public
intermittently
This renewed
need
to
to crack down
on
assumption,
to provide
to the great cost of maintaining
has come to regard
in
in response
as the excessively
prisoners
lengthy
a on
appeals
process. Prior retrospective of
the
temporal
concentration, research capital
studies
in the South,
although
here extends
punishment
in order
Trends
with generally these data punishment
prior work to provide
in homicide
rising homicide
have
risen
Howc\,er.
evidence
fl-ameMork
fails to support
of execution
have
honiicidt~
research
more
rates and generally
and
comparing
fallen
with
capital rates
high
rates if execution
regional
punishment.
and specific
temporal
and
The rates of
geographic
a crude
rates of execution.
‘X’ model However.
that a conclusive case for or against capital on the Iyasis of the temporal data alone. Rates
homicide
the deterrence
remained
and capital
1900 suggest
declining
on analysis
demonstrated
general
meaningful since
concentrated
has
by developing
and execution
are so ambiguous and limited as a deterrent cannot be made
of homicide
have mostly
some
of high rates of both homicide
reported
comparisons.
declining
of capital punishment
dimension.
punishment with
hypothesis
in levels were
both
execution
present rates
since states historically
of homicide, a deterrent.
whereas
and absent.
in a geographic
one
high in terms would
expect
The last walk: a geography of execution in the United States, 17861985
492
African-Americans punishment, nationhood, actually
have
both
state
been
heavily
sanctioned
but data on violence
reflected
a greater
over-represented
and
at the
are not adequate
involvement
in the
hands
of lynch task
to the
in violence
process
mobs,
of determining
in the early years
of capital
at least
since
whether
this
of the republic.
Certainly, in the second half of the 20th century, the tragedy of disproportionate involvement of African-Americans in violence, both as victims and perpetrators, is all too apparent,
and will continue
Empirical
data
punishment When
scrutiny
discriminatory
to
more
factors
sharply
are elected
likelihood
of charges
complexity
of the
being
brought
capital
punishment
that more or fewer
persons
constantly
tinker
statutes.
attempted (Bureau
with
capital
death
rapes
sentences
in the definition
of Justice
Statistics,
punishment
bodies itself),
controversial
can
it appears
With a fundamentally of its history,
would
seem
able evidence rates,
even
offender
into
pool (Margolick,
murders,
increase
robberies
and
also in 19X9
complexity
on appeal.
and
Insofar
or removing
will remain
as all capital
a complex
high rates of violent
from other
to use capital
to provide tends
pressure
and
of realization
over-representation
1991; Raspberry,
with the high
to the levels
of the
of execution,
the rate of capital
at ‘reform’
to point to levels of execution the
the concept
and
in the foreseeable
to the effect that it is essentially
fairly, and, efforts
account
crime in the countries
commensurate
will increase
to approve to increase
developed
punishment
punishment
the rate of executions
considerable
continues taking
the
the mentally
as capital
punishment
the
to
state. Legislatures
excluded
adding
to the
and
all relevant
armed
of reversal
and persistently
to continue
punishment
are
included
(including
States is set apart
Whether
there is also an undercurrent capital
culture,
While the public
are under
offenders,
States.
to public demands
Peak Era is debatable.
changes
as they relate
alleged
such additions
the chances
likely that capital
violent
level of lethal violence.
administer
such
the IJnited
to be positioned
future in response
politicians
increase
mosaic
punishment
(and 14 do not), the way
in a particular
qualifying
capital
a remarkable
Maryland
Virginia
1990). Presumably,
issue in the lJnited
course
For example,
of
of capital
vagaries
themselves
will be executed
of offenses
make
statute
against
statutes
in 1989, and
error at trial and concomitantly 51 legislative
jurisdictions,
local political
or pressed
punishment.
on this point.)
on the form and function
or appointed,
probability
from
discussion
on specific
with bearing
of capital
implementation
If a given state has a capital punishment
judges
retarded
the
1994, for extended
is focused
emerges.
in which
in the demographics
point
(see Raspberry,
of legal and cultural statutes
to be reflected
repeatedly
impossible
notwithstanding,
of African-Americans
and
punishment, to
considerat excessive
of African-Americans
in the
1994).
Given the prominence
of capital
punishment
and the back of definitive
answers
to several
on the public questions.
there
policy
agenda
is considerable
in the IJSA, scope
for
further geographic research. For example, intra-state geography of capital punishment, conducted at the county level, could demonstrate more clearly than hitherto how variations in prosecutorial discretion and such factors as the election of judges. jury sentencing, bargaining, composition)
the characteristics and the dynamics affect outcomes
of the public defender system, of victim-offender relationships in capital
the prevalence of plea (including their racial
cases.”
Acknowledgements The principal source of execution data utilized in this paper was the Espy File archived at the InterIlniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPSR). The data for Executions in the
KEITHHARKIFS
United States, 1608-198T John
Ortiz
Smykla.
responsibility and
the
for the analyses
the same
caveats
3ate.s. 179G1970 supplied
7;bel+g>~Filewere
Neither
of the
or interpretations
collected
original
data
Coalition
here.
nor
the I)eath
the
Another
Economic,
file ICPSR 0003).
to Abolish
and prepared
data
presented
Historical, Demographic,
apply:
(Machine-readable
by the National
originally
collector
493 by M. Watt Espy and Consortium
and Social
any
Data: 7be United
Data on executions
Penalty.
bears
ICPSR file was also used.
Washington,
since
1987 were
DC.
Notes 1. Most longitudinal
analyses
2. The first actual
apply
execution
to the period
3. The figure of I4 570 executions/379 relatively 4. The
large,
issue
the
hut some
data are more
recent.
years = 38.4 per year. Given that the base population
the population-adjusted
of
1786-1985.
was in 1977.
relationship
rate is very small compared
between
execution
and
with previous
gender
was
is now
centuries.
discussed
in Harries
(1992h). 5. Interest
in the possible
media
and
indicated
effects
community.
that the reintroduction
significant
recluction
6. F(q2lre 2 includes 7. Various
of capital
of capital
in homicide.
punishment
See, for example. punishment
However,
stranger
jurisdiction
of federal
the number
are committed
\J.ould single
out Indian
note that it was highly link between 8. Visually,
death
penalty
of federal
alcohol
execution
by Indians murder
unlikely
homicides
laws proposed
offenses
eligible
in the popular Their
produced
research
no statistically
increased.
counties,
frequencies
maps
with
in recent
would
years would
punishment.
Hentoff
prosecuted
As a result [proposed
for the special
that such changes
in Congress
for capital
of all murders
on reservations.
defendants
and violence
large western
choropleth
both
et al. (1994).
in Oklahoma
(1989) have noted that ‘more than 50 percent
Sands
continues,
Cochran
all l-1 570 c‘ases.
reincarnations
h;~ve increased
their
deterrent
the research
sentence
within
changes
of death.’
have any deterrent
and
federal
in the law1
They went
on to
effect owing
to thr
on reservations.
notably
would
San Bernardino
warrant.
variations
in
This
sizes
in Cahfornia,
is merely
of
their
are more
an expression
statistical
obtrusive
than
of the caveat
areas
should
be
that
viewed
cautiolisly. from Figure 2. lvhich
9. This differs crude
10. Note that the time (horizontal) of California), 1 I.
of a strong
SIIFI.22 September 13altimore
consists
officers
at public
housing
government
region
of 15 states
1.3. Thc~ issue I-t. Mayor
and Fi@rrc I.3 (dashed
raw frequencies.
line), a
Dixon
I(,. I:xecution decennial
census
19.20 population
were
relationship
frlr from perfectly
week,
Maryland between
and adopted
part
in the Hultitnwe
to the shooting
of an outbreak
of two
of firearm-relatecl
otherwise
indicated.
Thus the South
ancl Oklahoma. homicide
if each retributive
DC since
by ‘attaching‘
and
execution
is explored
surname:
in more
Kelly.
1957 (Harriston,
execution
frequencies
1992). in a given
cIosCst to that year. Thus rates for 1916 to 1925 were
of 106 million,
it provides
her huslxmd‘s
in Washington,
calculated
population
happen
oversimplification.
may be found
with responses
are used here unless
I)elaware.
flomicide
year. (See .Sourc-es‘ In the caption 17. This would
penalty
dealing
(1992a).
had occurred
rates
of the death
articles
developmenrh. definitions
later married
15. No execution
featured
(with the exception
differ.
in the preceding
including
of the regional
in Harries
in tfdch part of F&w-e 7 are identical scales
plea for exercise
1992. which
Cit) police
violence IL. Federal
scales
but the rate (vertical)
A good example
detail
represented
rate for the total population.
rates v.‘ere as published
in official
year
lo the
based
on the
sources
for each
to Figure 7.1
homicide
were
to lead
:I base for comparative the system
has been
to an execution purposes
in any given
While
and a crude
this is an absurd indication
year in the 20th century
of how
494
The last walk: a ge0grapb.y of execution in the United States, 17861985
18. Although Washington, DC is not a state, it aspires to attain statehood and will be treated as a state for the purpose of this discussion. 19. Maryland law in 1961 provided for the death penalty for six separate offenses: assault with intent to rape, rape, carnal knowledge of a child under 14, kidnapping, kidnapping a child under 16, first-degree murder (State of Maryland, 1993: 3). 20. These jurisdictions are the 23 counties plus Baltimore City. 21. The Virginia capital statute ‘closely resembles’ the Texas statute. Texas leads in post-Furman executions with more than 60. Some observers have attributed this in part to the weakness of the public defender system in Texas (State of Maryland, 1993: 131,13h). 22. For further discussion of these factors in a geographic context. see Harries and Rrunn (1078).