The note of discord: Examining educational perspectives between teachers and Korean parents in the U. S.

Teaching and Teacher Education 26 (2010) 497–506

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The note of discord: Examining educational perspectives between teachers and Korean parents in the U. S.q Kyee Yum Kwon a, *, Younjung Suh a, Yoo-Seon Bang b, Jeesun Jung c, Seungho Moon a a

Department of Curriculum and Teaching, Teachers College, Columbia University 525 West 120th St. New York, NY 10027, USA Korea University, Anam-Dong, Sungbuk-Gu, Seoul, Korea, 136-701 c Department of Early Childhood Education, School of Human and Consumer Sciences, Ohio University, W 317, Grover Center, Athens, OH 45701, USA b

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 11 November 2008 Received in revised form 22 April 2009 Accepted 9 June 2009

This study examined and compared the educational perspectives of Korean parents of elementary school students and their teachers. 430 parents and 143 teachers in the New York metropolitan area participated in the survey and 16 teachers, administrators, and parents were interviewed. The findings indicated that the teachers not only misunderstood the parents’ perspectives on the goals of schooling, but also underestimated the parents’ ways of supporting their children’s education. Regarding the current school/teacher practices, the two groups also expressed different perspectives. We discussed the urgency of educators’ critical reflection on diverse cultures and the considerations for increasing parents’ school involvement. Ó 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Multicultural education Teacher beliefs Minority parents Culturally responsive teaching Parental involvement Cultural gap

1. Introduction ‘‘Last September, I had to spend more than a week to get my son’s school supplies. Although the list of school supplies was simple, I was afraid that I might not get what the teacher expected.’’ These are a Korean mother’s words whose son attended a public elementary school. She has been really frustrated not only in getting school supplies but also in finding supports for her son’s education. She was not confident of her role as a supportive parent. This interview excerpt illustrates that the mother’s fear originated from her thinking that she was not supporting her child’s education due to her lack of understanding about American education system. While parents try to understand teachers’ expectations, how do teachers, who are dealing with culturally diverse students, attempt to understand parents’ expectations? How do teachers perceive diverse ethnic parents’ efforts to support their children’s education and get involved in school activities?

q The paper is adapted from a presentation made at AERA (American Educational Research Association) in 2008. * Corresponding author. Postal address: 202 12th Street #6, Palisades Park, NJ 07650, USA. Tel.: þ1 201 543 3710; fax: þ1 212 678 4170 E-mail addresses: [email protected] (K.Y. Kwon), [email protected] (Y. Suh), [email protected] (Y.-S. Bang), [email protected] (J. Jung), sm2524@ columbia.edu (S. Moon). 0742-051X/$ – see front matter Ó 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.tate.2009.06.008

Demographically, America is becoming more racially diverse; in some states (e.g., New York, California, Mississippi, and Texas) students of color constitute more than half of the student population (Chinn & Gollnick, 2005). In contrast, the teaching force is still predominantly from European American culture (Goodwin, 2002; Sleeter, 2001, 2008). This changing school demographic pattern has created a growing disparity and a cultural gap between teachers and the students they teach. Under these circumstances, culturally responsive pedagogy has become a natural calling for teachers to meet a daunting array of educational needs of their students (Brunetti, 2006; Walker-Dalhouse, 2005). The literature shows that culturally responsive teaching apparently influences students’ achievement (Gay, 2002; Kim, 2002) and school experiences, such as self-esteem, motivation, retention, and identity (Lau, 2003; Wlodkowski & Ginsberg, 1995). Subsequently, teacher education has emphasized culturally responsive teaching through knowledge about cultural diversity, cultural caring, active communication with diverse families and communities, awareness of their own culture, and self-reflection on their beliefs and practices (Cochran-Smith, 1995; LadsonBillings, 2001; Nieto, 2000). Researchers have examined effective teaching of students with diverse backgrounds (Cooper, 2003), teachers’ attitudes toward students of color and their families (DeCastro-Ambrosetti & Cho, 2005), teachers’ experiences with diverse ethnic families (Sheets,

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2003), and teachers’ perceptions1 of immigrant parents’ school involvement (Dunlap & Alva, 1999; Huss-Keeler, 1997). Unfortunately, the vast majority of these studies showed teachers’ limited cultural knowledge of diverse populations and prevalent misunderstandings about immigrant parents’ educational perspectives, which in turn hinder the success of linguistically and culturally diverse students in the American education system. These results indicate a need for teachers to reflect more critically on their own beliefs and practices regarding culturally and linguistically diverse students and to build a bridge between the students’ experiences at home and at school by listening to and taking seriously the words and concerns of immigrant parents. Despite the growing emphasis on research pertaining to teachers’ cultural awareness and a mutual understanding among teachers, families, and communities, some ethnic/racial groups are still poorly understood. Asian Americans are particularly ‘‘invisible’’ in the discourse of multicultural education in spite of their sizable growth (Goodwin, Genishi, Asher, & Woo, 1997; Ng, Lee, & Pak, 2007). A single formula for Asian American groups as a whole does not provide cultural-specific description and thus, national origin is a more useful tool for describing minorities in the U. S. (Hodgkinson, 2002; Kim, Omizo, & Slavador, 1996). Within these sociohistorical contexts, this study specifically targets Korean2 students. According to the United States Census Bureau, Korean Americans are one of the fastest growing Asian American groups (Kim, 2002). The rapid growth of the Korean immigrant population has resulted in an increasing number of school-aged second generation students. Nevertheless, Korean children have been underrepresented in educational research due to the misleading ‘‘model minority’’ stereotype (Yeh et al., 2005). This has led the general public and educators to the stereotypical belief that all Asian American students are academically high achievers, have no or few emotional and adaptive problems, and consequently, achieve higher socio-economic positions (Futoshi, 1999). As a result, these students’ and families’ needs and concerns are relatively less supported by the school system and often marginalized in the arena of educational research (Lew, 2004). Under these circumstances, few studies have addressed Korean students’ educational needs and familial involvement. However, some research findings indicate that Korean students and families are experiencing severe difficulties and need systematic support from school personnel (Ganahl, Ge, & Kim, 2003; Lew, 2004). But, researchers have rarely examined teachers’ perspectives on Korean students and their families. In order for teachers and Korean families to build a cooperative learning community for Korean students, understanding each others’ perspectives should be preceded (Banks, 2006; Dyson, 2001). Cooperative working with families is particularly important for elementary school children who are unfamiliar with the English language and American school system and consequently need additional educational support from both home and school (Dyson, 2001). Considering such importance, this study aims to investigate the similarities and differences in educational perspectives of Korean parents of elementary children and their teachers. By focusing on the differences between the two groups rather than the similarities of the groups, we hope to provide some insights for teachers, administrators, and teacher educators to better meet diverse ethnic families’ and students’ needs.

1 According to Pajares (1992), the words, beliefs, views, perspectives, and perceptions have been used interchangeably in the field of education. Although we acknowledge the subtle differences in these terms, we will use these terms interchangeably in this study to avoid the repetition of the same term. 2 In this research, Korean refers all Koreans who are currently living in the U. S. regardless of their citizenship.

2. Methodology We used a mixed method of survey and in-depth individual interviews in order to explore both the general perspectives and the detailed experiences of teachers and Korean parents (Creswell, 2002). This mixed method allowed us not only to capture broad pictures of the teachers’ and the Korean parents’ educational beliefs but also to hear vivid voices from the two groups. 2.1. Instruments The survey questionnaires for parents and teachers were developed by the researchers during 2006–2007. Initially, we developed most items in the questionnaires based on the review of related literature and hearing specific concerns and interests from individual parents and teachers. The initial versions of the questionnaires were reviewed by peers and modified several times. Then, all items in the questionnaires were tested with a similar sample population of teachers and Korean parents in order to exam bias, sequence, clarity, and validity. Throughout the process, the final versions, which contained 65 questions for Korean parents and 64 questions for elementary school teachers, were confirmed and used for this study. The parents’ questionnaire was composed of three sections: (1) general educational view, (2) satisfaction with current school/teacher, and (3) beliefs and practices regarding school involvement. It was written in both Korean and English so that the parent participants could choose the version they preferred. The teacher questionnaire was written in English and composed of two sections: (a) teachers’ perceptions about Korean parents’ educational views and (b) their own beliefs and practices regarding educating diverse students. In addition, guiding questions for the interviews with teachers, administrators, and Korean parents were developed based on an initial analysis of the surveys. In order to get richer data, these questions were focused on the interviewees’ detailed personal experiences. 2.2. Participants The participants in the survey were 430 Korean parents and 143 teachers from five public elementary schools in the New York metropolitan area. For the selection of the survey participants, first, we sent an invitation letter to the principals of public elementary schools where had at least 20% of Korean student among the entire student population. We only targeted public schools in order to exclude parents and teachers in private schools who might have different opinions about education due to their religious beliefs or socio-economic status. As a result, five public school principals actively volunteered to participate in the study; the principals were asked to distribute the questionnaires to their teachers and the Korean parents. Only fully responded questionnaires were counted as the participants for the survey. Table 1 summarizes the demographic information about the survey participants. The Korean parent participants were diverse in terms of their SES, immigration status, and their length of residency in the U. S. Since our focus was not the differences among the parents, we did not divide the parents into the sub-categories. In the case of the teacher participants, although their educational degree and teaching experience were varied, almost 90% of the teachers defined their ethnicity as White. Such demographics reflect the perennial problem of the predominance of White in teaching force versus increasing diversity in student population. At the end of the survey, all participants were asked to voluntarily participate in an individual interview. Among the volunteered individuals, the teacher participants of these interviews were purposefully selected based on their experiences with Korean

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Table 1 Survey participants. Korean parents

Teachers

Number of participants

430

Number of participants

Immigration For parents’ study For child’s study For business Others

62.6% 9.4% 6.4% 12.6% 9.0%

Educational degree

Annual net income

Under 35K 35K-65K Up to 65K

22.5% 40.9% 36.6%

Length of residency in the U. S.

Less than 3 years 3–9 years Over 10 years

25.5% 33.1% 41.4%

Reason in the U. S.

students, their willingness, and their school districts. Korean parents were selected to include as diverse a group as possible, drawing on different socio-economic groups and different participant schools. Their length of residency in the U. S. and immigration status were also considered. As a result, four teachers, four administrators, and eight Korean parents participated in the interviews. 2.3. Data collection and analysis The questionnaires were distributed in the volunteered schools and collected via a home-to-school mailing systems for the parents and the individual mailboxes for the teachers from spring 2007 to spring 2008. We assured confidentiality by using enclosed envelopes: this method may help the parents and the teachers to feel secure about their responses. The return rates of the questionnaires for Korean parents and teachers were 63% and 32% respectively. Semi-structured individual interviews with teachers, administrators, and Korean parents were conducted to obtain in-depth information about individual participants’ perspectives. Although some guiding questions were prepared, many questions were spontaneously added based on the interviewees’ responses. By doing so, the interviewees’ detailed personal experiences were heard. Each interview with school personnel or a parent lasted 60– 90 min and was audio-recorded for later analysis. Data analysis was focused on the differences and similarities in the perspectives of the parents and the teachers. Each question from the questionnaires was coded and analyzed, using SPSS 12.0. For the analysis of the individual interviews, we coded and analyzed the transcribed interviews to identify the emerging themes (Glaser & Strauss, 1999). Then, the themes were compared and contrasted with the responses from the survey. Among them, three major themes reflecting differences between the perspectives of the Korean parents and the teachers are discussed.

Table 2 The goals of schooling. Given choices

Korean parents (Ranking)

Teachers (Ranking)

High academic achievement (e.g., GPA, standardized test score, etc) English literacy and understanding of American culture Character development (Moral and social development) Critical and creative thinking and aesthetic appreciation Independent learning habits Cultural identity formation

6

4

4 1 3 2 5

5 1 3 2 6

143 Bachelor Master Doctorate

25.6% 73.6% 0.8%

Teaching experience

Less than 3 years 4–10 years Over 10 years

13.7% 28.7% 57.6%

Ethnicity

White Asian/Pacific Islander Hispanic African American

89.4% 7.6% 2.3% 0.8%

3. Results: The note of discord The survey and interview findings showed that there were discrepancies among the teachers’ perceptions about Korean parents’ educational beliefs, the Korean parents’ actual beliefs, and the teachers’ own beliefs. First of all, the teachers misinterpreted the Korean parents’ views on educational goals and expectations about their children’s academic achievement. Also, the Korean parents’ ways of supporting their children’s education, which include parental roles and school involvement, were misunderstood or underestimated by the teachers. Furthermore, there were differences between Korean parents’ views and those of teachers on the current school/teacher practices regarding the schools’/ teachers’ efforts for diverse groups and awareness of school injustice.

3.1. Views on the goals of schooling and academic achievement The study findings showed that the teachers misunderstood Korean parents’ perspectives about educational goals and academic achievement. Although the teachers and the Korean parents had similar perspectives on the goals of schooling, the teachers believed that the Korean parents might strongly emphasize the children’s academic achievement. As shown in Table 2, both groups granted priority to the development of the children’s moral and social characteristics, critical and creative thinking, and independent learning habits as the major goals of schooling. The parents ranked high academic achievement as the last on the list. However, most of teachers seemed to assume that the Korean parents emphasized academic achievement and such emphasis led them to send their children to Hagwon.3 In contrast, Table 3 shows that the Korean parents have different beliefs from the teachers’ assumptions. The issues of entering prestigious universities and the emphasis on private tutoring were good examples of the disparity between the teachers’ and the parents’ perspectives on student achievement. 64.4% of the teachers believed that Korean parents would highly value their children entering prestigious universities, whereas less than half of the parents (45.8%) agreed that it is important. In fact, none of the parents ranked the reputation of universities as the most important factor when they were asked about considerable factors for their children’s university education.

3 For Koreans, all kinds of private institutions except schools are called Hagwon regardless of its academic or non-academic orientations. However, many teachers in the study seemed to consider Hagwon as academic institutions. Such misunderstanding was explained in the text.

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Such beliefs limited the conversational topics. One Korean mother, Park said:

Table 3 Key results regarding academic aspirations. Questions

Korean Parents

Teachers Korean parents seem to believe

I (teacher) believe

Entering prestigious university directly leads to one’s future social success in the U. S.

Yes (45.8%) No (42.1%) Not sure (12.1%)

Yes (64.4%) No (2.7%) Not sure (32.9%)

Yes (29.2%) No (53.1%) Not sure (17.7%)

Private tutoring or Hagwon is imperative to succeed in school.

Yes (47.8%) No (34.3%) Not sure (17.9%)

Yes (78.3%) No (4.9%) Not sure (16.8%)

Yes (4.2%) No (86.0%) Not sure (9.8%)

In addition, the teachers were under a misapprehension about the need of additional academic supports. Most teachers (78.3%) assumed that Korean parents would consider private tutoring or Hagwon as an efficient way of successful schooling. To the contrary, only less than a half of the parents (47.8%) agreed with the importance of Hagwon in terms of their children’s success in schools. During the interviews with the Korean mothers, they explained that Hagwon was not necessarily focused on academic achievement. Some Korean mothers said that they sent their children to Hagwon because they needed someone to take care of their children while they worked late at night. Lim, who was a former president of the Korean Parent Association (KPA4) in an elementary school, stated, ‘‘Many Korean mothers believe it’s just a little bit better than babysitting. In the case of a working mom, there is. no choice but to send kids to Hagwon.’’ Cho, a working mother, also said, ‘‘I want my kids have fun at Hagwon. I feel so bad, but I don’t have time to take care of my kids due to work.’’ In fact, there were many other reasons why Korean parents send their children to Hagwon such as ‘‘socializing,’’ ‘‘babysitting,’’ ‘‘extra curricular activities,’’ and ‘‘learning English.’’ For instance, Kim said, ‘‘I send my girl to Hagwon for piano and painting. My friend sends her boy to a martial art Hagwon. Many mothers want their children to learn extra-curricular subjects.’’ As such, broad concepts of Hagwon possibly caused a misunderstanding in American teachers. The following interview with a teacher indicated that there was a lack of the teachers’ understanding of Korean parents’ educational aspirations. One teacher, Susan, said, ‘‘Korean parents seem to think of the academic educational needs for their children as a big priority. They tend to accentuate the academics and they do not accentuate appropriate behavior in the classroom.’’ However, only 5.2% of the Korean parents referred to academic achievement as the most important goal of their children’s education. More than half of the Korean parents (60.9%) highlighted moral and social development to be the first and second important goal of their children’s education. Additionally, the Korean parents put the least priority on getting a tutor or attending Hagwon as a way of supporting their children’s schooling. The existence of language barriers and cultural differences was also suggested as a possible reason for the mismatch. Due to their limited English proficiency, many Korean parents hesitated to initiate a conversation with teachers. Also, many Koreans were not comfortable talking about non-academic issues with teachers because they believed that they had to respect teacher authority.

4 Korean parents association existed in many schools, which had a large Korean student population, but was not officially recognized by schools. It was called by many different names such as Korean Parent Association, Korean Parent Group, and Korean Parent Advisory Council. However, in this paper, we will call it KPA.

Other American mothers seem to have conversations with teachers on diverse topics. They talk about football games, local issues, family events, and even political issues. But I can’t. First of all, due to my limited English I can introduce only limited topics; so, what I’m always talking about is my kid’s score, school life, and so on. It may cause the teacher to consider me to be a very academic-centered mom. In addition, even if I can speak English fluently, it wouldn’t be easy. As a Korean. in Korean culture, it [having conversations with teachers with diverse topics besides my child’s academic and behavioral issues] is unfamiliar. We don’t do that. In accord with the mother’s opinion, a principal, Debora stated that the depth of dialogue between Korean parents and teachers was limited. According to her, ‘‘the conversations are more superficial.. They [Korean parents and teacher] are not really talking.’’ As a result, such limited conversations between the parents and the teachers seemed to cause the teachers’ misunderstandings about the parents’ beliefs. In terms of academic achievement, the study findings indicated that a majority of the teachers and administrators perceived that Korean parents want their children to be high achievers, while the Korean parents’ beliefs about academic achievement appeared to be varied. This disparity suggests that Korean parents’ perspectives on their children’s academic achievement should not be simply understood based on the ‘‘model minority’’ stereotype (Futoshi, 1999; Yeh et al., 2005). Under this stereotype, Asian parents’ strong educational aspirations and pressure for their children’s academic success have been considered as a main source of maintaining the stereotype (Asher, 2002; Lee, 1996). The teachers in this study also seem to hold a similar stereotypic belief regarding the Korean parents’ educational aspirations. However, such stereotypic beliefs about a group should be replaced with an understanding of individual differences and respecting and celebrating diversity among members of the same ethnic group (Genishi & Goodwin, 2008; Sleeter, 2008; Theilheimer, 2001).

3.2. Ways of supporting children’s education Different perceptions about parental roles in education and school involvement were the cause of another significant dissonance between the Korean parents and the teachers. The teachers underestimated Korean parents’ efforts to support their children’s education and had low expectations about the parents’ school involvement. 3.2.1. Parental roles in education Although many Korean parents recognized the importance of parental roles in their children’s education and tried to participate in various ways, most of the teachers did not appear to notice the parents’ awareness of their responsibility and their actual efforts. Table 4 clearly shows such dissonant results. More than half of Korean parents (51.4%) agreed on the prior role of responsibility of parents in their children’s adjustment in school, whereas few teachers (12.0%) assumed that Korean parents accepted that responsibility. In terms of parents’ assistance with students’ homework, most Korean parents (95.1%) perceived it as their responsibility, but only about half of the teachers (53.8%) answered Korean parents perceived that responsibility. In addition, 71.7% of the participant teachers doubted if Korean parents read the school letters and announcements, while 94.1% of the parents responded they actually read those announcements.

K.Y. Kwon et al. / Teaching and Teacher Education 26 (2010) 497–506 Table 4 Key results regarding parental roles. Questions

Korean parents Teachers Korean parents I (teacher) seem to (believe) believe

It’s entirely up to parents how fast their children adjust to American school system.

Yes (51.4%) No (44.0%) Not sure (4.6%)

Yes (12.0%) No (42.9%) Not sure (45.1%)

Yes (50.4%) No (30.7%) Not sure (18.9%)

Parents have to help and support heir children’s homework

Yes (95.1%) No (2.6%) Not sure (2.3%)

Yes (53.8%) No (17.5%) Not sure (28.7%)

Yes (92.3%) No (4.2%) Not sure (3.5%)

I (Korean parents) read all the school letters and announcement.

Yes (94.1%) No (3.1%) Not sure (2.8%)

Yes (28.3%) No (21.3%) Not sure (50.4%)

As shown in Table 4, however, the teachers and the parents reported almost same beliefs regarding parental roles; the disparity existed between the teachers’ perceptions toward Korean parents’ beliefs and the Korean parents’ own beliefs. It implies that although Korean parents have great concerns about their children’s education, their ways of expressing their concerns and responsibilities were not the same ways as the teachers expected. In this study, most teachers in the interviews commonly listed some specific actions such as attending parent-teacher conferences, volunteering in school works, and communicating with teachers as ideal behavior for parents. Rather than paying attention to diverse ways of practicing parental roles, they seemed to believe that all parents should support their children’s education in the ‘‘conventional way’’ (Delgado-Gaitan, 1992). During the interview, a principal, Emily, insisted that Korean parents should support their children in the ‘‘same way as other cultures’’ because schools and teachers have certain expectations of all parents. Such a normative expectation often makes teachers overlook diverse ethnic parents’ interests in their children’s education, which consequently leads them to the false conclusion, ‘‘the lack of interest in their children’s education’’ (DeCastro-Ambrosetti & Cho, 2005; De Gaetano, 2007; Huss-Keeler, 1997). Unfortunately, 21.7% of the teachers in this study also considered that Korean parents’ lack of interest in their children’s education caused problems in furthering their children’s education and collaborating with teachers. However, a Korean mother, Cho claimed that in spite of her busy working schedule, she was never indifferent to her children’s education. She said ‘‘I feel so guilty about my kids. I don’t have enough time to help my children with their homework or to visit their school often. However, I try to have conversations with them as often as I can. Asking about their school life. talking about teachers and friends.’’ In fact, many Korean parents (65.1%) rated having a conversation with the children as the most effective way of supporting their children’s schooling. Other ways such as providing diverse experiences (14.4%) and helping the children to prepare/ review lessons (15.7%) were also top-ranked. As many researchers pointed out, immigrant parents often relied on different ways of supporting their children’s education stemming from their cultures (Chavkin, 1993; Delgado-Gaitan, 1992). Our findings show that the Korean parents also have a high sense of responsibility about their children’s education, but their efforts do not seem visible to many teachers or are not appreciated by the teachers because their support is done in different ways from what the teachers are familiar with. Educators should be aware that ‘‘Immigrant parents want the opportunity to exercise their parental role in society and at school’’ (Genishi & Goodwin, 2008, p. 144). Teachers and schools need to open up dialogue with parents about diverse ways of playing parental roles.

501

3.2.2. Parents’ school involvement Another mismatch between the perception of the teachers and the parents was reflected in the level of satisfaction regarding Korean parents’ school involvement. Such a mismatch is outlined in Table 5. The findings showed that the teachers were more satisfied with Korean parents’ school involvement compared to the level of Korean parents’ satisfaction. About half of the teachers thought that Korean parents were actively involved in school event (47.6%) and volunteering work (46.0%). A principal, Amy, said that ‘‘They are very, very involved. Sometimes, not all parents are involved, but my Korean parents are very involved, which they should be, which is very good.’’ This statement contrasts with Korean parents’ responses. Only 36.2% of the parents believed they participated in school events, and 19.8% of the parents stated that they were contributing as school volunteers. Consistent with previous studies about immigrant parents (Halsey, 2005; Lawson, 2003; Lightfoot, 2004), this discrepancy of parental school involvement implies that teachers have less expectation for diverse ethnic parents’ school involvement. Having low expectations for Korean parents’ school involvement was clear in most interviews with the teachers and the administrators. The school personnel considered parent involvement as presence in school, volunteering, and aiding school works. According to a superintendent, Alex, ‘‘People are very busy with their lives.I think it [involving many activities] is just too much for them.’’ Another administrator, Debora, frequently used the word, ‘‘presence’’ when she expressed her satisfaction with Korean parents’ school involvement. For example, ‘‘They are very much of a presence in our school.. I think that having some presence is very important. [Being] in the school is important.’’ In contrast, the Korean parents were not satisfied with their own school involvement. In the interviews with Korean parents, most Korean mothers expressed their feeling of guilt for not actively participating in schools. They commonly believed they were not doing well. Some parents were ashamed of being less involved in the schools although the parents have regularly participated in PTA/PTO, volunteering, and other school events. A Korean mother, Yoon, said: I visit the school a couple of times per month. Sometimes I went to school events such as book sales, PTO, and teacher’s day, and sometimes I help or volunteer for school work. However, I feel it’s not enough parent involvement. I should pay. at least, a weekly visit to school. I think I could do more volunteer work if I had more time. Table 5 Key results regarding school involvement. Questions

Korean parents

Teachers Korean parents seem to

I (Korean parents) actually participate in most of the school events.

Yes (36.2%) Yes (47.6%) No (49.7%) No (18.4%) Not sure (14.1%) Not sure (34.0%)

I (Korean parents) actually participate in the school volunteer work.

Yes (19.8%) Yes (46.0%) No (61.9%) No (22.3%) Not sure (18.3%) Not sure (31.7%)

I (teacher) believe

Parents should have the Yes (61.6%) right to participate in No (12.9%) school policy choices Not sure (25.5%) (textbook selection, the employment of teachers).

Yes (25.5%) No (53.2%) Not sure (21.3%)

Parents should have the right to evaluate the school administrators and the teachers.

Yes (36.1%) No (41.9%) Not sure (22.0%)

Yes (74.8%) No (4.5%) Not sure (20.7%)

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In fact, 47.6% of the Korean parents agreed that PTA activities positively contribute to improve the quality of education in the school. Also, about 67% of the Korean parents considered participation in PTA/PTO and school events as a parents’ obligation. This discrepancy about school involvement becomes more salient with parents’ rights in school policy. Many Korean parents believed that they should have the right to participate in school policy choices (61.6%) as well as to evaluate the school administrators and the teachers (74.8%). In contrast, most teachers believed parents did not have the right to participate in school policy such as book selection (74.5%) and evaluation of school personnel (63.9%). One teacher, Amy, said in the interview ‘‘What do they know about picking school textbooks? They are not knowledgeable in education and know what needs to be covered.’’ In reality, parents do not have the legal rights; but the results imply that the parents have strong interests in the curriculum contents and are willing to participate in school policies. In the interview with the staff of the KPA, it was clear that some Korean parents have actually tried to participate in the school decision making processes. Suh, a staff member, said that many Korean parents were upset when most of the songs in a school concert were folk songs of a specific ethnic group. After the event, a group of Korean parents discussed the matter and attempted to change it. As a result, the school accepted the parents’ opinion and more diverse songs were played in the school concert next year. Such examples and the survey results show that the Korean parents have high expectations regarding their school involvement, including the school policy level. While recognizing the importance of school involvement and having high expectations of their involvement, the parents seemed to regret being unable to be more active. In terms of actual participation, the Korean parents seemed to have many difficulties. Most notably, English was the major barrier. Although many teachers believed the school made enough efforts to provide sufficient information about children’s schooling (89.5%) and assistance for parents with limited English (88.7%), the majority of the Korean parents felt there was lack of information (56.3%) and assistance for their limited English (68.3%). Table 6 presents at-a-glance information about the parents’ feelings of difficulty in communication and involvement. 126 parents among 430 parents (29.1%) ‘‘always’’ felt difficulties in communicating with teachers because of their limited English. Due to the language barrier, the parents felt ‘‘afraid’’ or ‘‘uncomfortable’’ when they needed to visit the school. One Korean mother, Yoon, who regularly participated in school activities, expressed her frustrations as follows: ‘‘I’m scared! Due to my limited English, I cannot express my feelings.’’ According to her, the school arranged for an ESL teacher who was a second generation Korean American when she asked for an interpreter. After the first time of receiving support, however, she stopped asking for that support. The ESL teacher did not seem to speak Korean fluently; so Yoon felt her message was not precisely delivered to the teacher. Moreover, since interpreting was not an obligation of the ESL teacher, Yoon felt sorry about giving the teacher an extra burden. In fact, another Korean ESL teacher, Lee, agreed that it was possible for Korean ESL teachers to resent a burden. In the interview, she said ‘‘When I help Korean parents, it’s not an official [obligation].Some teachers told me I don’t have to do such things because it [translation] is not my job.’’ In fact, many Korean parents reported that they relied on family members (61.8%) or other Korean parents (34.9%) rather than school resources (0.9%), when they needed supports for communicating with schools. Nevertheless, the school administrators and the teachers believed that they provided all necessary support for Korean parents. In addition, they considered support from individual parents or Korean parents’ groups, including the KPA, as more

Table 6 Key results regarding communication and involvement. Questions

Given choices

Korean parents (% or Ranking)

Due to English, have you ever experienced any difficulties in communicating with the school?

Always Often Sometimes Never

29.1% 21.8% 35.9% 13.1%

If yes, to whom did you ask for help?

Spouse or other family members Other Korean parents at the same school Neighbors or friends Helpful Korean community groups Other (including school personnel)

Have you experienced any difficulties in school involvement?

Yes No

If yes, what are the main reasons of the difficulties?

Language barrier Lack of time Cultural difference Lack of understanding of the school system Negative perception about the involvement Lack of interest

1 2 3 4 5 69.3% 30.7% 1 2 3 4 5 6

‘‘official’’ support from the school. An art teacher, Esther said, ‘‘We do have some resources for that. There are parents who are bilingual and help the parents’ communication.’’ Moreover, some teachers and administrators attributed Korean parents’ difficulty to the parents’ feelings. Elisa, a principal of a school with a 40% Korean population, said, ‘‘I do think that people felt intimidated not knowing the predominant language. So that’s just something.’’ One teacher also left a comment on the survey as follows: ‘‘A lot of the language difficulties are self imposed.’’ Consequently, 99.3% of teachers believed that they provided parents with sufficient information about children despite any language barrier; and only 12.0% of teachers were not satisfied with the current communication with Korean parents. However, many Korean parents were dissatisfied with the current communication ways (61.9%) and the provided information (58.4%). Another barrier for Korean parents’ school involvement was the teachers’ lack of cultural awareness. Most teachers (74.7%) did not consider cultural differences as an influential factor for mutual understanding, whereas more than half of Korean parents (55.7%) pointed to cultural differences as barriers for understanding each other. As seen in Table 6, cultural difference was ranked in the third influential factor to hinder the parents’ school involvement. Different from the parents’ acknowledgement of the cultural barrier, the teachers seemed to resist against cultural diversity by claiming unity or transcendence of cultures in education. The following comment on the survey shows how the teachers see diverse student populations: I think it’s counter-productive to keep pulling us [Americans] apart and looking for what each small ethnic group needs, wants, demands, etc. The idea here, in U.S.A., is to meet together and ALL become Americans. We need to assimilate. we all came from other countries; well, our ancestors did, and there were no special PTAs, classes, etc. They should learn English fast! Another teacher wrote, ‘‘I never think of my students as White, Korean, Latino. they are just children.’’ Such comments reveal the

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teachers’ color-blind attitude and their denial of different needs and supports for diverse ethnic groups. As many multicultural education studies point out, educators should be sensitive to what their students bring into the classrooms from the students’ unique cultures (Banks, 1995; Ladson-Billings, 1994; Nieto, 2000). However, most teachers and schools did not appreciate the students’ diverse cultures. The schools’ efforts to integrate diverse cultures into their curriculum remained in a ‘‘celebrating culture’’ level (Banks, 1995); 83.8% of the Korean parents were dissatisfied with this level of cultural awareness. When the teachers and administrators were asked to give examples of culturally integrated curriculum, most of them pointed to only one-time events such as international night and food festival. Additionally, one teacher commented, ‘‘Schools do not consciously make an effort to differentiate among members of Asian culture’’ in spite of the diversity of Asian culture (Ng et al., 2007). Another administrator, Emily, also mentioned, ‘‘I’m not sure if it’s Korean, Chinese, or else.’’ Although most of the parents (90.5%) believed that a culturally responsive curriculum would be helpful for their children, the educators fail to acknowledge such parents’ beliefs. In fact, culture is deeply embedded in one’s beliefs, styles, and attitudes (Nieto, 2000). It was clear that not only language but also cultural differences kept Korean parents from being actively involved in school activities. A Korean mother, Jung, who grew up and was educated in the U.S., claimed ‘‘I believed my kid would have no problem, because he was born in the U.S. and I’m quite familiar with American culture. But, it turns out to be different. I realized culture was embedded in everywhere like toys, songs, even in nursery rhyme.’’ Regarding the teachers’ lack of cultural awareness, a Korean mother, Lim expressed her frustration as follow: Most teachers don’t know and don’t understand Korean culture. When I tried to explain [the cultural differences], some teachers seemed to deny the value of cultural differences or underestimate Korean culture. They seemed to think that we have to follow and assimilate, because we are in America. We believe that cultures are not static but complex and dynamic; it is constantly evolving through the dynamic process of interactions with or within groups (Banks, 2006). Neither do we claim the certain existence of one fixed Korean culture nor ask educators to celebrate specific aspects of visible culture. Rather, we question and problematize the schools’ and teachers’ culturally blinded attitudes and treating culture as static, unchanging, and fragmented one. The results of such attitudes might be hiding themselves from necessary supports for diverse ethnic families/ students and perpetuating stereotypes about different ethnic, cultural, and racial groups. In addition, educators need to rethink the ways of providing supports. In this study, we found that possible supporting methods for diverse ethnic parents were provided only upon the parents’ request which hindered Korean parents from school involvement. The interviews with teachers and administrators revealed that there were few official channels to provide information about the existing support system for parents with limited language. When we asked how schools informed the supporting system to parents, an administrator, Elisa said ‘‘Well, I don’t know if they actually know that. I think that they know that we do have Korean teachers because everyone seems to know.’’ On the contrary, one Korean mother, Cho said ‘‘It’s not until I got some information from other Korean parents that I knew there were Korean translators and ESL teachers in the school.’’ Nevertheless, the schools assume that Korean parents will make a request if necessary. Another administrator, Debora said, ‘‘If that’s the issue, they [parents] might want to make a request.. maybe they’re willing to do that.’’ However, it is not such an easy task for most Korean parents. Rather than

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making a request to official, they preferred to bring their spouse (59.6%), other Korean parents (27.6%), or a friend (10.2%). Only a few parents (2.6%) answered they got help from school resources such as Korean staff or ESL teachers. It means that the existing support system is not effectively made known to the parents. Therefore, schools should more actively and effectively explain their system and re-consider the ways of providing the support. 3.3. Views on the current school and teacher practices There was another conflict regarding how the teachers and the Korean parents perceived the current school and teacher practices. Compared to the parents, the teachers showed higher levels of satisfaction with the current school and teacher practices. Also, the teachers strongly believed there was no discrimination in the schools. However, the parents were skeptical of the fairness of the schools’ and the teachers’ practices. 3.3.1. Schools’/teachers’ efforts for diverse ethnic groups Regarding the schools’ and the teachers’ effort for diverse ethnic parents and students, the satisfaction levels of the Korean parents and the teachers were somewhat different. Table 7 represents the two groups’ different levels of satisfaction. Generally, the teachers were satisfied with their school’s responsiveness to Korean parents’ opinions (95.7%), their own responsiveness (95.7%), the present teacher–parents relationships (63.4%), and their role as a source of sufficient information on student progress (99.3%). These findings were echoed during the interviews with the teachers. An art teacher, Esther, asserted, ‘‘Most of the communications [with Korean parents] are generally harmonious.’’ Another teacher, Amy, also claimed that she provided all necessary information to the parents by sending out packets that contained all the children’s work and the teachers’ reports to the children’s homes every week. She assured, ‘‘The parents know what’s going on.’’ At a school level, most administrators also believed that their schools did their best. A principal, Elisa emphasized how much she was an ‘‘open’’ and ‘‘friendly’’ person. She said, ‘‘As an administrator, my door is open for anyone. Any parent who has a concern I’m able to speak to them. So, we do [our best].’’ In the case of Debora, another administrator, she considered that writing a letter once a year for the KPA’s newsletter provided Korean parents with sufficient information. Debora said: I have done each year a letter that goes in the first Korean parent newsletter so, that is translated into Korean. the letter which invites parents to be a participant in school, to take a role in their children’s education, to ask questions.we have an open door, we are here. So.yes, we absolutely communicate. Table 7 Key results regarding satisfaction with school/teacher practices. Questions

Korean Parents

Teachers

Satisfied with the school’s responsiveness to Korean parents’ opinions.

Yes (38.0%) No (10.1%) Not sure (51.9%)

Yes (95.7%) No (0%) Not sure (4.3%)

Satisfied with the teachers’ responsiveness to Korean parents’ opinions.

Yes (33.7%) No (4.7%) Not sure (61.6%)

Yes (95.7%) No (0%) Not sure (4.3%)

Teachers do their best to provide parents with the sufficient information about the students despite any language barriers that may exist

Yes (41.6%) No (17.0%) Not sure (41.4%)

Yes (99.3%) No (0.7%) Not sure (0%)

The present teacher–parents relationship is close enough to know the problems and issues related to the children’s schooling

Yes (20.0%) No (43.8%) Not sure (36.2%)

Yes (63.4%) No (9.8%) Not sure (26.8%)

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However, it is questionable if Korean parents feel the same way as she does. Although the letter was translated into Koran and published in the Korean parents newsletter, it is only once a year; it might be not enough for the parents who desire broader and deeper communication. Indeed, the Korean parents showed less satisfaction with their schools’ and the teachers’ responsiveness to them (38.0% and 33.7% respectively), their relationship with the teachers (20%), and their teachers as a source of sufficient information on student progress (41.6%). In accord with many previous studies about diverse ethnic parents (Lee, 2005; Ran, 2001; Shannon, 1996), this disparity implies that such diverse ethnic parents’ needs might not be appropriately met at the schools. Therefore, it is necessary for teachers to reflect on their actual practices and diverse ethnic parents’ needs. A principal, Debora, said, ‘‘[S]ometimes having been a long-time teacher, it’s really hard to evaluate yourself and your practice.. Some people [teachers] have a lot of difficulty being selfreflective about just what they do and how they do it.’’ It is important to note that teachers did not appear to believe that they should make extra efforts in providing the parents with information regarding the children’s school lives. However, a Korean mother, Yoon, urges teachers to be more self-reflective. She said: After having some frustrating experiences [with teachers, with interpreters], now, I’m not talking about detailed stories about my kids. If necessary, I think I can get help from someone who can speak both of Korean and English fluently. But I’m not sure. As Dewey (1938/1997) acknowledged the importance of teachers’ reflective practices, many educators have emphasized the importance of reflection and encouraged teachers to closely monitor their actions, evaluate results, and reflect on their own thinking (Pultorak, 1993; Spalding & Wilson, 2002; Weasmer & Woods, 2003). By reflecting on what they do and why they do it, teachers can make meaningful connections between their practices and the social implications of their teaching (Bullough, 1989; Valli, 1990). Critical reflection becomes more crucial in culturally responsive teaching. Teachers must constantly reflect on their practices in order to create equitable learning environments for diverse student populations, increase their multicultural awareness, and effectively collaborate with the students and their families (Bennett, 1995). In spite of many educators’ continuous efforts to prepare culturally responsive teachers, this study’s findings suggest that teachers need to more critically examine their practices and that schools should offer more opportunities to consciously hear from diverse parents. 3.3.2. Awareness of school injustice Regarding the fairness of the schools’ and teachers’ practices, the teachers strongly insisted that they treated all students equally, whereas the Korean parents were skeptical of the school justice. 100% of the teachers answered they had been fair to all the students regardless of the students’ ethnicity. In addition, 92.3% of the teachers were satisfied with their schools’ effort to treat all students fairly. However, only about half of the parents agreed that the schools and the teachers treated the students fairly (45.3% and 58.1% respectively). In the interviews with Korean parents, most of them believed that discrimination existed in the schools. The parents also explained their difficulty in discussing the issue of the fairness in the schools and teachers. One parent, Lim, said: I’m not entirely satisfied with the school and teachers, but I don’t want to make any trouble with teachers. Sometimes I feel discriminated, my child was discriminated. But you know, it’s not easy to complain not because of limited English but the relationship with teachers. I’m afraid that my complaints would

negatively affect the relationship between my child and his teacher. In fact, during the interviews, many Korean parents expressed similar concerns. A Korean ESL teacher, Lee, understood the parents’ concerns. According to her, ‘‘If it’s not your mother country, you would experience discrimination not only in the U.S. but also in any other country. However, I advised parents not to express their feelings because teachers have power.’’ A superintendent, Alex, also responded to this concern. ‘‘A parent almost needs to have a positive feeling toward this adult [teacher]. They’re leaving their child with him or her all day.’’ In most cases, Korean parents have rarely shared their opinion with teachers. One Korean mother of a kindergartner wrote comments on her negative experience at school. ‘‘When my daughter brought a Korean snack to school, the teacher did not allow her to have it. I was offended, but I did not talk about it with the teacher.’’ Often Korean parents’ voices are silenced. Many educators have expressed concerns about White teachers’ fear of discussing race and racism in schools (Banks, 2006; Gay, 2002; Howard & Aleman, 2008; Jacobowitz & Michelli, 2008; Sleeter, 2008). If no teacher doubts their schools’ and their own practices regarding fairness and educational justice, there is no incentive for developing a more equitable learning environment. As a means of denying racism in schools and turning away from diverse ethnic groups’ differential needs, teachers’ color-blindness is a prevalent attitude in the field (Banks, 2006; Irvine, 2008; Sleeter, 2008). Based on the survey comments and the interviews with teachers, it is clear that there exists color-blindness among the teachers in this study. For example, one teacher wrote, ‘‘I do not differentiate instruction based on ethnicity. All I care about is a child’s understanding.’’ By saying ‘‘I don’t care what color they are, what ethnicity they are.’’ an administrator, Debora, tried to minimize the existence of cultural differences. Some teachers expressed their feelings more extremely by criticizing this study. One teacher wrote ‘‘How do I know others’ belief? Ask them directly.’’ The attitudes show that the teachers believe they are educating ‘‘other people’s children’’ (Delpit, 1996). However, some teachers and administrators recognized the problem of teachers’ indifferent attitude and color-blindness. In one interview, a classroom teacher, Amy, shared her experience and frustration after attending a Korean culture workshop with her colleagues. She said, ‘‘After this workshop I was surprised because some of the teachers in that district. they said, you know, they [Korean parents] just have to learn [American culture, school, and English].’’ In reality, however, there is no way of supervising the teachers’ color-blind attitudes. One of the school administrators, Emily, confessed her feeling of helplessness. ‘‘I have nothing to do with such a teacher. What I can do is just suggesting.’’ Therefore, it depends on teachers’ beliefs and willingness regarding culturally responsive teaching. Although many educators (e.g., Banks, 2006; Cochran-Smith, 1995; Gay, 2002; Lewis, 2001; Sleeter, 2008) have pointed out the problem of color-blindness and raised the issue of educational equity, the findings reflect the enduring problems of the marginalization of linguistically and culturally diverse students and families in education and continual existence of injustice in schools. 4. Final thoughts and considerations Overall, the study findings showed that there were significant disparities among the Korean parents’ educational beliefs, the teachers’ perceptions about Korean parents’ beliefs, and the teachers’ own educational beliefs. These results suggest that there should be more of an effort to increase a mutual understanding between both parents and teachers. According to Gay (2002), culturally responsive teaching requires teachers to have explicit

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knowledge about specific ethnic groups; this is a basic requirement for developing knowledge for culturally responsive teaching. However, the teachers in this study show a lack of such knowledge and a lack of critical reflection on their practices. They misinterpreted Korean parents’ educational beliefs, underestimated the parents’ efforts, and were self-satisfied with their own practices. Although many advocates of multicultural education emphasize the importance of culturally responsive teaching, many teachers are insensitive to the necessity. In other words, ‘‘what they [teachers] think they know about the field is often based on superficial or distorted information conveyed through popular cultures, mass media, and critics’’ (Gay, 2002, p. 107). In this study, the teachers still held stereotypic beliefs about Korean parents, and the schools’ efforts were insufficient to meet the parents’ needs. Also, the teachers’ color-blind attitudes hindered diverse ethnic parents’ school involvement and the building of an equitable learning community. This study can contribute to the existing literature on multicultural teacher education by providing specific information about Korean parents’ educational views and their needs. Although culture is continually evolving, a cultural ethnic group shares a common set of values, experiences, and behavioral characteristics (Banks, 2006; Gay, 2002). Understanding such aspects is imperative for educators to build cooperative relationships with their students and families, which ultimately increases school success of linguistically and culturally diverse students. Also, by pointing out the disparities between the teachers’ and Korean parents’ educational beliefs, this study suggests that teacher educators, administrators, and teachers themselves should have an opportunity to reflect on their own practices. It also might contribute to more effective school-family collaboration and culturally responsive teaching for diverse students. Finally, we raise questions for teachers and teacher educators about the school personnel’s perspectives on culture and multicultural education. Unfortunately, the study findings reflect the perennial problems in preparing teachers for diverse students such as superficial understanding about cultures, color-blind attitudes, and rejecting educational injustice (Howard & Aleman, 2008; Irvine, 2008; Sleeter, 2008). In order to increase teacher capacity for diverse students, the critical examination about views on culture and the acknowledgement of the prevalence of injustice in societies as well as schools should be integral parts of teacher education. As many educators suggest, cross-cultural community-based learning, which spend time in someone else’s community and learn to be a listener and observer, would be an effective way (Aguilar & Pohan, 1998; Johnson, 2002; Sleeter, 2008). If such immersion experiences are practically difficult, teacher educators might be able to utilize their own students of color as resources for sharing diverse experiences and values (Theilheimer, 2001). Even within an ethnically homogeneous group, the group members can still learn how one’s perspectives differ from each other by observing and discussing their ways of interactions, making decisions, and feelings about specific events. We believe that the starting point for culturally responsive teaching is awareness and appreciation of cultural diversity in this world. When teachers are able to do so, the existence of diverse cultures in classroom is not a burden of teaching. Rather it would be an important resource for educating global democratic citizenship (Banks, 2006). For school personnel, this study provides some insights regarding diverse ethnic parents’ school involvement. As many studies have revealed, diverse ethnic parents are not indifferent in their children’s education, but express their interests differently and practice their roles in unconventional ways (Banks, 2004; Chavkin, 1993; Delgado-Gaitan, 1992; Dyson, 2001; Genishi & Goodwin, 2008). According to Banks (2004), when parent

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involvement is viewed as doing something for the school or teaching parents how to become better parents, the room for diverse ethnic parents to involve in schools becomes narrowed, and the parents are oppressed in the school system. In this study, the Korean parents seem to experience such difficulties. They have great concerns about their children’s education but participate in limited activities due to the language and cultural barriers and the lack of time. Educators should bear in mind that ‘‘the responsibility to initiate communication by careful listening belongs to the one with greater power’’ (Genishi & Goodwin, 2008, p. 230). They need to make efforts to create a school climate that diverse ethnic parents are welcomed and their voices are heard. Also, schools can utilize active parents such as members of KPA as knowledgeable mediators between schools and parents. Discussing cases of diverse incidents from other schools or newspapers will be an effective way to reduce parents’ fear of impeding their relationships with the teachers. Furthermore, there is necessity to broaden the concept of parent involvement; helping parents’ own child should be considered as an important aspect of parent involvement (Banks, 2004). When educators appreciate not only the ‘‘presence’’ in schools but also performing at home as an important part of parental involvement, the educators would be able to work collaboratively with parents, who have limited English language skills and/or busy working schedules. Acknowledgements Authors sincerely appreciate helpful comments and advice from Professor Frances Schoonmaker at Teachers College, Columbia University. We also thank the Center for Educational Collaboration and the members of KPA for their support. References Aguilar, T. E., & Pohan, C. A. (1998). A cultural immersion experience to enhance cross-cultural competence. Sociotam, 8(1), 29–49. Asher, N. (2002). Class acts: Indian American high school students negotiate professional and ethnic identities. Urban Education, 37(2), 267–295. Banks, J. A. (1995). Multicultural education: historical development, dimensions, and practice. In J. A. Banks (Ed.), Handbook of research on multicultural education (pp. 3–24). New York: Simon and Schuster MacMillan. Banks, C. A. M. (2004). Families and teachers working together for school improvement. In J. A. Banks, & C. A. McGee Banks (Eds.), Multicultural education: Issues and perspectives (5th ed). (pp. 421–442). New York: Wiley. Banks, J. A. (2006). Cultural diversity and education: Foundations, curriculum, and teaching. New York: Pearson. Bennett, C. I. (1995). Preparing teachers for cultural diversity and national standards of academic excellence. Journal of Teacher Education, 46(4), 259–265. Brunetti, G. J. (2006). Resilience under fire: perspectives on the work of experienced, inner city high school teachers in the United States. Teaching and Teacher Education, 22(7), 812–825. Bullough, R. (1989). Teacher education and teacher reflectivity. Journal of Teacher Education, 40(2), 15–21. Chavkin, N. F. (1993). Families and schools in a pluralistic society. New York: State University of New York Press. Chinn, P., & Gollnick, D. (2005). Multicultural perspectives (7th ed.). New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Cochran-Smith, M. (1995). Color blindness and basket making are not the answers: confronting the dilemmas of race, culture, and language diversity in teacher education. American Educational Research Journal, 32(3), 493–522. Cooper, P. M. (2003). Effective White teachers of Black children: teaching within a community. Journal of Teacher Education, 54(5), 413–427. Creswell, J. W. (2002). Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Sage Publications. De Gaetano, Y. (2007). The role of culture in engaging Latino parents’ involvement in school. Urban Education, 42(2), 145–162. DeCastro-Ambrosetti, D., & Cho, G. (2005). Do parents value education? Teachers’ perceptions of minority parents. Multicultural Education, 13(2), 44–46. Delgado-Gaitan, C. (1992). School matters in the Mexican-American home: socializing children to education. American Educational Research Journal, 29, 495–513. Delpit, L. (1996). Other people’s children: Cultural conflict in the classroom. New York: New Press. Dewey, J. (1938/1997). Experience and eduation. New York: Touchstone.

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