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The political trials and the present day
STUDIES
IN COMPARATIVE
(Goldman), the so-called Committee of Trotskyists (Vlk), the Slovak bourgeois nationalists (Husak), members of the security services (Zavodsky), the army (Drgac) and, lastly, the staff of the ministry of foreign affairs (Goldstuecker, Richard Slansky). In addition to these big trials, a number of individual trials were held (those of J. Srnrkovsky, E. Gutrata, V. Navy, and others). . . . These trials took place after the death of Gottwald, when the Political Secretariat consisted of A. Zapotocky, V. Siroky, I. Dolansky, A. Cepicka, K. Bacilek, A. Novotny, and V. Kopecky. It was not until 1954 that the wave of political trials came to an end, trials that made a lasting impact on the whole fabric of Czechoslovak society and continue to cast their shadow over it to this day. ‘Trtn POLITICAL TRIALS AND THE PRESENT DAY’ Excerpts from a postinvasion article by Karel Kaplati, printed in the February 13, 1969 issue of Doba, a new weekly publication of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. .
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Not only was the political system tmable to prevent the start of the political trials, but it actually took an active part in launching them. This active part consisted mainly in the fact that the regime created the mechanism to produce the political trials-political bodies, the state security services, and [the ministry of] justice participated in the fabrication of the political trials, each of these groups by a different method. This mechanism was able to create ever-new conditions for its existence and for preserving a special, authoritative position within the political system. It influenced the system, 116
COMMUNISM
stimulated its negative aspects, and was one of the factors hindering the removal of those aspects. , . . The political trials helped in a remarkable way to create the political atmosphere of their time, an atmosphere marked by fear of expressing one’s views and by suspicion. Such an atmosphere naturally stifled every form of democratic expression and created conditions which increased the political impotence of the citizen. . . . The security services “manipulated” the political leadership as well as the administration of justice and took part in manipulating the citizens. As a result, the citizens believed that the trials were just; and not only that: they actually turned from passive resignation at the horrors of these trials to an active support of them. The “political activity” organized and directed against the unjustly accused was turned into a mass psychosis in which frequent and loud demands for capital punishment were to be heard. This activity was inhumane and was in conflict with the meaning and purposes of socialism. It grew out of lies and misused thousands of honest and trusting citizens. This was one of the causes of the future social crisis, because the discovery of truth turned confidence into mistrust of both individuals and policies. . . . . The political trials left little freedom of movement for political thought. Political developments could be perceived only through special “spectacles.” Everything was seen from the angle of the enemy’s activities and his agencies, while the views of the social classes, the demands of the nations and nationalities, and often even the recommendations of the trade unions, if they were not in harmony with the ideas of the political leadership or the Stalirdst pattern, were
DOCUMENJS branded with the sign of the class enemy. Thus, many -isms were born: nationalism, reformism, Slanskyism, etc.-which were seen as hereditary sins, as threats to society. Political thinking was paralyzed and came more and more into conSict with social reality. That contlict was to become another source of future social crises. Marx’s concept that an idea turns into a material force as soon as it dominates the masses was fully proved. The theory of an ever-increasing class struggle fultilled this function, although in a negative sense. A few days after February 1948 [sic], Klement Gottwald declared that a return to capitalism brought about by internal forces was impossible. Before long the position of socialism became stronger still; yet the conviction that there was a threat of a return to capitalism, actually represented by a group of party officials, was winning ground. .
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I shah now turn to another sphere which was particularly strongly affected by the political trials, namely that of relations between citizens. These relations grew cooler; people began to draw Frequently, apart from each other. friends of many years’ standing turned enemies or became suspicious of one another. Relations and actions, which were formerly considered to be absolutely normal . . . changed suddenly into ab-
normalities. The natural became unnatural. The result of these changes was a reassessment of many values which form a natural part of humanity and socialism. Such values as courage, the fight for truth and justice, comradeship, sincerity and frankness, respect for, and confidence in, man and the law were pushed into the background. There was a spectacular drop in the value of human life; this was reflected in the trials and in the call for capital punishment, so often heard at meetings and found in various resolutions. The political trials and their consequences defiled the ideals of socialism and its humanistic content with which an overwhelming majority of our nation agreed. The internal crisis of the people and of society grew as, little by little, the truth was uncovered. . . . . Much has already been made good by our society, but we must continue our struggle to liquidate all the consequences of the trials in every sphere of life. We must establish a system which makes a repetition of the trials impossible. Society must store up reserves of protective substance to make it immune to this terrible disease. After January 1968, having been taught a lesson by the recent past, it took the first steps to build dams to prevent the repetition of illegalities and distortions leading to political trials and the sacrifice of the innocent.
117
IN COMPARATIVE
(Goldman), the so-called Committee of Trotskyists (Vlk), the Slovak bourgeois nationalists (Husak), members of the security services (Zavodsky), the army (Drgac) and, lastly, the staff of the ministry of foreign affairs (Goldstuecker, Richard Slansky). In addition to these big trials, a number of individual trials were held (those of J. Srnrkovsky, E. Gutrata, V. Navy, and others). . . . These trials took place after the death of Gottwald, when the Political Secretariat consisted of A. Zapotocky, V. Siroky, I. Dolansky, A. Cepicka, K. Bacilek, A. Novotny, and V. Kopecky. It was not until 1954 that the wave of political trials came to an end, trials that made a lasting impact on the whole fabric of Czechoslovak society and continue to cast their shadow over it to this day. ‘Trtn POLITICAL TRIALS AND THE PRESENT DAY’ Excerpts from a postinvasion article by Karel Kaplati, printed in the February 13, 1969 issue of Doba, a new weekly publication of the Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences. .
.
.
.
Not only was the political system tmable to prevent the start of the political trials, but it actually took an active part in launching them. This active part consisted mainly in the fact that the regime created the mechanism to produce the political trials-political bodies, the state security services, and [the ministry of] justice participated in the fabrication of the political trials, each of these groups by a different method. This mechanism was able to create ever-new conditions for its existence and for preserving a special, authoritative position within the political system. It influenced the system, 116
COMMUNISM
stimulated its negative aspects, and was one of the factors hindering the removal of those aspects. , . . The political trials helped in a remarkable way to create the political atmosphere of their time, an atmosphere marked by fear of expressing one’s views and by suspicion. Such an atmosphere naturally stifled every form of democratic expression and created conditions which increased the political impotence of the citizen. . . . The security services “manipulated” the political leadership as well as the administration of justice and took part in manipulating the citizens. As a result, the citizens believed that the trials were just; and not only that: they actually turned from passive resignation at the horrors of these trials to an active support of them. The “political activity” organized and directed against the unjustly accused was turned into a mass psychosis in which frequent and loud demands for capital punishment were to be heard. This activity was inhumane and was in conflict with the meaning and purposes of socialism. It grew out of lies and misused thousands of honest and trusting citizens. This was one of the causes of the future social crisis, because the discovery of truth turned confidence into mistrust of both individuals and policies. . . . . The political trials left little freedom of movement for political thought. Political developments could be perceived only through special “spectacles.” Everything was seen from the angle of the enemy’s activities and his agencies, while the views of the social classes, the demands of the nations and nationalities, and often even the recommendations of the trade unions, if they were not in harmony with the ideas of the political leadership or the Stalirdst pattern, were
DOCUMENJS branded with the sign of the class enemy. Thus, many -isms were born: nationalism, reformism, Slanskyism, etc.-which were seen as hereditary sins, as threats to society. Political thinking was paralyzed and came more and more into conSict with social reality. That contlict was to become another source of future social crises. Marx’s concept that an idea turns into a material force as soon as it dominates the masses was fully proved. The theory of an ever-increasing class struggle fultilled this function, although in a negative sense. A few days after February 1948 [sic], Klement Gottwald declared that a return to capitalism brought about by internal forces was impossible. Before long the position of socialism became stronger still; yet the conviction that there was a threat of a return to capitalism, actually represented by a group of party officials, was winning ground. .
.
.
.
I shah now turn to another sphere which was particularly strongly affected by the political trials, namely that of relations between citizens. These relations grew cooler; people began to draw Frequently, apart from each other. friends of many years’ standing turned enemies or became suspicious of one another. Relations and actions, which were formerly considered to be absolutely normal . . . changed suddenly into ab-
normalities. The natural became unnatural. The result of these changes was a reassessment of many values which form a natural part of humanity and socialism. Such values as courage, the fight for truth and justice, comradeship, sincerity and frankness, respect for, and confidence in, man and the law were pushed into the background. There was a spectacular drop in the value of human life; this was reflected in the trials and in the call for capital punishment, so often heard at meetings and found in various resolutions. The political trials and their consequences defiled the ideals of socialism and its humanistic content with which an overwhelming majority of our nation agreed. The internal crisis of the people and of society grew as, little by little, the truth was uncovered. . . . . Much has already been made good by our society, but we must continue our struggle to liquidate all the consequences of the trials in every sphere of life. We must establish a system which makes a repetition of the trials impossible. Society must store up reserves of protective substance to make it immune to this terrible disease. After January 1968, having been taught a lesson by the recent past, it took the first steps to build dams to prevent the repetition of illegalities and distortions leading to political trials and the sacrifice of the innocent.
117