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“The only place where people don't judge other people's body”: Obese people's museum experience
Tourism Management Perspectives 31 (2019) 159–164
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Research note
“The only place where people don't judge other people's body”: Obese people's museum experience
T
Yaniv Poriaa, , Jeremy Bealb, Arie Reichela ⁎
a b
The Department of Hotel and Tourism Management, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Guilford Glazer Faculty of Business and Management, Israel Hospitality and Tourism Management, Virginia Tech, Virginia, United States of America
ARTICLE INFO
ABSTRACT
Keywords: Museum Obesity Body Appearance Safescape
This exploratory study was designed to examine obese people's perception of factors affecting their museumvisiting experience. To best capture the experiential aspect, a qualitative research approach was adopted, and 24 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted. Findings yielded that the museum experience was hardly affected by the physical appearance and the presence of other patrons, this is contrast to previous studies in tourism related arenas. This is partly due to the realization that museum visitors tend to concentrate on the exhibits, and pay less attention to fellow visitors. Participants related to the “code of behavior” in museums that discourages gazing or explicitly staring at people. However, participants noted constraints and difficulties arising from the interaction between their body size and the physical environment. The study concludes that museums provide obese people with a safescape – a protective zone.
1. Introduction Museums and heritage sites are often crowded, and visitors are required to remain close to each other. Will the presence of others be an obstacle, or even a barrier, inhibiting obese people (OP) from visiting museums and heritage sites? Relying on tourism and psychology literature we commence this exploratory study with the assumptions that OP's body size and its lookism will cause them to experience difficulties and barriers arising from the physical as well as the social environment. Obesity, an epidemic on the rise, is defined as having a BMI (Body Mass Index = weight/height2) of 30 or above. In the USA, two-thirds of adults are overweight or obese (Olshansky et al., 2005). While all indications are that the prevalence of obesity will continue to rise, (Bartels & Nordstrom, 2013; Wilson, 2012), surprisingly, little research attention has been given to tourist experience of obese people (Poria & Beal, 2017). In an industry that is careful to examine various population segments in order to improve their tourist experience, this omission is surprising, especially given the growing trend of viewing travel as a basic privilege and an integral part of quality of life (Dickson, Misener, & Darcy, 2017; Harris & Small, 2009; Small & Harris, 2012). This gap concerning obese travelers and visitors could be attributed to lack of recognition of the role of visitors' body and physical appearance in shaping the tourists experience (Berdychevsky, Poria, & Uriely, 2013). Indeed, in the more abundant realm of research on
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people with disabilities, elements such as one's body and the social stigma it may carry are highly recognized when conceptualizing human behavior. Yet, almost no studies focus on obese people tourist experience in general and in museums in particular. Thus, the present study will address obesity, exploring the visiting experience of obese persons in museums – an important element in people's tourist experience as well as a major motive for travel. This exploratory study of OP is part of a series of studies designed to improve the overall tourist experience of people with disabilities (Poria & Beal, 2017). This study aims to expand the understanding of the role of the body in tourism in general and in museums in particular. The research also contributes to the broader field of obesity studies by enhancing our knowledge on the meaning and lived experience of obese people (Small & Harris, 2012). 2. Literature review Obese people's museum experiences are examined here with the awareness of the significant role of museums in todays' tourist experience (Timothy & Boyd, 2003). Museums play a major role in travel, especially for urban tourism (Jansen-Verbeke & Rekom, 1996), with new types and forms of museums featuring in emerging tourism experiences, such as dark tourism (Ashworth & Isaac, 2015) sport tourism (Rheenena, Cernaianub, & Sobryc, 2017) and heritage tourism
Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (Y. Poria).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tmp.2019.03.008 Received 25 June 2018; Received in revised form 15 October 2018; Accepted 13 March 2019 2211-9736/ © 2019 Published by Elsevier Ltd.
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(Timothy, 2018). In the United States, around 32 million people visit art museums every year (as of spring 2015). The most visited museum in the United States is the Metropolitan Museum of Art, located in New York City, attracting more than six million visitors a year (Statista, 2018). In Europe the Louvre receives more than nine million visitors annually. Unlike other tourist settings, museums and heritage sites are often set up as not-for-profit organizations, aiming to attract and serve large and diverse crowds (Noy, 2017; Timothy & Boyd, 2003). Moreover, with the current emergence of private museums, and with dwindling government and public subsidies, museums require a large volume of visitors to ensure financial survival (Absalyamova, Absalyamov, & Absalyamova, 2015; Chen & Chang, 2016), so that they will be able to fulfill their mission of bequeathing the past and enriching the public knowledge or simply exist as an institution. Research indicates that museums should be accessible to all members of society (Ahmad, Abbas, Yusoff, & Taib, 2015; Noy, 2017) and are part of the current perception of what constitutes quality of life (Chen & Chang, 2016). To enjoy the museum visit, people must feel comfortable in that specific environment. The present study aims to shed light on obese people's perceptions of their museum visit experience by directly referring to hurdles and problems associated with their weight and physical appearance. Learning the means that obese people use to negotiate the difficulties they confront will facilitate a discussion on appropriate managerial measures as well as bringing to light the role of the body when attempting to conceptualize the visit experience. Aside of its many physical health risks, obesity has negative psychosocial impacts, all crucial to the conceptualization of visitation patterns and behaviors in tourist-related spaces (Koc, 2013; Poria & Beal, 2017). Obese people are stigmatized. Among the many labels attached to them are stupid, unhealthy, academically unsuccessful, unhygienic, lazy, lacking in control, and morally lax (Carr and Friedman, 2005; De Brún, McCarthy, McKenzie, & McGloin, 2014; Ebneter, Latner, & O'Brien, 2011; Hebl, King, & Perkins, 2009). Moreover, a recent study (Poria & Beal, 2017) indicated that OP are perceived as having chosen to be “disabled,” expecting others to pay taxes that will support their health and welfare. Consequently, any public contact could generate tension and conflict. In the present study we will explore the feelings, attitudes, and perceptions of OP in museums, while taking into account their social interaction with other museum visitors. The current study's emphasis on OP's own voice is congruent with the growing interest in the concept of the body in tourism and hospitality studies as well as with feminist research approaches (Crouch, 2000; Crouch & Desforges, 2003; Harris & Small, 2013; Pons, 2003; Pritchard & Morgan, 2011; Veijola & Jokinen, 1994). This study is based on the recognition that the body is a socio-cultural entity inscribed with meaning. Moreover, the tourist experience is not only cognitive but corporeal and emotional as well. Clearly, the body is a powerful issue in OP's tourist experience, one that cannot be underestimated or absent from the OP tourism depiction and analysis. This is especially significant given the role of “beautiful people” who are visible and viable in all travel advertisement, leading viewers to believe that it is they who are fit, and even deserving, to be in a tourist's paradise (Pritchard, 2004). Harris and Small (2013) reflected upon the explicit preferences of hotels for an “ideal” image of employee slimness, and demonstrated the sense of seclusion bordering on disgust demonstrated toward “lazy” or “irresponsible” OP. Indeed, it is interesting to note that the issue of body image is important to the service providers, and Harris and Small (2013) suggested that employees embody the brand by placing increasing emphasis on the personal attributes, “esthetic labour”, attributes that appeal to the senses of customers, lookism. Their study did not focus on museums or on museum goers, but does imply the notion that there is an ideal service provider, and thus, perhaps, an ideal costumer whose image matches that idea. This would exclude OP. This exploratory study was inspired by the emerging interest in OP
and in the voice of stigmatized segments of the population. In this study we focus on how OP behave and feel about their visit to museums. Will it be an excruciating, embarrassing experience to be avoided in the future, or rather a containing and respectful one when compared with OP's experiences in other tourist settings? 3. Methodology This study is part of research project focusing on OP's travel and tourism experiences, designed to provide OP's authentic voice. The research implementations were inspired by the five-stage audit trail (Akkerman, Admirall, Brekelmans, & Oost, 2008). It is important to highlight that the researchers did not approach obesity as a “disease” or an “epidemic”. Participants were told that the study was designed to provide reliable information that can assist in improving OP's on-site experience. As the study's objectives required direct, discreet, in-depth contacts with OP, a qualitative approach was adopted, offering the interviewees an opportunity to reflect upon their own personal experiences. All participants had agreed to participate in this study, and possibly, those who were unwilling to share their experience have a different perspective that is not reflected in this study. However, the suitability of the research implementations is supported by other studies (Hilbert et al., 2008; Latner, Stunkard, & Wilson, 2005; Vartanian, 2010) as well as studies focusing on people with disabilities (Poria, Reichel, & Brandt, 2011) and on stigmatized segments of the population (Poria, 2006). The rationale behind the sampling procedure was to hear and gather a diversity of voices. Participants were recruited through personal contacts and via an online call for participation (each participant received $20). The research consisted of 24 obese people who live in the Virginia, USA, and who had visited a museum within the five years preceding the interview. The participants (14 men, 10 women) ranged in age from 18 to 64. Asked about their BMI, 10 reported a BMI of 30–35, and 14 of 35 and higher. Almost all participants were white (20 white, 3 Afro-Americans, and one inter-racial). All but two of the participants claimed that their income is below the average for their area. Eighteen participants were married, and 12 had children. The in-depth semi-structured interview format was chosen as a means to enable a comparison between participants' answers. The fact that the interviewers were not familiar with the participants provided sense of anonymity. The interviews were recorded with participants' permission while the interviewer also wrote down key sentences during the interview. Topics in the interview included the participants' visitation patterns to museums, good and bad experiences participants had linked with their body size/physical appearance, difficulties confronted associated with their body size/physical appearance, and the way to overcome them. Participants were also asked to compare the museum experience to other tourist experiences (flight, restaurant, and hotel). To facilitate cooperation, participants were also asked to refer to experiences of other OP they knew, as well as to answer “what-if” questions (e.g., “If you were the museum manager, what would you do to improve OP's museum experience?”). In addition, they were asked to compare their museum experiences before/after they became obese. It should be mentioned that the atmosphere during the interview was comfortable, and participants did not show any intention to rush and end the interview. As part of the interviewing protocol, museum-related questions were embedded in a broader, comprehensive interview focusing on OP's travel experience. Almost all interviews were conducted in restaurants or coffee shops near the participant's homes. A few interviews were conducted in people's home or in the researcher's office. The participants described visits to art museums, as well as to history and science museums, usually while visiting big cities (e.g., Washington, DC, New York). The notes and the transcripts underwent Thematic Content Analysis to illuminate underlying themes. 160
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In line with the theoretical assumption behind Semiotic Analysis (Manning & Cullum-Swan, 1994) the actual words participants used received attention. Two of the authors were involved in the analysis stage. To enhance the reliability of the study, the transcripts were rechecked by another researcher. Attempts were made to find links between participants' characteristic (i.e., gender, age, and perception of the reason for their obesity). In the analysis stage, the researchers recognized that they cannot transcend reflexivity and reflected on their positioning as active learners who are not obese. The researchers sought to provide OP with the opportunity to voice their experiences without any criticism in an inclusive atmosphere. Indeed, the impetus to study OP stemmed from a keen interest in learning about segments of the population who are excluded or highly restricted from tourist settings (Harris & Small, 2009) recognizing that “societal stigma towards obesity is also ever present in the academy” (Small & Harris, 2012, 688). Reflecting upon this we believe OP's voice should be expressed loud and clear. In addition, we strongly believe that tourism is a basic human privilege. The present study should provide managerial implications based on OP's personal experience to facilitate their tourism activities. This reflective approach followed the study from its inception to the final version of the paper. To protect participants' anonymity, all names used in the interviews and quotes are pseudonyms; only when gender and body size (obese/morbidly obese) were relevant to the finding, this information was added.
required to stand in long lines before entering the museum and indicated that their weight makes it difficult to stand in line for long time. Ruth suggested “If you [the interviewer] stand outside for 20 minutes, for me it's like an hour”. Moreover, participants felt confident enough to state that when standing outside in long lines they sweat profusely, suggesting that weight and sweat odors are commonly associated with obese persons, causing them much discomfort and embarrassment while standing next to other people. Roger highlighted this issue: “We sweat and sweat and sweat. Even when we stand on line we sweat. So, when we enter the museum we feel awful and smell like s**t and this is embarrassing”. It should be noted that participants highlighted that the above issues are of no significant impact on the museum experience and should not be compared to the meaningful hurdles and constraint experienced in airplane, hotels or restaurants. Dan (morbidly obese man) argued: “The only reason I am referring to the physical environment, is because you asked me. The museum is not perfect but it's almost there, especially if you compare it to a flight experience, a visit to a hotel or to an amusement park.” Finally, in contrast to other tourist experiences, participants emphasized that in museums, they were less tense and did not feel they were scrutinized because of their physical appearance. This as explained later is due to their perception of the museum's visitors. 4.2. Museum employees: “They should know that we walk slowly and for a short time only.”
4. Findings All the participants reported that their obesity had little – if any – effect on their museum experience, this in contrast to other components/elements of their tourist experience. Specifically, when asked to compare the museum visit to other leisure and tourist attractions, it was unanimously declared “the best”. The predominantly positive attitudes and perceptions of the museum experience were conceptualized based on three main elements: the physical environment of the museum, museum employees, and other visitors' behaviors and attitudes toward the obese.
Asked about the museum's staff attitudes and behaviors, the interviewees responded that they had never experienced major problems or conflicts. Moreover, they praised the employees for being respectful and patient. Participants raised some minor issues regarding the pace of the guided tours, noting that the staff, in general, was unaware that obese people may have special needs related to their inability to walk or stand for long time. Jake (morbidly obese man) stated: “People do not get it, due to our weight it is very difficult for us to walk like others or stand like others. Try to imagine yourself carrying a child on your back…”. Nevertheless, no major service failures were mentioned, and interviewees stated that museum staff regarded them like anyone else, and that the employees were surprised when asked for wheel chairs or scooters at the entrance to the museum.
4.1. Physical environment: “Did you ever notice how big museums are?” When referring to possible hurdles or constraints in the physical environment, participants reported only minor difficulties. Referring to the exhibition halls, participants related to the explanation signs suggesting that they are often placed too low to be conveniently read. Participants also mentioned that on many occasions they had to stand very close to other patrons in order to read the signs, feeling guilty for blocking others' view. In addition, they felt extremely uncomfortable lest they perspire and smell unpleasantly. Sharon (obese woman) claimed: “Obese people sweat much more than slim people. As such we prefer not being close to other people. Also, I don't want to hide the interpretation sign for others”. Interviewees also mentioned that the chairs and benches available at exhibition halls are too low and often too small for them to be able to use (“we have big asses, so we need big chairs” and “big people need big chairs, it's obvious isn't it?”). As for issues related to facilities, reports were mixed. Participants mentioned that as visitors they find restrooms to be a major problem in many tourist and leisure sites. However, interviewees emphasized they did not confront such difficulties in museums. Cristal (obese woman) said: “I wish that the toilets in my house were as big as the ones in museums”. However, participants spoke about the long distances and the large number of stairs leading to the toilets and said that their size and weight make it difficult for them to walk or climb stairs. David (obese man) told the interviewer, “you're thin so it's not a problem for you, but for me it can be a struggle to walk to the washrooms and then coming back – it's almost like going to the gym….” Several participants complained that in some museums, visitors are
4.3. Other visitors: “Museum goers differ from the general population” One of the most revealing findings was that participants did not feel that they were being subjected to other museum goers' staring and scrutiny. For some, it was a surprising feeling of being safe at the public arena. When asked about the reasons for this “safescape” feeling, participants referred to four overlapping issues: 1. Difference between museum goers and visitors to other sites. Participants believed that museum visitors are “better educated, more openminded individuals than those who don't visit museums”; “museum visitors do not judge others by their physical appearance, as others do.” As Dan (morbidly obese man) pointed out, “Come on, museum visitors don't represent the general American population. Let's be honest, almost all the people I know prefer to drink beer and watch football and definitely not visit museums while on vacation.” Museum visitors are portrayed almost as an idyllic segment of society, as people who judge and value others based only on one's personal characteristics (e.g., personality, level of education, knowledge, behavior, and way of thinking) rather than one's body size or physical appearance. Shirley, a university lecturer, suggested that while in the museum she feels as she does during her classes, and that “museum visitors are like my students, they don't care how I look like, they only care about my ability to teach and what I have to say.” 161
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2. Museum goers' different perspective on obesity. Some participants suggested that because museum visitors are “more educated,” they know that obesity may be the result of health problems or genetics rather than laziness or poor dietary habits. In addition, participants argued that educated people know that obese people can work, take care of themselves and their family and, as such, they are not an economic burden on society. Moreover, educated people are aware that obese people suffer from the way others look at them, and therefore try to be as considerate a possible. Lindsey (obese woman) said: “Educated people are aware that obesity is linked to genetics and that obese people work, earn money and are able to take care of their families. They know that Roseanne Barr [a well-known TV actor in the US] is an obese woman, but a rich one. They know that almost all the football players are obese”. 3. Visitors' focus on exhibits. Some participants suggested that most museum goers are interested primarily in the exhibit and the explanations, and not in other visitors around them. As Dan explained, “It's different in museums. People don't pay attention to other people. They are busy looking at the presentations….” 4. Museums as safescape. Museums are portrayed as settings that facilitate protective liberal, humane and accepting social norms toward obese people. When participants were asked to relate to the issue of staring and judging in other circumstances, the question emerged as to whether the same people behave differently toward obese people in other settings such as hotels, restaurants, or theme parks. Does the museum provide a unique haven or a safescape? The responses were not unanimous. Some participants suggested that indeed, museum visitors differ from the general population (“You're wrong, and you know it. Not all people go to museums. Everyone goes to a restaurant or to a hotel but only certain individuals visit museums.”). However, others argued that in museums those who stare at them in other places, pointing and seemingly accusing them for their obesity, behave differently. Participants argued that there is an unwritten code of behavior. Jessica was clear about the different code of behavior in museums: “Think about it. In museums people do not use their mobiles, they do not shout, they are highly polite, they do not talk about sex or work. They dress in a respectable way. They even ask their children to behave. Museums have their own codes of behaviors… It's like going to the church”. The view of museums as akin to churches might explain why museums are considered safescapes, where obese people feel that their physical appearance is not an issue.
safescape in contrast to other leisure and tourist settings. This uniqueness stems from two main elements. First, participants believe that museum visitors differ from the ordinary, daily confronted population. They are more educated, open minded and less judgmental people. Second, the museum is described as a setting controlled by liberal, humane and accepting social norms. It is interesting to note that previous studies (Poria, 2013) conceptualized visiting heritage settings as an experience based on norms or “musts.” It may be the case that museums are attributed by “musts” which are relevant to the clarification of onsite behavior. Namely, visitors are supposed to look as they are not looking at each other, they have to be dressed in a certain way (“respectable”), control their voice and minimize conversing on mundane activities. In general, the tourism literature suggests that when consuming tourism experiences, people often require abiding by certain social norms often different from their daily routine (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). The prevailing social norms reported in this study and the perception on the unique nature of the museum's visitors create a safescape for obese people, free from staring, judgmental gaze and at times rude remarks. Small and Harris (2012) argued that tourism is a right for “all the world's inhabitants” (p. 686). Studies indicate that not all people have access to this right (Small, Harris, & Wilson, 2008). Specifically, previous studies of OP indicate that they do not have the full privilege to travel (Harris & Small, 2009). Small and Harris (2012) claimed that the tourism settings, part of the “esthetic industry” hosts and targets the “beautiful people’ and that those who do not fit this image are not “welcome in paradise”. The findings of the current study indicate that museums serve also those whom society regards as “non-beautiful” people. The museum serves as a shelter for OP, specifically as the visitors are not excepted to gaze at others. It is interesting to note that in contrast to other tourist attractions, the museum was a shelter to men and women alike (Poria & Beal, 2017). Surprisingly a link was not found between obesity, gender, and ethnicity. The museum as a social institution serves here as paradise for OP, it is a shelter for those who do not fit the image that society admires and advocates. The finding can be conceptualized based on the Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), according to which people derive elements of their identity from the groups to which they belong. Small and Harris (2012) adopted this theory to rationalize the way society approaches OP, suggesting that thin people are proud of their thinness and discriminate against OP. Indeed, in contrast to previous studies indicating that OP experience embarrassment, discomfort (Small & Harris, 2012), and shame (Poria & Beal, 2017) the findings here indicate that in museums, OP almost do not feel these emotions. The museum social rules provide OP with a physical and social shield. Tourism scholars are accused of ignoring deprived segments of the population (Poria & Timothy, 2014; Small, 2008). Small and Harris (2012) suggested a possible explanation for neglecting OP – “societal stigma towards obesity is also ever present in the academy” (2012, 688). The present study is an attempt to fill this gap in knowledge. Criticism of the paucity of research on deprived segments is mainly articulated by scholars who adopt the critical approach which attempts to identify and analyze power relations. It is hoped that tourism scholars also exercise their power focusing on other neglected groups advocating their right for tourism. This study contributes to our understanding of the stigmas and attitudes toward OP in the Western world. Small and Harris (2012) reported that obesity is portrayed in the bio-medical discourse as a disease, an epidemic, or a crisis. The neoliberal discourse views obesity as more than a physical-health issue – being obese is an act of lack of selfresponsibility which carries a punishment as well as moral consequences. Thus, eliminating the difficulties faced by OP could be perceived as a reward which they do not deserve, as it removes any incentive they may have had to change their destructive lifestyle, financed by responsible citizens. Relying on Poria and Beal (2017) the findings support the thought that OP are perceived as individuals who
5. Discussion This study aimed to reveal whether obese people, a growing discrimination-prone segment in the population and one almost ignored by tourism scholars, confront difficulties and barriers in museums. The research assumption was that the interaction of OP with the museum's physical and human environments will include difficulties and barriers, and that these will have a negative effect on the museum experience. In contrast to findings in previous studies (Poria & Beal, 2017) the main finding indicates that obesity is not a barrier for a positive museum experience. Although the literature has ignored a visitor's body size in studying servicecape barriers (Berdychevsky et al., 2013), the findings here suggest that visitors' body size, should be considered in the conceptualization and the management of the visit experience. First, it was found that people's body had an impact on the visit experience mainly due to the mismatch between size, furniture, and the exhibition design. The results are consistent with findings regarding people using crutches and wheel chairs in museums (Poria, Reichel, & Brandt, 2009; Poria et al., 2011), suggesting that mobility- challenged visitors consider large museums to be difficult because of the distances they must navigate. The findings highlight the perceived uniqueness of the museum as a 162
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have chosen to be freeloaders that other people – healthy and productive ones –must finance. One of the social sanctions is conspicuously gazing at OP. However, as people usually look at the exhibits in museums, not at each other, OP are protected from the gaze of other visitors. To conclude, given the uniqueness of the museum as a social environment, it provides OP a safescape, a place where they feel that they are not subject to other people's stares. As such, the museum experience significantly differs from other components of the travel experience where obese people are subject to humiliation (Poria & Beal, 2017).
7. Limitations and future studies Given the nature of the qualitative research epistemology adopted, no assumptions can be made regarding the statistical representativeness of the findings. Nevertheless, it is argued that the findings are trustworthy. Studies utilizing a quantitative epistemology can further enrich our knowledge about obese people experience in museums. Small and Harris (2012) argue that obese people travel experience needs to be conceptualized based on contemporary, Western culture social rules which promote the idea of healthy look as slim as well as individual responsibility to achieve and maintain slim look. This study was conducted in a particular sociocultural context in the USA. Additional studies in other cultures and countries may contribute to our understanding of OP in tourism settings on a globalized scale. Moreover, future studies should follow Harris and Small (2013) and focus on the employees and service providers in tourism settings, museums, and other leisure and cultural and heritage settings. Such studies will contribute to the body of knowledge on lookism and other forms of negative prejudices toward various segments of the population who do not fit a pre-determined “beautiful” model.
6. Managerial/practical implications The findings of this exploratory study can be generalized to visitation patterns to museum in obese people's place of residence. This claim is made based on previous studies focusing on OP's leisure and travel experience indicating that OP feel safer next to people with whom they are familiar. This finding is explained by the fact that OP argue that those who are familiar with them know that they “are not like all other OP” (i.e. they are productive and good citizens). As for the design of the museum, management should provide comfortable seats and benches for OP. More sitting spaces should be provided in museum halls as well as at the ticket booths. Regarding service, museum employees should recognize that OP are in essence ordinary people with mobility challenges, who face difficulties walking long distances or standing for long periods of time. Museums should consider offering a multi-entry extended ticket so that people with disabilities may return to the museum after a short visit. OP could be offered a free guide (printed, audio, or electronic) to prevent them from having to get closer to the signs and blocking the view for other visitors. The growing number of people with disabilities and OP visiting museums may require a re-design and training of the usually passive role of museum employees. They are required to be able to provide handy practical information and solve emerging OP's problems. Hence, museums should provide employees with special training to assist OP, often either intentionally or unintentionally ignored due to social and economic forces. Finally, the findings indicate that visitors should be familiarized prior to the visit to the “rules of the game” – in what way the museum can accommodate and is attuned to OP needs. Clearly, managing expectations can contribute to a positive experience. Following Poria et al. (2011) it is suggested that museums offer obese people a tour that is of shorter distance and covers fewer halls, thus requiring less effort. As obese people find it difficult to walk through big museum, there may be a rationale to provide them an option of multi entrances, free of charge, or substantially discounted, to be used the following day, enabling to experience the museum at their paste minimizing the financial pressure. In addition, the chairs and benches located in museums should be comfortable for obese people. Following this line, museum personnel should recognize that OP may want to use wheelchairs or golf carts, the way people with special needs do (De Brún et al., 2014). Obese people, as seen here and in previous studies (Poria & Beal, 2017; Small & Harris, 2012), feel that they negatively affect other people's visit experience due to their body size and odors. Hence, management should consider installing more than one interpretation sign next to the exhibits or use up-to date technology to solve this problem. As for queuing, especially when the line is in a hot and humid environment, management should consider providing OP (as well as people with disabilities) with an adequate space where they can comfortably sit down. Such measures, especially in line with museums role as social as social institution (Noy, 2017), could be helpful for other visitors with special needs or people with walking challenges (e.g. children, the elderly).
Appendix A. Supplementary data Supplementary data to this article can be found online at https:// doi.org/10.1016/j.tmp.2019.03.008. References Absalyamova, A., Absalyamov, T., & Absalyamova, S. (2015). Private museums as a form preservation of cultural heritage. Procedia – Social and Behavioral Sciences, 188, 218–221. Ahmad, S., Abbas, M. Y., Yusoff, W. Z. M., & Taib, M. Z. M. (2015). Adapting museum visitors as participants benefits their learning experience? Procedia – Social and Behavioral Sciences, 168, 156–170. Akkerman, S. W., Admirall, M., Brekelmans, & Oost, H. (2008). Auditing quality of research in social sciences. Quality and Quantity, 42, 257–274. Ashworth, G. J., & Isaac, R. K. (2015). Have we illuminated the dark? Shifting perspectives on ‘dark’ tourism. Tourism Recreation Research, 40(3), 316–325. Bartels, L. K., & Nordstrom, C. R. (2013). Too big to hire: Factors impacting weight discrimination. Management Research Review, 36(9), 868–881. Berdychevsky, L., Poria, Y., & Uriely, N. (2013). Sexual behaviour in women's tourist experience: Motivations, behaviours and meanings. Tourism Management, 35, 272–274. Carr, D., & Friedman, M. A. (2005). Is obesity stigmatizing? Body weight, perceived discrimination, and psychological well-being in the United States. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 46(3), 244–259. Chen, C. M., & Chang, J. C. D. (2016). Business cycle and museum visitors in Taiwan. Tourism Management Perspectives, 19, 11–15. Cohen, E., & Cohen, S. A. (2012). Current sociological theories and issues in tourism review. Annals of Tourism Research, 39(4), 2177–2202. Crouch, D. (2000). Places around us: Embodied lay geographies in leisure and tourism. Leisure Studies, 19(2), 63–76. Crouch, D., & Desforges, L. (2003). The sensuous in the tourist encounter: Introduction: The power of the body in tourist studies. Tourist Studies, 3(1), 5–22. De Brún, A., McCarthy, M., McKenzie, K., & McGloin, A. (2014). Weight stigma and narrative resistance evident in online discussions of obesity. Appetite, 72, 73–81. Dickson, T. J., Misener, L., & Darcy, S. (2017). Enhancing destination competitiveness through disability sport event legacies. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management, 29(3), 924–946. Ebneter, D. S., Latner, J. D., & O'Brien, K. S. (2011). Just world beliefs, causal beliefs, and acquaintance: Associations with stigma toward eating disorders and obesity. Personality and Individual Differences, 51, 618–622. Harris, C., & Small, J. (2009). Obesity, tourism and discrimination? An investigation of airline 'customer of size' policies. In J. Carlsen, M. Hughes, K. Holmes, & R. Jones (Eds.). CAUTHE 2009: Tourism & hospitality in a dynamic world (pp. 1589–1608). Fremantle, W.A.: Curtin University of Technology. Harris, C., & Small, J. (2013). Obesity and hotel staffing: Are hotels guilty of 'lookism. Hospitality & Society, 3(2), 111–127. Hebl, M. R., King, E. B., & Perkins, A. (2009). Ethnic differences in the stigma of obesity: Identification and engagement with a thin ideal. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 1165–1172. Jansen-Verbeke, M., & Rekom, V. J. (1996). Scanning museum visitors: Urban tourism marketing. Annals of Tourism Research, 23(2), 364–375. Koc, E. (2013). Inversionary and liminoidal consumption: Gluttony on holidays and obesity. Journal of Travel & Tourism Marketing, 30, 825–838. Latner, J. D., Stunkard, A. J., & Wilson, G. T. (2005). Stigmatized students: Age, sex, and ethnicity effects in the stigmatization of obesity. Obesity Research, 13(7), 1226–1231.
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field of study. Tourism Management Perspectives, 25, 177–180. Timothy, D. J., & Boyd, S. W. (2003). Heritage tourism. New York: Prentice Hall. Vartanian, L.,. R. (2010). “Obese people” vs “Fat people”: Impact of group label on weight bias. Eating and Weight Disorders, 15(3), 195–198. Veijola, S., & Jokinen, E. (1994). The body in tourism. Theory, Culture and Society, 11(3), 125–151. Wilson, S. E. (2012). Introduction. Economics and Human Biology, 10, 329–332. Yaniv Poria is the Chairman of the Department of the Hotel and Tourism Management, Guilford Glazer Faculty of Business and Management, Ben Gurion University of the Negev, Israel.
Jeremy Beal is a graduate of the Hospitality and Tourism Management Program at VT. Arie Reichel is a professor in the Department of Hotel and Tourism Management, Guilford Glazer Faculty of Business and Management, in Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.
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Research note
“The only place where people don't judge other people's body”: Obese people's museum experience
T
Yaniv Poriaa, , Jeremy Bealb, Arie Reichela ⁎
a b
The Department of Hotel and Tourism Management, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Guilford Glazer Faculty of Business and Management, Israel Hospitality and Tourism Management, Virginia Tech, Virginia, United States of America
ARTICLE INFO
ABSTRACT
Keywords: Museum Obesity Body Appearance Safescape
This exploratory study was designed to examine obese people's perception of factors affecting their museumvisiting experience. To best capture the experiential aspect, a qualitative research approach was adopted, and 24 in-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted. Findings yielded that the museum experience was hardly affected by the physical appearance and the presence of other patrons, this is contrast to previous studies in tourism related arenas. This is partly due to the realization that museum visitors tend to concentrate on the exhibits, and pay less attention to fellow visitors. Participants related to the “code of behavior” in museums that discourages gazing or explicitly staring at people. However, participants noted constraints and difficulties arising from the interaction between their body size and the physical environment. The study concludes that museums provide obese people with a safescape – a protective zone.
1. Introduction Museums and heritage sites are often crowded, and visitors are required to remain close to each other. Will the presence of others be an obstacle, or even a barrier, inhibiting obese people (OP) from visiting museums and heritage sites? Relying on tourism and psychology literature we commence this exploratory study with the assumptions that OP's body size and its lookism will cause them to experience difficulties and barriers arising from the physical as well as the social environment. Obesity, an epidemic on the rise, is defined as having a BMI (Body Mass Index = weight/height2) of 30 or above. In the USA, two-thirds of adults are overweight or obese (Olshansky et al., 2005). While all indications are that the prevalence of obesity will continue to rise, (Bartels & Nordstrom, 2013; Wilson, 2012), surprisingly, little research attention has been given to tourist experience of obese people (Poria & Beal, 2017). In an industry that is careful to examine various population segments in order to improve their tourist experience, this omission is surprising, especially given the growing trend of viewing travel as a basic privilege and an integral part of quality of life (Dickson, Misener, & Darcy, 2017; Harris & Small, 2009; Small & Harris, 2012). This gap concerning obese travelers and visitors could be attributed to lack of recognition of the role of visitors' body and physical appearance in shaping the tourists experience (Berdychevsky, Poria, & Uriely, 2013). Indeed, in the more abundant realm of research on
⁎
people with disabilities, elements such as one's body and the social stigma it may carry are highly recognized when conceptualizing human behavior. Yet, almost no studies focus on obese people tourist experience in general and in museums in particular. Thus, the present study will address obesity, exploring the visiting experience of obese persons in museums – an important element in people's tourist experience as well as a major motive for travel. This exploratory study of OP is part of a series of studies designed to improve the overall tourist experience of people with disabilities (Poria & Beal, 2017). This study aims to expand the understanding of the role of the body in tourism in general and in museums in particular. The research also contributes to the broader field of obesity studies by enhancing our knowledge on the meaning and lived experience of obese people (Small & Harris, 2012). 2. Literature review Obese people's museum experiences are examined here with the awareness of the significant role of museums in todays' tourist experience (Timothy & Boyd, 2003). Museums play a major role in travel, especially for urban tourism (Jansen-Verbeke & Rekom, 1996), with new types and forms of museums featuring in emerging tourism experiences, such as dark tourism (Ashworth & Isaac, 2015) sport tourism (Rheenena, Cernaianub, & Sobryc, 2017) and heritage tourism
Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (Y. Poria).
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tmp.2019.03.008 Received 25 June 2018; Received in revised form 15 October 2018; Accepted 13 March 2019 2211-9736/ © 2019 Published by Elsevier Ltd.
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(Timothy, 2018). In the United States, around 32 million people visit art museums every year (as of spring 2015). The most visited museum in the United States is the Metropolitan Museum of Art, located in New York City, attracting more than six million visitors a year (Statista, 2018). In Europe the Louvre receives more than nine million visitors annually. Unlike other tourist settings, museums and heritage sites are often set up as not-for-profit organizations, aiming to attract and serve large and diverse crowds (Noy, 2017; Timothy & Boyd, 2003). Moreover, with the current emergence of private museums, and with dwindling government and public subsidies, museums require a large volume of visitors to ensure financial survival (Absalyamova, Absalyamov, & Absalyamova, 2015; Chen & Chang, 2016), so that they will be able to fulfill their mission of bequeathing the past and enriching the public knowledge or simply exist as an institution. Research indicates that museums should be accessible to all members of society (Ahmad, Abbas, Yusoff, & Taib, 2015; Noy, 2017) and are part of the current perception of what constitutes quality of life (Chen & Chang, 2016). To enjoy the museum visit, people must feel comfortable in that specific environment. The present study aims to shed light on obese people's perceptions of their museum visit experience by directly referring to hurdles and problems associated with their weight and physical appearance. Learning the means that obese people use to negotiate the difficulties they confront will facilitate a discussion on appropriate managerial measures as well as bringing to light the role of the body when attempting to conceptualize the visit experience. Aside of its many physical health risks, obesity has negative psychosocial impacts, all crucial to the conceptualization of visitation patterns and behaviors in tourist-related spaces (Koc, 2013; Poria & Beal, 2017). Obese people are stigmatized. Among the many labels attached to them are stupid, unhealthy, academically unsuccessful, unhygienic, lazy, lacking in control, and morally lax (Carr and Friedman, 2005; De Brún, McCarthy, McKenzie, & McGloin, 2014; Ebneter, Latner, & O'Brien, 2011; Hebl, King, & Perkins, 2009). Moreover, a recent study (Poria & Beal, 2017) indicated that OP are perceived as having chosen to be “disabled,” expecting others to pay taxes that will support their health and welfare. Consequently, any public contact could generate tension and conflict. In the present study we will explore the feelings, attitudes, and perceptions of OP in museums, while taking into account their social interaction with other museum visitors. The current study's emphasis on OP's own voice is congruent with the growing interest in the concept of the body in tourism and hospitality studies as well as with feminist research approaches (Crouch, 2000; Crouch & Desforges, 2003; Harris & Small, 2013; Pons, 2003; Pritchard & Morgan, 2011; Veijola & Jokinen, 1994). This study is based on the recognition that the body is a socio-cultural entity inscribed with meaning. Moreover, the tourist experience is not only cognitive but corporeal and emotional as well. Clearly, the body is a powerful issue in OP's tourist experience, one that cannot be underestimated or absent from the OP tourism depiction and analysis. This is especially significant given the role of “beautiful people” who are visible and viable in all travel advertisement, leading viewers to believe that it is they who are fit, and even deserving, to be in a tourist's paradise (Pritchard, 2004). Harris and Small (2013) reflected upon the explicit preferences of hotels for an “ideal” image of employee slimness, and demonstrated the sense of seclusion bordering on disgust demonstrated toward “lazy” or “irresponsible” OP. Indeed, it is interesting to note that the issue of body image is important to the service providers, and Harris and Small (2013) suggested that employees embody the brand by placing increasing emphasis on the personal attributes, “esthetic labour”, attributes that appeal to the senses of customers, lookism. Their study did not focus on museums or on museum goers, but does imply the notion that there is an ideal service provider, and thus, perhaps, an ideal costumer whose image matches that idea. This would exclude OP. This exploratory study was inspired by the emerging interest in OP
and in the voice of stigmatized segments of the population. In this study we focus on how OP behave and feel about their visit to museums. Will it be an excruciating, embarrassing experience to be avoided in the future, or rather a containing and respectful one when compared with OP's experiences in other tourist settings? 3. Methodology This study is part of research project focusing on OP's travel and tourism experiences, designed to provide OP's authentic voice. The research implementations were inspired by the five-stage audit trail (Akkerman, Admirall, Brekelmans, & Oost, 2008). It is important to highlight that the researchers did not approach obesity as a “disease” or an “epidemic”. Participants were told that the study was designed to provide reliable information that can assist in improving OP's on-site experience. As the study's objectives required direct, discreet, in-depth contacts with OP, a qualitative approach was adopted, offering the interviewees an opportunity to reflect upon their own personal experiences. All participants had agreed to participate in this study, and possibly, those who were unwilling to share their experience have a different perspective that is not reflected in this study. However, the suitability of the research implementations is supported by other studies (Hilbert et al., 2008; Latner, Stunkard, & Wilson, 2005; Vartanian, 2010) as well as studies focusing on people with disabilities (Poria, Reichel, & Brandt, 2011) and on stigmatized segments of the population (Poria, 2006). The rationale behind the sampling procedure was to hear and gather a diversity of voices. Participants were recruited through personal contacts and via an online call for participation (each participant received $20). The research consisted of 24 obese people who live in the Virginia, USA, and who had visited a museum within the five years preceding the interview. The participants (14 men, 10 women) ranged in age from 18 to 64. Asked about their BMI, 10 reported a BMI of 30–35, and 14 of 35 and higher. Almost all participants were white (20 white, 3 Afro-Americans, and one inter-racial). All but two of the participants claimed that their income is below the average for their area. Eighteen participants were married, and 12 had children. The in-depth semi-structured interview format was chosen as a means to enable a comparison between participants' answers. The fact that the interviewers were not familiar with the participants provided sense of anonymity. The interviews were recorded with participants' permission while the interviewer also wrote down key sentences during the interview. Topics in the interview included the participants' visitation patterns to museums, good and bad experiences participants had linked with their body size/physical appearance, difficulties confronted associated with their body size/physical appearance, and the way to overcome them. Participants were also asked to compare the museum experience to other tourist experiences (flight, restaurant, and hotel). To facilitate cooperation, participants were also asked to refer to experiences of other OP they knew, as well as to answer “what-if” questions (e.g., “If you were the museum manager, what would you do to improve OP's museum experience?”). In addition, they were asked to compare their museum experiences before/after they became obese. It should be mentioned that the atmosphere during the interview was comfortable, and participants did not show any intention to rush and end the interview. As part of the interviewing protocol, museum-related questions were embedded in a broader, comprehensive interview focusing on OP's travel experience. Almost all interviews were conducted in restaurants or coffee shops near the participant's homes. A few interviews were conducted in people's home or in the researcher's office. The participants described visits to art museums, as well as to history and science museums, usually while visiting big cities (e.g., Washington, DC, New York). The notes and the transcripts underwent Thematic Content Analysis to illuminate underlying themes. 160
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In line with the theoretical assumption behind Semiotic Analysis (Manning & Cullum-Swan, 1994) the actual words participants used received attention. Two of the authors were involved in the analysis stage. To enhance the reliability of the study, the transcripts were rechecked by another researcher. Attempts were made to find links between participants' characteristic (i.e., gender, age, and perception of the reason for their obesity). In the analysis stage, the researchers recognized that they cannot transcend reflexivity and reflected on their positioning as active learners who are not obese. The researchers sought to provide OP with the opportunity to voice their experiences without any criticism in an inclusive atmosphere. Indeed, the impetus to study OP stemmed from a keen interest in learning about segments of the population who are excluded or highly restricted from tourist settings (Harris & Small, 2009) recognizing that “societal stigma towards obesity is also ever present in the academy” (Small & Harris, 2012, 688). Reflecting upon this we believe OP's voice should be expressed loud and clear. In addition, we strongly believe that tourism is a basic human privilege. The present study should provide managerial implications based on OP's personal experience to facilitate their tourism activities. This reflective approach followed the study from its inception to the final version of the paper. To protect participants' anonymity, all names used in the interviews and quotes are pseudonyms; only when gender and body size (obese/morbidly obese) were relevant to the finding, this information was added.
required to stand in long lines before entering the museum and indicated that their weight makes it difficult to stand in line for long time. Ruth suggested “If you [the interviewer] stand outside for 20 minutes, for me it's like an hour”. Moreover, participants felt confident enough to state that when standing outside in long lines they sweat profusely, suggesting that weight and sweat odors are commonly associated with obese persons, causing them much discomfort and embarrassment while standing next to other people. Roger highlighted this issue: “We sweat and sweat and sweat. Even when we stand on line we sweat. So, when we enter the museum we feel awful and smell like s**t and this is embarrassing”. It should be noted that participants highlighted that the above issues are of no significant impact on the museum experience and should not be compared to the meaningful hurdles and constraint experienced in airplane, hotels or restaurants. Dan (morbidly obese man) argued: “The only reason I am referring to the physical environment, is because you asked me. The museum is not perfect but it's almost there, especially if you compare it to a flight experience, a visit to a hotel or to an amusement park.” Finally, in contrast to other tourist experiences, participants emphasized that in museums, they were less tense and did not feel they were scrutinized because of their physical appearance. This as explained later is due to their perception of the museum's visitors. 4.2. Museum employees: “They should know that we walk slowly and for a short time only.”
4. Findings All the participants reported that their obesity had little – if any – effect on their museum experience, this in contrast to other components/elements of their tourist experience. Specifically, when asked to compare the museum visit to other leisure and tourist attractions, it was unanimously declared “the best”. The predominantly positive attitudes and perceptions of the museum experience were conceptualized based on three main elements: the physical environment of the museum, museum employees, and other visitors' behaviors and attitudes toward the obese.
Asked about the museum's staff attitudes and behaviors, the interviewees responded that they had never experienced major problems or conflicts. Moreover, they praised the employees for being respectful and patient. Participants raised some minor issues regarding the pace of the guided tours, noting that the staff, in general, was unaware that obese people may have special needs related to their inability to walk or stand for long time. Jake (morbidly obese man) stated: “People do not get it, due to our weight it is very difficult for us to walk like others or stand like others. Try to imagine yourself carrying a child on your back…”. Nevertheless, no major service failures were mentioned, and interviewees stated that museum staff regarded them like anyone else, and that the employees were surprised when asked for wheel chairs or scooters at the entrance to the museum.
4.1. Physical environment: “Did you ever notice how big museums are?” When referring to possible hurdles or constraints in the physical environment, participants reported only minor difficulties. Referring to the exhibition halls, participants related to the explanation signs suggesting that they are often placed too low to be conveniently read. Participants also mentioned that on many occasions they had to stand very close to other patrons in order to read the signs, feeling guilty for blocking others' view. In addition, they felt extremely uncomfortable lest they perspire and smell unpleasantly. Sharon (obese woman) claimed: “Obese people sweat much more than slim people. As such we prefer not being close to other people. Also, I don't want to hide the interpretation sign for others”. Interviewees also mentioned that the chairs and benches available at exhibition halls are too low and often too small for them to be able to use (“we have big asses, so we need big chairs” and “big people need big chairs, it's obvious isn't it?”). As for issues related to facilities, reports were mixed. Participants mentioned that as visitors they find restrooms to be a major problem in many tourist and leisure sites. However, interviewees emphasized they did not confront such difficulties in museums. Cristal (obese woman) said: “I wish that the toilets in my house were as big as the ones in museums”. However, participants spoke about the long distances and the large number of stairs leading to the toilets and said that their size and weight make it difficult for them to walk or climb stairs. David (obese man) told the interviewer, “you're thin so it's not a problem for you, but for me it can be a struggle to walk to the washrooms and then coming back – it's almost like going to the gym….” Several participants complained that in some museums, visitors are
4.3. Other visitors: “Museum goers differ from the general population” One of the most revealing findings was that participants did not feel that they were being subjected to other museum goers' staring and scrutiny. For some, it was a surprising feeling of being safe at the public arena. When asked about the reasons for this “safescape” feeling, participants referred to four overlapping issues: 1. Difference between museum goers and visitors to other sites. Participants believed that museum visitors are “better educated, more openminded individuals than those who don't visit museums”; “museum visitors do not judge others by their physical appearance, as others do.” As Dan (morbidly obese man) pointed out, “Come on, museum visitors don't represent the general American population. Let's be honest, almost all the people I know prefer to drink beer and watch football and definitely not visit museums while on vacation.” Museum visitors are portrayed almost as an idyllic segment of society, as people who judge and value others based only on one's personal characteristics (e.g., personality, level of education, knowledge, behavior, and way of thinking) rather than one's body size or physical appearance. Shirley, a university lecturer, suggested that while in the museum she feels as she does during her classes, and that “museum visitors are like my students, they don't care how I look like, they only care about my ability to teach and what I have to say.” 161
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2. Museum goers' different perspective on obesity. Some participants suggested that because museum visitors are “more educated,” they know that obesity may be the result of health problems or genetics rather than laziness or poor dietary habits. In addition, participants argued that educated people know that obese people can work, take care of themselves and their family and, as such, they are not an economic burden on society. Moreover, educated people are aware that obese people suffer from the way others look at them, and therefore try to be as considerate a possible. Lindsey (obese woman) said: “Educated people are aware that obesity is linked to genetics and that obese people work, earn money and are able to take care of their families. They know that Roseanne Barr [a well-known TV actor in the US] is an obese woman, but a rich one. They know that almost all the football players are obese”. 3. Visitors' focus on exhibits. Some participants suggested that most museum goers are interested primarily in the exhibit and the explanations, and not in other visitors around them. As Dan explained, “It's different in museums. People don't pay attention to other people. They are busy looking at the presentations….” 4. Museums as safescape. Museums are portrayed as settings that facilitate protective liberal, humane and accepting social norms toward obese people. When participants were asked to relate to the issue of staring and judging in other circumstances, the question emerged as to whether the same people behave differently toward obese people in other settings such as hotels, restaurants, or theme parks. Does the museum provide a unique haven or a safescape? The responses were not unanimous. Some participants suggested that indeed, museum visitors differ from the general population (“You're wrong, and you know it. Not all people go to museums. Everyone goes to a restaurant or to a hotel but only certain individuals visit museums.”). However, others argued that in museums those who stare at them in other places, pointing and seemingly accusing them for their obesity, behave differently. Participants argued that there is an unwritten code of behavior. Jessica was clear about the different code of behavior in museums: “Think about it. In museums people do not use their mobiles, they do not shout, they are highly polite, they do not talk about sex or work. They dress in a respectable way. They even ask their children to behave. Museums have their own codes of behaviors… It's like going to the church”. The view of museums as akin to churches might explain why museums are considered safescapes, where obese people feel that their physical appearance is not an issue.
safescape in contrast to other leisure and tourist settings. This uniqueness stems from two main elements. First, participants believe that museum visitors differ from the ordinary, daily confronted population. They are more educated, open minded and less judgmental people. Second, the museum is described as a setting controlled by liberal, humane and accepting social norms. It is interesting to note that previous studies (Poria, 2013) conceptualized visiting heritage settings as an experience based on norms or “musts.” It may be the case that museums are attributed by “musts” which are relevant to the clarification of onsite behavior. Namely, visitors are supposed to look as they are not looking at each other, they have to be dressed in a certain way (“respectable”), control their voice and minimize conversing on mundane activities. In general, the tourism literature suggests that when consuming tourism experiences, people often require abiding by certain social norms often different from their daily routine (Cohen & Cohen, 2012). The prevailing social norms reported in this study and the perception on the unique nature of the museum's visitors create a safescape for obese people, free from staring, judgmental gaze and at times rude remarks. Small and Harris (2012) argued that tourism is a right for “all the world's inhabitants” (p. 686). Studies indicate that not all people have access to this right (Small, Harris, & Wilson, 2008). Specifically, previous studies of OP indicate that they do not have the full privilege to travel (Harris & Small, 2009). Small and Harris (2012) claimed that the tourism settings, part of the “esthetic industry” hosts and targets the “beautiful people’ and that those who do not fit this image are not “welcome in paradise”. The findings of the current study indicate that museums serve also those whom society regards as “non-beautiful” people. The museum serves as a shelter for OP, specifically as the visitors are not excepted to gaze at others. It is interesting to note that in contrast to other tourist attractions, the museum was a shelter to men and women alike (Poria & Beal, 2017). Surprisingly a link was not found between obesity, gender, and ethnicity. The museum as a social institution serves here as paradise for OP, it is a shelter for those who do not fit the image that society admires and advocates. The finding can be conceptualized based on the Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), according to which people derive elements of their identity from the groups to which they belong. Small and Harris (2012) adopted this theory to rationalize the way society approaches OP, suggesting that thin people are proud of their thinness and discriminate against OP. Indeed, in contrast to previous studies indicating that OP experience embarrassment, discomfort (Small & Harris, 2012), and shame (Poria & Beal, 2017) the findings here indicate that in museums, OP almost do not feel these emotions. The museum social rules provide OP with a physical and social shield. Tourism scholars are accused of ignoring deprived segments of the population (Poria & Timothy, 2014; Small, 2008). Small and Harris (2012) suggested a possible explanation for neglecting OP – “societal stigma towards obesity is also ever present in the academy” (2012, 688). The present study is an attempt to fill this gap in knowledge. Criticism of the paucity of research on deprived segments is mainly articulated by scholars who adopt the critical approach which attempts to identify and analyze power relations. It is hoped that tourism scholars also exercise their power focusing on other neglected groups advocating their right for tourism. This study contributes to our understanding of the stigmas and attitudes toward OP in the Western world. Small and Harris (2012) reported that obesity is portrayed in the bio-medical discourse as a disease, an epidemic, or a crisis. The neoliberal discourse views obesity as more than a physical-health issue – being obese is an act of lack of selfresponsibility which carries a punishment as well as moral consequences. Thus, eliminating the difficulties faced by OP could be perceived as a reward which they do not deserve, as it removes any incentive they may have had to change their destructive lifestyle, financed by responsible citizens. Relying on Poria and Beal (2017) the findings support the thought that OP are perceived as individuals who
5. Discussion This study aimed to reveal whether obese people, a growing discrimination-prone segment in the population and one almost ignored by tourism scholars, confront difficulties and barriers in museums. The research assumption was that the interaction of OP with the museum's physical and human environments will include difficulties and barriers, and that these will have a negative effect on the museum experience. In contrast to findings in previous studies (Poria & Beal, 2017) the main finding indicates that obesity is not a barrier for a positive museum experience. Although the literature has ignored a visitor's body size in studying servicecape barriers (Berdychevsky et al., 2013), the findings here suggest that visitors' body size, should be considered in the conceptualization and the management of the visit experience. First, it was found that people's body had an impact on the visit experience mainly due to the mismatch between size, furniture, and the exhibition design. The results are consistent with findings regarding people using crutches and wheel chairs in museums (Poria, Reichel, & Brandt, 2009; Poria et al., 2011), suggesting that mobility- challenged visitors consider large museums to be difficult because of the distances they must navigate. The findings highlight the perceived uniqueness of the museum as a 162
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have chosen to be freeloaders that other people – healthy and productive ones –must finance. One of the social sanctions is conspicuously gazing at OP. However, as people usually look at the exhibits in museums, not at each other, OP are protected from the gaze of other visitors. To conclude, given the uniqueness of the museum as a social environment, it provides OP a safescape, a place where they feel that they are not subject to other people's stares. As such, the museum experience significantly differs from other components of the travel experience where obese people are subject to humiliation (Poria & Beal, 2017).
7. Limitations and future studies Given the nature of the qualitative research epistemology adopted, no assumptions can be made regarding the statistical representativeness of the findings. Nevertheless, it is argued that the findings are trustworthy. Studies utilizing a quantitative epistemology can further enrich our knowledge about obese people experience in museums. Small and Harris (2012) argue that obese people travel experience needs to be conceptualized based on contemporary, Western culture social rules which promote the idea of healthy look as slim as well as individual responsibility to achieve and maintain slim look. This study was conducted in a particular sociocultural context in the USA. Additional studies in other cultures and countries may contribute to our understanding of OP in tourism settings on a globalized scale. Moreover, future studies should follow Harris and Small (2013) and focus on the employees and service providers in tourism settings, museums, and other leisure and cultural and heritage settings. Such studies will contribute to the body of knowledge on lookism and other forms of negative prejudices toward various segments of the population who do not fit a pre-determined “beautiful” model.
6. Managerial/practical implications The findings of this exploratory study can be generalized to visitation patterns to museum in obese people's place of residence. This claim is made based on previous studies focusing on OP's leisure and travel experience indicating that OP feel safer next to people with whom they are familiar. This finding is explained by the fact that OP argue that those who are familiar with them know that they “are not like all other OP” (i.e. they are productive and good citizens). As for the design of the museum, management should provide comfortable seats and benches for OP. More sitting spaces should be provided in museum halls as well as at the ticket booths. Regarding service, museum employees should recognize that OP are in essence ordinary people with mobility challenges, who face difficulties walking long distances or standing for long periods of time. Museums should consider offering a multi-entry extended ticket so that people with disabilities may return to the museum after a short visit. OP could be offered a free guide (printed, audio, or electronic) to prevent them from having to get closer to the signs and blocking the view for other visitors. The growing number of people with disabilities and OP visiting museums may require a re-design and training of the usually passive role of museum employees. They are required to be able to provide handy practical information and solve emerging OP's problems. Hence, museums should provide employees with special training to assist OP, often either intentionally or unintentionally ignored due to social and economic forces. Finally, the findings indicate that visitors should be familiarized prior to the visit to the “rules of the game” – in what way the museum can accommodate and is attuned to OP needs. Clearly, managing expectations can contribute to a positive experience. Following Poria et al. (2011) it is suggested that museums offer obese people a tour that is of shorter distance and covers fewer halls, thus requiring less effort. As obese people find it difficult to walk through big museum, there may be a rationale to provide them an option of multi entrances, free of charge, or substantially discounted, to be used the following day, enabling to experience the museum at their paste minimizing the financial pressure. In addition, the chairs and benches located in museums should be comfortable for obese people. Following this line, museum personnel should recognize that OP may want to use wheelchairs or golf carts, the way people with special needs do (De Brún et al., 2014). Obese people, as seen here and in previous studies (Poria & Beal, 2017; Small & Harris, 2012), feel that they negatively affect other people's visit experience due to their body size and odors. Hence, management should consider installing more than one interpretation sign next to the exhibits or use up-to date technology to solve this problem. As for queuing, especially when the line is in a hot and humid environment, management should consider providing OP (as well as people with disabilities) with an adequate space where they can comfortably sit down. Such measures, especially in line with museums role as social as social institution (Noy, 2017), could be helpful for other visitors with special needs or people with walking challenges (e.g. children, the elderly).
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Jeremy Beal is a graduate of the Hospitality and Tourism Management Program at VT. Arie Reichel is a professor in the Department of Hotel and Tourism Management, Guilford Glazer Faculty of Business and Management, in Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.
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