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The Protestant Work Ethic: The psychology of work-related beliefs and behaviours
considerable, especially at times of economic decline, such careers are worthy of study. In fact, it could be argued that the book is least effective in its efforts to theorise unorthodox careers. For instance, it pays some, but certainly not enough, attention to the peculiarities of the careers of the self-employed and of entrepreneurs. Such criticisms should, however, not be overstated. The book is a valuable and innovative contribution to the literature on career patterns. In some senses, it has formulated for the first time the domain of career theory. Taken individually the chapters offer little which is really new or revelatory but taken together they prove that there is a strong coherent body of work which could form the basis for a general theory of career structures and change. Glynis Breakwell Dept. of Psychology University of Surrey Guildford UK
Adrian Furnham, The Protestant Work Ethic: The Psychology of WorkRelated Beliefs and Behaviours. Routledge, London, 1990. pp. xv + 305. U2.99. Max Weber might have been intrigued by the colourful careers pursued by some of his brainchildren after his death. Two in particular, ‘charisma’ and ‘the Protestant ethic’ have travelled far and wide, venturing beyond the realms of social science into popular culture. During their travels, these concepts have served different masters and assumed different guises, losing on their way much of their religious heritage. Social scientists complain that these concepts are being corrupted by popular usage, often forgetting that they too like to mould them to their own purposes. A book which retraces the theoretical origins of one of these concepts and surveys subsequent developments in a scholarly and systematic fashion must be welcome. Furnham’s book is the product of a substantial effort to review the state of the debates centring on the Protestant Work Ethic. These debates have a bearing on several critical issues confronting the social sciences, notably, the determinants of economic growth and
prosperity, the causes of social and economic inequalities, unemployment, socialization and the future of work. Moreover, the concept of the PWE stands in the middle of much soul-searching and questioning, as the industrial nations of the West find themselves outpaced in their own game by the booming economies of the Pacific basin. Is this due to a chronic decline of the PWE in the West, an unwillingness of people to work hard in pursuit of material prosperity? Furnham’s book starts with an examination of the Weberian origins of the PWE, which stands as a useful reminder that the concept does not merely extol hard (and often non-creative and unpleasant) work as virtuous, but equally castigates leisure and idleness as a mortal sin. Wealth is the crowning sign of God’s favour, but pleasure, extravagance and waste are vices to be eschewed. As a highly individualistic ethic, the PWE places a high premium on individual effort and achievement. Hard work is seen as the royal road to success, itself the sign of God’s favour. Above all, in the words of R.H. Tawney, ‘labour is not merely an economic means; it is a spiritual end.’ Furnham’s interest in the Protestant Work Ethic is predominantly psychological. Although he discusses a large number of studies from other disciplines, in the main he sides with the psychologists, treating the PWE as ‘an individual difference belief variable’ (p. 170). The earlier chapters of the book are devoted to identifying and measuring the central core of beliefs which make up the PWE, establishing their attitudinal correlates, and examining their distribution in the population. He also studies how children are socialized into the PWE, and brings together much of the cross-cultural comparative material, refuting on his way numerous myths and cultural stereotypes, for instance that the PWE has declined terminally among the British working class. The middle part of the book deals with the forms assumed by the work ethic at the workplace and its effects on attitudes regarding unemployment, retirement and leisure. In the final four chapters of his book, Furnham broadens his perspective and discusses the PWE in a historical context, first, in conjunction with the general package of values referred to as ‘Victorian’, and then with 20th century social, economic and cultural developments. This part of the book juxtaposes the PWE with alternative work ethics, questions the degree and nature of its transformations over generations and looks at its prospects in a future of increased automation and ‘post-industrial’ values. The book is thoroughly documented with findings from a wide
variety of sources, at times verging on the encyclopaedic. The material from different sources is clearly summarized and skillfully blended, but inevitably the divergent methodologies of different field studies, not to mention the differing operationalization of concepts, make sensible comparisons difficult. What is one to make, for example, of the finding of several studies reported by Furnham that British workers report greater job satisfaction, a greater willingness to accept ‘strong management’, and a stronger work orientation than the West German counter-parts? (p. 130ff.) What is the meaning of the remarkable finding of one quoted study that 79% of the British workers take great pride in their work as against a mere 15% of Germans? (p. 130) Fumham appreciates these difficulties and warns his reader of the dangers of generalizing from specific findings. What, however, may disconcert some readers is that, faced with a profusion of incompatible or contradictory findings, Furnham is unwilling to commit himself either for or against specific approaches. His discussions of the different studies, always clear and scholarly, lack the sharp critical edge that is needed if the concept of the PWE is to be salvaged from meaning very different things to different people. Thus, the conclusions of each chapter, coming after extensive presentation of existing literature have a highly inconclusive quality, emphasizing the need for further research. This is especially so in the final chapters, when Furnham’s unwillingness to take a position on vital debates is most pronounced. Chapter 7, for example, juxtaposes different theories regarding the historical transformation of the PWE to conclude that, in the absence of longtitudinal studies, there is little reliable data to support any of these theories. While none of these theories is accepted, none is rejected either. The reader is left with the impression that the PWE has indeed undergone transformations but the nature of these transformations is unclear. Nor is it clear whether it makes sense to continue talking of The Protestant Work Ethic in the light of these possible transformations. For example, can we talk of the PWE as a secular concept? Can we talk of the PWE while relaxing the strictures against leisure and relaxation? Can the PWE incorporate a dimension of risk and gamesmanship which is incompatible with the Weberian conception? One conceptual distinction that Furnham does draw is the valid and important distinction between a belief system and an ethic (p. 214ff.), the latter involving a set of moral judgements, about how one should
lead one’s life. Nevertheless, much of the book treats the PWE as a constellation of beliefs, some more central than others, which people profess to espouse. Whether this ethic acts as a spur to action is much less clear. ‘There is certainly sufficient evidence to suggest that PWE beliefs are associated with hard work’ (p. 165) argues Fumham, and then ‘PWE beliefs are highly predictive of work-related behaviours’ (p. 173). I, for one, am not entirely convinced. There is virtually no evidence of how the work output of those professing PWE beliefs compares with that of others. At best, the evidence seems to suggest that those who profess PWE beliefs also profess to work hard, which is hardly contentious but also hardly revealing. Just as the PWE does not necessarily translate into hard work, hard work itself is not necessarily the product of a system of beliefs related to the PWE. People may work hard out of fear, or out of commitment to their group, or because they are galvanized by effective leadership, or because they wish to gain specific material benefits, rather than because they believe in the intrinsic value of hard work. People who work hard in one context may not do so in a different one. The trade union member who puts long hours of voluntary labour placing letters in envelopes may be distinctly less diligent when he/she places letters in envelopes for his/her employer. The houseworker who works hard with his/her children and relatives may have the reputation of a lazy worker at the workplace. Fumham is quite aware of this problem, yet it is not clear how the PWE concept helps to resolve it. On the contrary, by subsuming all types of work, creative as well as routine, paid as well as unpaid, self-directed as well as other-directed, meaningful as well as meaningless, in a single concept, it may be further confusing the issue. Moreover, hard work is a concept which requires further clarification: long-hours and intensive physical effort may be evident manifestations, but what of intellectual effort? ‘Working smarter’ may be more effective than ‘working harder’; but is the individual who looks for short-cuts and smart solutions to be seen as someone avoiding the rigours of hard labour or as someone seeking to increase overall output? One of the issues addressed by Furnham is what may be called the micro-foundations of social and economic behaviour. He is careful to distance himself from naive theories which attribute economic development and growth to the individuals’ hunger for hard work. It is all too obvious that diligent individuals or groups working hard at undoing each other’s work (such as warring sides) may be as economically
unsuccessful as hard-working individuals working with antiquated equipment or ineffective management. Furnham’s fascination with McClelland’s early work would suggest that he regards PWE beliefs as at least a facilitator of economic development, but he is not willing to commit himself to anything more specific than this. Moreover, in his usual cautious and methodical manner, he warns that wealth-creation and entrepreneurship must embrace the value of risk which is at odds with the conservatism at the heart of the PWE. One feature of the book which I enjoyed were the witty aphorisms which open each chapter, and stimulate the reader’s interest in the issues which are covered. The chapters themselves make extensive use of indented lists (there is one or more on most pages). This will help some readers (especially those who are looking for schematic outlines of the arguments) while others may find that they disrupt the flow of the discussion or that they tend to oversimplify some issues. Overall. the book’s value lies in its methodical, sympathetic and clear exposition of the arguments. Those looking for a prise-de-position or a sharp critical quality will not be satisfied. But then the book enables the reader to draw his/her own conclusions regarding the state of the debates on the PWE and the overall usefulness of the concept. Yiannis Gabriel School of Management University of Bath Bath BA2 7AY UK
K. Button (ed.), The Collected Essays of Harvey ~e~~enstein, Volumes 1 and 2. Edward Elgar, Aldershot, 1989. Vol. I: pp. xviii + 367, Vol. II: pp. xii + 381. g38.50 per volume. Economists are fond of analysing technical progress in industries and economies. Rarely do they apply their analysis to examine shifts in the production function of their own discipline. These volumes of collected essays provide some insights into how an internationally famous economist has developed some of his ideas. Harvey Leibenstein’s contribution has been to question some of the traditional assumptions in economic theory, particularly the maximis-
Adrian Furnham, The Protestant Work Ethic: The Psychology of WorkRelated Beliefs and Behaviours. Routledge, London, 1990. pp. xv + 305. U2.99. Max Weber might have been intrigued by the colourful careers pursued by some of his brainchildren after his death. Two in particular, ‘charisma’ and ‘the Protestant ethic’ have travelled far and wide, venturing beyond the realms of social science into popular culture. During their travels, these concepts have served different masters and assumed different guises, losing on their way much of their religious heritage. Social scientists complain that these concepts are being corrupted by popular usage, often forgetting that they too like to mould them to their own purposes. A book which retraces the theoretical origins of one of these concepts and surveys subsequent developments in a scholarly and systematic fashion must be welcome. Furnham’s book is the product of a substantial effort to review the state of the debates centring on the Protestant Work Ethic. These debates have a bearing on several critical issues confronting the social sciences, notably, the determinants of economic growth and
prosperity, the causes of social and economic inequalities, unemployment, socialization and the future of work. Moreover, the concept of the PWE stands in the middle of much soul-searching and questioning, as the industrial nations of the West find themselves outpaced in their own game by the booming economies of the Pacific basin. Is this due to a chronic decline of the PWE in the West, an unwillingness of people to work hard in pursuit of material prosperity? Furnham’s book starts with an examination of the Weberian origins of the PWE, which stands as a useful reminder that the concept does not merely extol hard (and often non-creative and unpleasant) work as virtuous, but equally castigates leisure and idleness as a mortal sin. Wealth is the crowning sign of God’s favour, but pleasure, extravagance and waste are vices to be eschewed. As a highly individualistic ethic, the PWE places a high premium on individual effort and achievement. Hard work is seen as the royal road to success, itself the sign of God’s favour. Above all, in the words of R.H. Tawney, ‘labour is not merely an economic means; it is a spiritual end.’ Furnham’s interest in the Protestant Work Ethic is predominantly psychological. Although he discusses a large number of studies from other disciplines, in the main he sides with the psychologists, treating the PWE as ‘an individual difference belief variable’ (p. 170). The earlier chapters of the book are devoted to identifying and measuring the central core of beliefs which make up the PWE, establishing their attitudinal correlates, and examining their distribution in the population. He also studies how children are socialized into the PWE, and brings together much of the cross-cultural comparative material, refuting on his way numerous myths and cultural stereotypes, for instance that the PWE has declined terminally among the British working class. The middle part of the book deals with the forms assumed by the work ethic at the workplace and its effects on attitudes regarding unemployment, retirement and leisure. In the final four chapters of his book, Furnham broadens his perspective and discusses the PWE in a historical context, first, in conjunction with the general package of values referred to as ‘Victorian’, and then with 20th century social, economic and cultural developments. This part of the book juxtaposes the PWE with alternative work ethics, questions the degree and nature of its transformations over generations and looks at its prospects in a future of increased automation and ‘post-industrial’ values. The book is thoroughly documented with findings from a wide
variety of sources, at times verging on the encyclopaedic. The material from different sources is clearly summarized and skillfully blended, but inevitably the divergent methodologies of different field studies, not to mention the differing operationalization of concepts, make sensible comparisons difficult. What is one to make, for example, of the finding of several studies reported by Furnham that British workers report greater job satisfaction, a greater willingness to accept ‘strong management’, and a stronger work orientation than the West German counter-parts? (p. 130ff.) What is the meaning of the remarkable finding of one quoted study that 79% of the British workers take great pride in their work as against a mere 15% of Germans? (p. 130) Fumham appreciates these difficulties and warns his reader of the dangers of generalizing from specific findings. What, however, may disconcert some readers is that, faced with a profusion of incompatible or contradictory findings, Furnham is unwilling to commit himself either for or against specific approaches. His discussions of the different studies, always clear and scholarly, lack the sharp critical edge that is needed if the concept of the PWE is to be salvaged from meaning very different things to different people. Thus, the conclusions of each chapter, coming after extensive presentation of existing literature have a highly inconclusive quality, emphasizing the need for further research. This is especially so in the final chapters, when Furnham’s unwillingness to take a position on vital debates is most pronounced. Chapter 7, for example, juxtaposes different theories regarding the historical transformation of the PWE to conclude that, in the absence of longtitudinal studies, there is little reliable data to support any of these theories. While none of these theories is accepted, none is rejected either. The reader is left with the impression that the PWE has indeed undergone transformations but the nature of these transformations is unclear. Nor is it clear whether it makes sense to continue talking of The Protestant Work Ethic in the light of these possible transformations. For example, can we talk of the PWE as a secular concept? Can we talk of the PWE while relaxing the strictures against leisure and relaxation? Can the PWE incorporate a dimension of risk and gamesmanship which is incompatible with the Weberian conception? One conceptual distinction that Furnham does draw is the valid and important distinction between a belief system and an ethic (p. 214ff.), the latter involving a set of moral judgements, about how one should
lead one’s life. Nevertheless, much of the book treats the PWE as a constellation of beliefs, some more central than others, which people profess to espouse. Whether this ethic acts as a spur to action is much less clear. ‘There is certainly sufficient evidence to suggest that PWE beliefs are associated with hard work’ (p. 165) argues Fumham, and then ‘PWE beliefs are highly predictive of work-related behaviours’ (p. 173). I, for one, am not entirely convinced. There is virtually no evidence of how the work output of those professing PWE beliefs compares with that of others. At best, the evidence seems to suggest that those who profess PWE beliefs also profess to work hard, which is hardly contentious but also hardly revealing. Just as the PWE does not necessarily translate into hard work, hard work itself is not necessarily the product of a system of beliefs related to the PWE. People may work hard out of fear, or out of commitment to their group, or because they are galvanized by effective leadership, or because they wish to gain specific material benefits, rather than because they believe in the intrinsic value of hard work. People who work hard in one context may not do so in a different one. The trade union member who puts long hours of voluntary labour placing letters in envelopes may be distinctly less diligent when he/she places letters in envelopes for his/her employer. The houseworker who works hard with his/her children and relatives may have the reputation of a lazy worker at the workplace. Fumham is quite aware of this problem, yet it is not clear how the PWE concept helps to resolve it. On the contrary, by subsuming all types of work, creative as well as routine, paid as well as unpaid, self-directed as well as other-directed, meaningful as well as meaningless, in a single concept, it may be further confusing the issue. Moreover, hard work is a concept which requires further clarification: long-hours and intensive physical effort may be evident manifestations, but what of intellectual effort? ‘Working smarter’ may be more effective than ‘working harder’; but is the individual who looks for short-cuts and smart solutions to be seen as someone avoiding the rigours of hard labour or as someone seeking to increase overall output? One of the issues addressed by Furnham is what may be called the micro-foundations of social and economic behaviour. He is careful to distance himself from naive theories which attribute economic development and growth to the individuals’ hunger for hard work. It is all too obvious that diligent individuals or groups working hard at undoing each other’s work (such as warring sides) may be as economically
unsuccessful as hard-working individuals working with antiquated equipment or ineffective management. Furnham’s fascination with McClelland’s early work would suggest that he regards PWE beliefs as at least a facilitator of economic development, but he is not willing to commit himself to anything more specific than this. Moreover, in his usual cautious and methodical manner, he warns that wealth-creation and entrepreneurship must embrace the value of risk which is at odds with the conservatism at the heart of the PWE. One feature of the book which I enjoyed were the witty aphorisms which open each chapter, and stimulate the reader’s interest in the issues which are covered. The chapters themselves make extensive use of indented lists (there is one or more on most pages). This will help some readers (especially those who are looking for schematic outlines of the arguments) while others may find that they disrupt the flow of the discussion or that they tend to oversimplify some issues. Overall. the book’s value lies in its methodical, sympathetic and clear exposition of the arguments. Those looking for a prise-de-position or a sharp critical quality will not be satisfied. But then the book enables the reader to draw his/her own conclusions regarding the state of the debates on the PWE and the overall usefulness of the concept. Yiannis Gabriel School of Management University of Bath Bath BA2 7AY UK
K. Button (ed.), The Collected Essays of Harvey ~e~~enstein, Volumes 1 and 2. Edward Elgar, Aldershot, 1989. Vol. I: pp. xviii + 367, Vol. II: pp. xii + 381. g38.50 per volume. Economists are fond of analysing technical progress in industries and economies. Rarely do they apply their analysis to examine shifts in the production function of their own discipline. These volumes of collected essays provide some insights into how an internationally famous economist has developed some of his ideas. Harvey Leibenstein’s contribution has been to question some of the traditional assumptions in economic theory, particularly the maximis-