The New England fishing economy; jobs, income, and kinship

The New England fishing economy; jobs, income, and kinship

Ocean & Shoreline Management 11 (1988) 493-495 B o o k Review The New England Fishing Economy; Jobs, Income, and Kinship by Peter B. Doeringer, Phili...

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Ocean & Shoreline Management 11 (1988) 493-495

B o o k Review The New England Fishing Economy; Jobs, Income, and Kinship by Peter B. Doeringer, Philip I. Moss & David G. Terkla. The University of Massachusetts Press, Amherst, USA, 1986. viii+ 147pp. Price: US $22.50. 'This book is the product of team research begun in the late spring of 1982 to determine how a shift in the United States-Canadian fishing boundary would affect socioeconomic conditions in New England.' (p. vii). Many people were involved in the research and the preparation of this report, and they have produced an interesting, useful and, in some respects, unusual book. The introduction presents background material on declining industries, the structure of the New England fishing industry and this study itself. Part One consists of three chapters that analyze, respectively, New England's fishing industry; the fishing industry in Gloucester and New Bedford, Massachusetts, the most important fishing ports of the region; and employment factors in the fishing and fish processing industries. Part Two surveys adjustment to economic change in these industries. Two chapters cover the labor market and alternatives for the workers to fishing and processing. The final chapter summarizes and analyzes the foregoing material. Some excerpts from this chapter will serve as a precis of the report as a whole. 'The picture that emerges is of an industry dependent upon a fluctuating resource that has been subject to a large number of economic shocks over the last few decades.' (p. 118). ' . . . the presence of significant ethnic groups in both parts--Italians in Gloucester and Portuguese in New Bedford--has resulted in opportunities for new immigrants to enter the industry.' (p. 118). 'Because of ethnic and other institutional distinctions, two types of employment systems can be identified in the fishing industry--kinship and capitalist---each with different implications for adjustment' (p. 119). 'This ability to expand easily the employment of experienced and productive crewmen during good times by underemploying these 493 Ocean & Shoreline Management (U) ( 1 9 8 8 ) @ 1988 Elsevier Science Publishers Ltd, England. Printed in Northern Ireland

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resources in bad times gives the kinship system a competitive edge, which helps explain its growing importance in the industry.' (pp. 119-20). 'These findings suggest that there are a wider variety of margins for labor market adjustment, and therefore a more complex set of labor market consequences of change, in industries with a major small-business component than in sectors dominated by medium- and large-scale enterprises.' (p. 121). 'The most important implication of this study for labor market adjustment is that the institutional features of employment and pay systems in an industry have important consequences both for how adjustment to economic change occurs and for which workers bear the brunt of these adjustments.' (pp. 121-2). 'Any movement of labor from fishing to other industries because of a decline in catch is likely to be more difficult in the fishing sector than in the processing sector. (p. 123). 'During a downturn, it is unlikely that much adjustment will take place through the outmigration of fishermen or processing workers from Gloucester or New Bedford.' (p. 123). 'This focus on controlling fishing effort, to the neglect of the impact of regulation on jobs and income, implicitly assumes perfect mobility of resources into and out of the fishing sector. This study demonstrates that this assumption is often incorrect.' (p. 124). 'Our findings suggest that if current management approaches are continued catch allowances should be more liberal than what would be efficient under an assumption of perfect resource mobility.' (p. 125). 'The research findings also highlight the complementarity between the efficiency objectives of fisheries management policy and local economic development policies.' (p. 125). 'Our findings are likely to apply to fisheries outside of New England as well as to the specific ports we have studied.' (p. 125). 'Our findings about the economic performance of kinship vessels in the New England fishing industry support the hypothesis that collective institutions have economic advantages over capitalist institutions.' (p. 128). 'This book is more than an assessment of economic change in New England's major fishing ports. It represents a first step in defining the differences in adjustment processes found in industries dominated by small-scale enterprises. In addition, it serves as a general blueprint for local policy research which would be useful to both scholars and practitioners in the field of economic planning and development.' (p. 129). Although this last claim may be somewhat overblown, this study is

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unique and valuable in that it blends sociological, economic, historical and geographical approaches in the examination of a major regional industry, and some of its techniques, discoveries, conclusions and recommendations can be applied elsewhere. It will be interesting to see how these hold up in the face of new and more expensive fishing technologies, growing popularity of non-traditional species not found in the northwest Atlantic, growing competition from Canadian fishermen and other new factors. Meanwhile, this book is valuable and its findings may well outlast its recommendations. Martin Ira Glassner