The relationship of former board members of the German Society of Pathology to National Socialism: A prosopographic study

Journal Pre-proof The Relationship of Former Board Members of the German Society of Pathology to National Socialism: A Prosopographic Study ¨ Mathias Schmidt, Dominik Gross Christina Graf,

PII:

S0344-0338(19)31495-5

DOI:

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.prp.2019.152618

Article Number:

152618

Reference:

PRP 152618

To appear in: Received Date:

30 July 2019

Revised Date:

25 August 2019

Accepted Date:

25 August 2019

¨ C, Schmidt M, Gross D, The Relationship of Former Board Please cite this article as: Graf Members of the German Society of Pathology to National Socialism: A Prosopographic Study, Pathology - Research and Practice (2019), doi: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.prp.2019.152618

This is a PDF file of an article that has undergone enhancements after acceptance, such as the addition of a cover page and metadata, and formatting for readability, but it is not yet the definitive version of record. This version will undergo additional copyediting, typesetting and review before it is published in its final form, but we are providing this version to give early visibility of the article. Please note that, during the production process, errors may be discovered which could affect the content, and all legal disclaimers that apply to the journal pertain. © 2019 Published by Elsevier.

The Relationship of Former Board Members of the German Society of Pathology to National Socialism A Prosopographic Study1 Christina Gräf* [email protected], Mathias Schmidt2, Dominik Gross2

Jo

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

Institute for History, Theory and Ethics of Medicine, Medical Faculty, RWTH Aachen University, 50968, Cologne *Corresponding author. Abstract This cross-sectional study explores the relationship of former presidents and board members of the German Society for Pathology (DGP) to National Socialism. The intention here is to concretely clarify how many of these individuals belonged to the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) or other Nazi organizations during the Third Reich; what significance any kind of Nazi past had on the candidature of individuals for board positions in the Federal Republic of Germany; and how a relationship to National Socialism impacted the careers of these individuals during the Third Reich, as well as later on, in the Federal Republic. A total of 60 pathologists were included in this study. Each of these individuals was an elected member of the DGP board during (1) the Weimar Republic, (2) the Nazi era, or (3) in the Federal Republic, and all were adults during the Third Reich. All 60 individuals in question were male university professors. Membership in the NSDAP has been verified for almost 60% of this collective, a percentage rate that is significantly higher than the average membership rate of medical doctors during the Third Reich (ca. 45%). It could also be demonstrated that a political allegiance to National Socialism had, especially amongst younger academics, quite a positive impact. Significantly, however, not one of the 7 DGP chairmen incumbent during the Third Reich were Nazi party members at the time they took office. In contrast, two-thirds of the DGP chairmen appointed until 1986 in the Federal Republic of Germany were former NSDAP members. Clearly, any earlier political commitment to National Socialism did not play a limiting role in the election of the DGP chairman in the Federal Republic. In any case, it can be shown that almost all the former NSDAP members were able to continue or even broaden their careers in the Federal Republic. This study reaches the conclusion that the DGP executive boards and board members of the Federal Republic of Germany had much closer ties to the National Socialist Party than the DGP executive boards during the Third Reich did. It is precisely this finding that confirms the historical, political, and social relevance of this research project dedicated to reappraising this era in history.

1 2

This article is part of the DGP project "Pathology and Pathologists in National Socialism". Both authors equally contributed to this paper.

1

Jo

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

Key words German Society for Pathology (DGP) – National Socialism – NSDAP – Research Project – Perpetrators – Victims 1. Introduction In recent decades, the reappraisal of the political role played by German medical doctors during National Socialism as well as after 1945 has gained significant momentum, a phenomenon which also applies to subgroups of medical specialists [1,2]. The professional subgroup of pathologists is now attempting to come to terms with and classify their role in the Third Reich, and this applies in particular to the German Society of Pathology (DGP), which commissioned this study. Consequently, former representatives of the DGP – specifically the chairmen and board members – are the focus of this cross-sectional examination: This specialist society was founded in Braunschweig on September 20, 1897 with just 41 members under the name “Deutsche Pathologische Gesellschaft” (DPG). Not until the 32. meeting in Dortmund in 1948 was this organization renamed the “Deutsche Gesellschaft für Pathologie” (DGP) (German Society for Pathology), the name still used today [3]. This latter term will be used exclusively in the following paper, solely for reasons of better reading flow. Today, the DGP board is made up of 12 to 13 members, which include the chairman and deputy, the conference president and the designated conference president, the secretary and deputy, the treasurer and deputy, as well as others who serve as board members [4]. The total number of members is currently over 1.000 [3]. The membership structure for the period under investigation were, however, quite different: At that time, the chairman was also responsible for carrying out the duties of the conference president, and the term of office was therefore limited to 1 year. In addition, the board was made up solely of the conference president, one additional board member and occasionally a treasurer or secretary. During the war years of 1939-1945, as well as during the post-war period of 1945-1948, no conferences took place, which resulted in no chairman being named during this time [3,4]. These actors are the subject of this investigation. The focus here is on the following central questions: Which political roles did the chairmen and board members of the DGP play during the Third Reich? How many of these individuals were members of the NSDAP and/or other Nazi organizations, and how did they interact with the Nazi regime? What role did the de-Nazification of these pathologists play after 1945? And, this related question: Did a Nazi past have any kind of impact on the election of the DGP chairmen or board members in the Federal Republic? Was the political transformation from Nazi dictatorship to democracy in the young Federal Republic also reflected in the personnel policy of the DGP, which was re-established in 1948? Of the pathologists examined here, who were among the professional and social winners in the Third Reich as well as in the Federal Republic; who among the losers, and what were the main reasons for this? 2

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

2. Materials and Methods At the outset, the inclusion criteria for the group of persons in question were defined. Included in this study are only those pathologists who were (1) DGP board members (including chairman, secretary, treasurer, or member – also as a deputy) during the Weimar Republic, the Third Reich, or the Federal Republic, (2) born before 1924, and who could (3) be classified as citizens of the German Reich or Greater German Reich during the National Socialist era. Limiting inclusion to those born in 1923 or earlier ensures that the individuals included had reached the legal age of maturity before the end of the Third Reich and also the necessary age of maturity for the development of any kind of political leaning. The concrete research on the individuals included here, as well as the reconstruction of their respective biographies, was conducted using contemporary, topic-specific literature (primary literature), available research literature relating to the history of pathology and/or to medicine under National Socialism (secondary literature), and, especially, a wide variety of archival sources (among others: the Federal Archives in Berlin as well as state and regional archives). 60 individuals fulfilled the aforementioned criteria for inclusion (Table 1). These pathologists were, without exception, male. All were professors at universities. Biographies of acceptable detail were able to be reconstructed for each person. The youngest pathologists included in this study were Georg Dhom, Ekkehard Grundmann and Gerhard Seifert [5], all born in 1921 or 1922; the oldest was Max Askanazy [6], born in 1865. Their age difference spanned 2 generations. Included in this collective of 60 individuals are 3 Jewish and 5 Swiss pathologists; these 8 were considered in some analyses of this study, but had to be excluded from other aspects; for example, regarding the question of the NSDAP membership ratio in the collective, as a party membership was, for these 8, impossible due to structural reasons.

Jo

3. General Profile of the Collective Offices within the DGP All individuals included in this study were elected to the DGP board either (1) before 1933, (2) during the Third Reich, or (3) after 1945; they are listed in Table 1. Chronologically speaking, Ludwig Aschoff was the first DGP chairman included (1914), while Gerhard Seifert was the last (1986) within this collective. The individuals under examination here held various positions on the DGP board; some held more than one office over the course of time: 47 of these 60 individuals were appointed chairman. 2 of these 47 pathologists were elected, but were unable to serve as chair: Herbert Siegmund [7] died shortly before the planned assumption of office, and the pathologist Gotthold Herxheimer [8], who had been elected before the National

3

re

-p

ro

of

Socialists’ seizure of power, ultimately resigned in 1933 in order to spare the society, which had, by that time, been aligned with the Nazi doctrine, possible reprisals due to his Jewish origin. During the Third Reich (1933-1945), Herxheimer was followed by 6 further – now “Aryan” – chairmen [9], namely Werner Hueck (Herxheimer’s deputy, 1934 in Rostock), Albert Dietrich (1935 in Giessen), Bernhard Fischer-Wasels (1936 in Breslau), Hermann Beitzke (1937 in Frankfurt a.M.), Karl Theodor Fahr (1938 in Stuttgart/Tübingen) and Walther Fischer (1944, war conference in Breslau). A total of 5 of the pathologists included held the office of secretary [9], namely Willy Giese, Georg Benno Gruber, Carl Krauspe, Edmund Randerath and Gerhard Seifert. Carl Krauspe experienced the most conferences as the secretary in charge: From 1954 to 1962, he held this position at a total of 9 conferences. Georg Benno Gruber held the position of secretary for the longest period. He was in office from 1934 to 1949, i.e. during the entire National Socialist era, and even beyond, but it must be stated that only 6 meetings were held during this time. Richard Böhmig [10-19], Gerhard Liebegott [20-22], Walter Müller [23-33] and Walther Fischer [34-38] all served as treasurers. Walter Müller held this post the longest, while Walther Fischer held it during the years 1934 to 1938, and was elected chairman of the 1944 War Conference in Breslau. Many included pathologists were at certain times of their career board members without the special function of a chairperson, secretary or treasurer (n=27).

ur na

lP

Geographical Background In 60 cases, the geographical background of these individuals was able to be determined (Table 3): 49 of these 60 were born within the borders of present-day Germany (n=40) or in the former East Prussia or Silesia (n=9). The rest are distributed among Austria (n=5), which was “annexed” to the German Reich in 1938, and neutral Switzerland (n=5) (see also Table 1). The only exception is Walter Schultze, who was born in Tokyo, Japan, but grew up and established his career in Germany [39,40].

Jo

Social Background (Paternal Profession) and Additional Qualifications For 42 of the 60 individuals, the father´s profession was able to be determined. Table 4 shows that 12 pathologists grew up in doctors´ families. In addition, there were 13 pathologists from the educated middle class. 17 pathologists were raised in the merchant or craftsman milieu. 5 individuals pursued at least one verified additional field of study (Heinrich Bredt [41], Franz Büchner [42-44], Curt Froboese [45], Karl Lennert [46] and Walter Müller [47]), while all others exclusively studied medicine. Typical Career Stages

4

re

-p

ro

of

Of these 60 pathologists, 34 (57%) were prosectors at some point during their careers. For most pathologists, the position of prosector was an intermediate step on the way to a professorship, and was therefore rarely held over a longer period of time. Carl Sternberg was one of the exceptions: From 1906 to 1919 he was head of the prosector unit in Brno (Brno, Czech Republic) and from 1920 to 1935 at the Vienna Hospital [48]. For 47 pathologists (Jewish and Swiss pathologists being excluded), the year they attained postdoctoral academic teaching qualifications (Habilitation) was able to be verified, whereas for 5 others, no specific year could be determined (Walter Di Biasi, Karl Theodor Fahr, Gerhard Liebegott, Walter Sandritter, Werner Selberg). This allows for the following extrapolation: 31 individuals obtained their academic qualifications before 1933, 9 during the Nazi regime and 7 in the post-war era. Most pathologists obtained their qualifications within the borders of today´s Germany; the leading universities here were Leipzig (n=6) and Freiburg (n=6) (Figure 1). During the course of their careers, a total of 59 pathologists managed to attain at the very least the title of professor, most of these 59 were appointed associate or full professor. The only exception here was Hermann Eck [49], who, in 1948, was appointed director of the Municipal Hospital St. Georg in Leipzig and remained in this position until his retirement in 1972.

Jo

ur na

lP

Membership in the NSDAP and other Nazi Organizations 8 pathologists were a priori not eligible for membership in the Nazi party because, as mentioned above, they were of Jewish descent or were Swiss citizens (the foreign organization of the NSDAP – the AO-NSDAP – cannot be equated with the actual NSDAP and was therefore not considered here) (Table 1). The 3 pathologists of Jewish descent were: Max Askanazy [6], Carl Sternberg [50] and Gotthold Herxheimer [51], who had been designated chairman in 1931/32. Ambrosius von Albertini [52], Christoph Ernst Hedinger [53], Erwin Uehlinger [54], Carl Wegelin [55] and Andreas Achilles Werthemann [56,57] were Swiss citizens. For the remaining 52 pathologists, however, the question of NSDAP membership needed to be examined: According to archival research, 30 of these 52 (58%) were verified members of the Nazi party (Table 1), although it cannot be ruled out that the actual membership rate was slightly higher, as the NSDAP membership card index has not been completely preserved and only about 12 million of the original 20 million index cards have survived [58]. Wherever possible, however, further available archival sources were consulted in order to close any information gaps and assemble a complete picture. If this picture is enlarged to also include membership in other Nazi organizations, it becomes even clearer: Of those 20 pathologists for whom no NSDAP membership could be verified, at least 7 were members of at least one other Nazi organization. Accordingly, a total of 37 of the 52 (71%) pathologists were members of some kind of National Socialist organization. A total of 20 pathologists were members of the National Socialist German Association of Lecturers (NSDDB), 5

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

and 16 belonged to the National Socialist Physicians´ Association (NSDÄB). Membership in the SA was verified in the cases of 12 pathologists, and membership in the SS for 4 individuals. Carl Krauspe held the most memberships as a verified member of 8 Nazi organizations, including the NSDAP, the SA and the NSDÄB [59]. Of the 30 pathologists for whom NSDAP membership was verified, 14 joined the Nazi party on May 1, 1937, once the freeze on new members, which had been imposed in the spring of 1933, was relaxed. These 14 constituted by far the largest group. The pathologists Heinrich Bredt [60], Walter Büngeler [61], August Terbrüggen [62] and Julius Wätjen [63] all joined the Nazi party immediately after the seizure of power in 1933, a move which is generally regarded as a strong indication of opportunistic motives. To mark this trend, contemporaries coined the derogatory term “Märzgefallene” (the “fallen of March”) [64] for those who opted to join at this time. Of these 4, only Julius Wätjen had held a professorship before the seizure of power [65-68]; the remaining 3 were categorized into the younger generation of academics. Even before the National Socialists seized power, Martin Staemmler had verifiably been a member of the party [69]: He joined the party on April 1, 1931 and thus comparatively early. We also know that Hans Wurm was an early member of the NSDAP: Wurm became a member of the party as early as 1923 [70,71]. According to sources in the Federal Archives in Berlin, he rejoined the party with effect from 1 May 1937 [72]. This re-entry is explained by the following fact: The party, which had actually been in existence since 1920, was banned after the “Hitler coup” in 1923 and re-established only in 1925. It is also noteworthy that of the 10 individuals who received their post-doctoral teaching qualifications during the Third Reich (habilitation), 9 were Nazi party members – and therefore all except the Swiss Uehlinger (Table 5). Furthermore, 5 of these 9 individuals also received professorial appointments before 1945 (Friedrich Boemke [73], Heinrich Bredt [41], Erich Müller [74], Walter Müller [47], August Terbrüggen [75,76]).

Jo

4. Nazi Ties and the Career Paths of Pathologists Affiliated with the DGP during the Third Reich In the following section, the career paths of those pathologists with close ties to the DGP in the period from 1933 to 1945 are examined in more detail. Special attention is paid to the relationship to National Socialism, in particular the NSDAP and other Nazi organizations, as well as to the questions of who was able to profit from the change of political power, who was subjected to repressive measures or suffered career setbacks, and what the primary reasons for these were. DGP Presidents in the Third Reich and their Relationship with the NSDAP The focus will first be placed on the 7 individuals who were elected or were active as president during the Third Reich: 6

lP

re

-p

ro

of

Before Hitler assumed power, the Jewish pathologist Gotthold Herxheimer had been appointed president, but he resigned from office in the course of 1933 in order to forestall deposition. During the Nazi regime, another 6 chairmen were appointed (Table 6) [9], namely Werner Hueck (chairman 1934 in Rostock), Albert Dietrich (1935 in Gießen), Bernhard Fischer-Wasels (1936 in Breslau), Hermann Beitzke (1937 in Frankfurt a.M.), Karl Theodor Fahr (1938 Stuttgart/Tübingen) and Walther Fischer (1944 War Conference in Breslau). It is striking that none of the chairmen listed above belonged to the Nazi party at the time they assumed office. This also applied to Albert Dietrich, who did, however, join the party in 1941; i.e. 6 years after his DGP chairmanship, as an elder professor emeritus [77,78]. Contrary to what is repeatedly claimed, membership in the NSDAP was obviously neither a necessity for academics keen to establish their career nor a prerequisite for holding the office of chairman of a scientific society. Georg Benno Gruber, who served as secretary of the DGP for many years during the Third Reich, belonged to the NSDAP [79], unlike Walther Fischer, who served as treasurer until 1938 [80]. There is no doubt that Gruber was the powerful board member in the background: the yearly presidents come and go, while Gruber remained in office from 1934 until the end of the Third Reich (and beyond). His role as secretary was a key position. In fact, Gruber was a central authority with extensive control and management functions. In the end he outlasted six presidents and was thus the real constant in the board. The party and SA member Gruber was regarded politically as absolutely loyal to the line and openly declared his support for the Nazi state – which is probably why the National Socialists did not take a critical look at the DGP. However, this political loyalty did not prevent Gruber from maintaining contacts with friendly Jews in private.

Jo

ur na

Membership Rate and Career Status at the Time of the Seizure of Power 22 pathologists in total were appointed professors for the first time during the time of the Third Reich. For 16 of 19 (Swiss pathologists being excluded), membership in the NSDAP has been verified. Of these 16 persons, 3 joined the party in the spring of 1933 and 7 others joined once the membership ban had been lifted. In comparison, only 5 of the 20 pathologists who had already been appointed professor before 1933 and were able to remain in their positions after 1933 were party members; namely, Albert Dietrich [77], Georg Benno Gruber [79], Georg Herzog [81], Martin Nordmann [82] and Julius Wätjen [63]. Even Dietrich, who was dismissed as rector in 1933 after only eight months due to a lack of National Socialist sentiment, was able to retain his professorial chair despite not having a Nazi membership card [78]; as mentioned above, Dietrich did not join the party until 1941, and then as an emeritus. Membership in the National Socialist party was verified for a total of 21 of the 36 professors mentioned above (Swiss and Jewish pathologists being excluded). For a total of 10 of the pathologists, namely Heinrich Bredt [41,60,83], Friedrich Boemke [73,84,85], Wilhelm Doerr [86-90], Gottfried Holle [91-93], Hubert Meessen [94,95], Erich 7

Müller [74,96-98], Walter Müller [47,99,100], Max Ratzenhofer [101-104], August Terbrüggen [62,75,76], and Erwin Uhlinger [54], the bestowal of the Venia Legendi during the Nazi regime (in the years 1933 to 1943) was verified. Except for the Swiss Uehlinger, they all were members of the NSDAP, and all 10 were appointed to a professorial chair either during the Third Reich or in the post-war period.

Jo

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

Career development during the Third Reich of Pathologists with close ties to the DGP Can any broad claims be made regarding the career development during the Third Reich of those pathologists who had close ties to the DGP? How many benefited from Hitler´s seizure of power, how many suffered setbacks, and what are the overarching similarities between these 2 groups? In order to clarify these questions, each pathologist´s biography during the period of 1933 to 1945 was evaluated. The pathologists whose true career development in the field came about only after 1945 – due to their young age – were excluded from this section. The same applies to the Swiss pathologists. In the end, a total of 42 individuals could be included in this evaluation, and they were classified into 3 categories (Table 7): (1) Individuals who were able to establish their careers by 1945 (“Nazi winners”) (2) Individuals who experienced career setbacks during this time (“Nazi losers”) and (3) Individuals whose careers remained essentially unaffected (“Unchanged”) Individuals were counted as “Nazi winners” if, between the years of 1933 and 1945, they were promoted (to full professor, associate professor, assistant professor, etc.) at a university and/or they were appointed to offices or positions which indicated career advancement. Individuals were counted as “Nazi losers” if they were demoted, dismissed and/or removed from their offices or functions during this period. Of these 42 individuals, 24 pathologists can be counted among the „Nazi winners“, namely: Walter Di Biasi, Friedrich Boemke, Richard Böhmig, Max Borst, Heinrich Bredt, Franz Büchner, Walter Büngeler, Hermann Chiari, Curt Froboese, Willy Giese, Herwig Hamperl, Fritz Klinge, Carl Krauspe, Arnold Lauche, Erich Letterer, Erich Müller, Walter Müller, Martin Nordmann, Edmund Randeraht, Walter Schultze, Herbert Siegmund, Martin Staemmler, August Terbrüggen und Hans Wurm. Many of these individuals were appointed professors for the first time (19 individuals), or were promoted to positions of a particularly public or exposed nature. Another 14 of these 42 pathologists were able to keep their career position at the university, and thus maintain their professional status quo, namely: Ludwig Aschoff, Hermann Beitzke, Max Borst, Karl Fahr, Walther Fischer, Bernhard Fischer-Wasels, Anton Ghon, Georg Benno Gruber, Georg Herzog, Werner Hueck, Robert Roessle, Martin Benno Schmidt, Carl Sternberg (in Austria) and Julius Wätjen. This group also includes 5 pathologists who were officially relieved of their duties during the Third Reich after reaching the age of retirement, without their careers having

8

Jo

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

changed significantly in their final years: Martin Benno Schmidt in 1934, Max Borst in 1935, Ludwig Aschoff and Anton Ghon in 1936 and Bernhard Fischer-Wasels in 1941. Only 4 pathologists fell into the category of “Nazi losers”: Hermann Beitzke, Albert Dietrich, Gerhard Domagk and Gotthold Herxheimer. Albert Dietrich [78], professor of pathology in Tübingen, and Gerhard Domagk [105], who worked in research for the pharmaceutical company Bayer, were able to maintain their professional positions, but were forced to endure repressive measures by the National Socialist authorities in other respects: Gerhard Domagk [105-110] was born in Lagow (today Poland) on October 30, 1895 as the son of a teacher. He received his doctorate in 1921 and his authorization to teach in 1924 in Greifswald. The head of the pharmaceutical research department at I.G. Farben learned about Domagk and offered him a position at the Bayer facility in Wuppertal. After accepting the offer at Bayer, Domagk was appointed head of the Institute for Experimental Pathology and Bacteriology. 1 year later, in 1928, he was also appointed associate professor (Extraordinarius) at the Pathological Institute of the University of Münster, where he conducted research and experiments on antibacterial agents. The 2 chemists Josef Klarer (1898-1953) and Fritz Mietzsch (1896-1958) gave him the dye “Prontosil”, which is based on sulfonamide compounds, for testing purposes, and in this way, Domagk discovered the antibacterial effect of sulfonamides. In 1939, he was awarded the Nobel Prize for Physiology or Medicine for his “discovery of the therapeutic effect of Prontosil”, but the National Socialist government prohibited him from accepting the award. Domagk was arrested by the Gestapo, detained for 1 week, and forced to sign a prepared letter in which he declared his refusal to accept the Nobel Prize. Domagk was, however, still allowed to travel abroad and accept other honors and awards abroad. In 1944, he became a member of the Scientific Advisory Board to the Reich Commissioner of Sanitation and Health Karl Brandt. Domagk is thus not a “classic” Nazi victim, but rather a good example of the ambivalences and contradictions of the polycratic Nazi dictatorship. The case of Albert Dietrich [77,78] is similar. As rector of the University of Tübingen, he was deemed too apolitical by the National Socialists and was therefore removed from office in 1933. Dietrich was, however, allowed to remain as a chaired professor until his retirement in 1938. He was also allowed to travel abroad. Only after his retirement did Dietrich join the NSDAP, and subsequently became a consultant pathologist for the Wehrmacht. Presumably, Dietrich viewed his party membership as a means to continue his research on malignant tumors even after his retirement. In Graz, the chaired professor and “Reichsdeutscher” Hermann Beitzke [111] encountered massive hostility from his colleagues, who attempted to prematurely remove him from the position he had held since 1922. As a consequence, if post-war literature can be believed, Beitzke refrained from applying for an employment extension after reaching retirement age. Gotthold Herxheimer [8,51,112,113] was born in Wiesbaden in 1872 as the son of a Jewish doctor. He converted to Protestantism at a young age. After training as a pathologist, he was entrusted 9

ro

of

with the prosector unit at the Wiesbaden Municipal Hospital in 1902 and was appointed professor in 1907. Herxheimer, who was sympathetic to the National Socialist cause, had been designated president of the DGP prior to Hitler´s seizure of power, but resigned from his office as president in 1933 in order to spare the DGP possible reprisals due to his Jewish background; to this end, according to current research, Georg Gruber exerted considerable pressure on Herxheimer [114]. In order to avoid further disenfranchisement, Herxheimer emigrated to South Africa, where he died of a myocardial infarction in 1936. In conclusion, it can be summarized that only very few of the pathologists considered here who had close ties to the DGP during the Third Reich can be considered victims of the Nazi regime – and in some instances, only to a limited extent. The vast majority of the pathologists under consideration here were able to continue their careers with considerable success, or, at the very least, maintain the position they had.

lP

re

-p

5. The DGP Representatives in the Federal Republic of Germany and Their Relationship to National Socialism In the following, the post-war careers of the pathologists with close ties to the DGP will be examined. In particular, one aim is to clarify whether any earlier commitment to the NSDAP and other Nazi organizations – and thus to National Socialism – had consequences for those individuals in the Federal Republic. Of equal interest is how the careers of the aforementioned Nazi victims developed after 1945.

Jo

ur na

“Post-war Winners” versus “Post-war Losers” To this end, 3 categories were defined: (1) Individuals who were able to continue to move ahead in their careers or were offered similar positions (“post-war winners”), with no detrimental effects due to de-Nazification or any other restrictions imposed by the occupying powers; (2) Those who experienced stagnation or even setbacks in their careers, due in no part to illness or age-related retirement (“post-war losers”); and (3) Others. The initial thesis here was that the “Nazi winners” were ultimately able to continue or even further develop their careers after 1945, despite their demonstrated participation in the National Socialist system. 16 of the 60 individuals had to be excluded from this analysis: 8 individuals could not be considered because they had passed away by 1946, namely: Ludwig Aschoff (†1942), Max Askanazy (†1940), Max Borst (†1946), Karl Theodor Fahr (†1945), Bernhard Fischer-Wasels (†1941), Anton Ghon (†1936), Gotthold Herxheimer (†1936) and Carl Sternberg (†1935). Theodor Fahr [115-117] also fell into this category, but his was a special case: In 1924, Fahr was appointed full professor in Hamburg and remained in this position throughout the time of the Nazi regime. 10

Jo

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

Apart from membership in the National Socialist Teachers´ Association (NSLB), no further Nazi membership was able to be verified for him. Nevertheless, after the end of the war, due to a critical statement, Fahr was temporarily suspended from his office by the occupying powers and subsequently committed suicide. 3 further individuals had, by this time, already received emeritus status: Hermann Beitzke (1940), Albert Dietrich (1938) and Martin Benno Schmidt (1934). The 5 Swiss pathologists Albertini, Hedinger, Uehlinger, Wegelin and Werthemann were also excluded. Ultimately, the post-war careers of 44 pathologists could be evaluated: Of these 44 pathologists, a total of 42 were or became professors after 1945 (95%). Only 2 individuals were left without a professorship after 1945: Friedrich Boemke and Hermann Eck. But these 2 also had careers: Boemke, who had been appointed professor in Berlin in 1944, became director of the Pathological Institute at the Dortmund Municipal Hospital in 1946 and remained there until his retirement in 1969 [73,84,85]. After training as a pathologist in the Soviet occupation zone in 1948, Hermann Eck took over the management of the Pathological Institute St. Georg in Leipzig (former GDR) and stayed in this position until his death in 1974 [49]. Boemke [84] and Eck [118,119] had both belonged to the NSDAP; in both cases, however, membership did not prove to be an obstacle to their careers in post-war Germany, any more than it did for other former members of the NSDAP, who, for the most part, were able to return to academia after 1945, following “successful” deNazification. Of the 42 individuals who held professorships during the post-war period, almost two third (n=27) had been NSDAP members. 9 of these had been active as consultant pathologists for the Wehrmacht prior to 1945, namely: Richard Böhmig [120], Heinrich Bredt [41], Georg Herzog [121], Fritz Klinge [122], Martin Nordmann [123], Edmund Randerath [124,125], Martin Staemmler [126], August Terbrüggen [127] and Hans Wurm [128]. A total of 5, namely: Heinrich Bredt [41], Herwig Hamperl [129], Carl Krauspe [130], Edmund Randerath [131] and Martin Staemmler [132] were captured by the Allies at the end of the war. All were able to continue on their professional paths; the majority could further develop their careers, and received appointments to chairs at other universities or returned to their original positions. The latter applied to 5 pathologists, namely: Georg Gruber [133-135], Georg Herzog [121], Erich Letterer [136-139], Martin Nordmann [140] and Herbert Siegmund [7,141]. In the end, none of the pathologists under consideration experienced any serious career setbacks after 1945, neither in the Federal Republic nor in the GDR. Even Martin Staemmler [69,126,132], who had joined the NSDAP before Hitler took power, and who later emerged as an ardent supporter of National Socialism, received the classification of “follower” in his de-Nazification trial in 1947. That same year, Staemmler, the former rector of the University of Breslau (1942/43), received an appointment at the Municipal Hospital in Aachen, which was upgraded to a university hospital (RWTH Aachen University) in 1966. In 1972, Staemmler was appointed an honorary member of the “Medical Society of Aachen” (MGA); a distinction which was posthumously retracted in 2006 after Staemmler´s involvement in National Socialism had been reappraised in 11

Jo

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

Aachen. Staemmler can be regarded as a prototypical National Socialist in several respects: For one, because his de-Nazification procedure, as in most cases, did not fulfill the original goal of singling out and convicting those who had been active National Socialists, but instead resulted in a “whitewashing” of his Nazi past, thus setting into motion social and professional rehabilitation [142,143]. For another, because Staemmler´s blatant participation in the Nazi era was ignored for decades, and he was even awarded special honors during this time. In his publicly accessible publications, Staemmler had not only described forced sterilization as an “act of charity” and Jews as an “alien race”, but had also written several popular, widely published bestsellers on racial hygiene [132]. Julius Wätjen [65-68] could also be seen as a prototypical example: First removed from his post as full professor in Halle in 1945 within the framework of de-Nazification, he was then reinstated, only to be suspended again shortly afterwards by the Soviet military administration. Wätjen was ultimately cleared of all charges in 1947 and re-appointed full professor in Halle, where he remained until his retirement in 1955. Edmund Randerath [124,125,144-146] was also able to continue his academic career after his release as a prisoner of war, despite documented memberships in the NSDAP, SA, the NSDÄB and the NSDDB. He took over the management of the Pathological Institute in Heidelberg, where he also temporarily took on the role of dean of the Medical School. It can be assumed that Randerath was aware of the deadly experiments on female concentration camp prisoners in Ravensbrück and that he was involved in Wolfgang Wirth´s experiments with poison gas. Former party members Carl Krauspe [130], Herwig Hamperl [129] and Walter Müller [99] also were able to quickly find their way back on the road to success in post-war Germany, as was recently illustrated in 3 individual biographies. The aforementioned career paths of Nazi party members are all the more remarkable when one considers that those pathologists who had been displaced and disenfranchised during the Third Reich found it extremely difficult to obtain a professorship at a German university and to assert their legal claims to “reparations” after 1945. This was recently illustrated in detail [147] through the examples of the academics Walter Pagel [148], Paul Kimmelstiel [149], Walter Berblinger [150], Philipp Schwartz [151] and Hans Popper [152]. The outlook was better for those pathologists considered “Aryan” according to National Socialist criteria, and who had not joined the NSDAP. A total of 22 pathologists fit into this category, of whom 2 had already retired by 1945 and 7 had died. Of the remaining 14, 8 were able to further their careers after 1945 and were appointed to professorial chairs; 6 retained their professorships or non-academic positions until retirement. Nazi party memberships of DGP functionaries in the Federal Republic of Germany Of the 60 pathologists included, 42 held a position on the board at the DGP in the period after 1945. For 26 of these 42 pathologists, a membership in the NSDAP has been verified (62%); for 3 others, membership in another Nazi organization. Of these 26 former Nazi party members, 19 12

re

-p

ro

of

reached the chairmanship of the DGP – the highest office – in the Federal Republic of Germany, while the remaining 7 held various other positions on the board. A closer look at the DGP chairmen of the Federal Republic and their earlier political affiliations reveals a most remarkable finding: As Table 8 shows, two-thirds of all chairmen appointed in the Federal Republic of Germany until 1986 (n=33, the 4 Swiss chairmen Ambrosius von Albertini, Christoph Ernst Hedinger, Erwin Uehlinger and Andreas Werthemann being excluded) were former members of the NSDAP. In concrete terms, this is true for 19 of the 29 DGP chairmen. The election of DGP chairmen who had been NSDAP members was not a factor unique to the immediate post-war period; it is rather a phenomenon that can be documented over the course of several decades, beginning in the 1950s and continuing to 1986 (Table 8). The last DGP chairman in the Federal Republic of Germany for whom an NSDAP membership had been possible was Gerhard Seifert [5,9], who took office in 1986: Born in 1921, Seifert embarked on his medicalpathological career once the war had ended. However, he had managed to join the NSDAP in 1939, at the young age of 18, and thus prior to the start of his medical studies [153]. This indicates, on the one hand, an early and intense motivation to join the Nazi party from Seifert´s perspective, and, on the other hand, documents that despite his youth, the National Socialists regarded Seifert as a suitable candidate for membership. Only in this way can Seifert´s unusually young entry age for the NSDAP be explained [58].

ur na

lP

6. Discussion and Conclusions The results of this analysis, which includes the entire group of pathologists with close ties to the DGP, are complex and necessitate further discussion as well as classification regarding specific points:

Jo

1. Almost 60% of the pathologists who had close ties to the DGP demonstrated their loyalty to National Socialism by joining the NSDAP. This percentage is extremely high and is well above the NSDAP membership rate of the medical profession as a whole, which amounted to approximately 45% in total [154]. It is also significantly higher than the membership rate in other professional groups. Next to dentists [155], the medical profession recorded the highest percentage of party members among all academic professions. 2. The significance of NSDAP membership is of course somewhat limited: Party membership did not necessarily indicate a (complete) identification with the tenets of National Socialism, nor an inner (ideological) conviction. Some supporters may well have been opportunists for whom strategic career motives played at least a small role in joining the party: Before Hitler took power, political activity in the NSDAP only could be verified for Martin Staemmler [69,126,132] and Hans Wurm [70-72], but the majority of the altogether 30 party members only joined the NSDAP after the National Socialists had seized power; during the first months after the seizure of power 13

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

in 1933, for example, or – more frequently – in the spring of 1937, once the ban on members which had been in effect since May 1933 was relaxed. There are, however, 2 aspects of membership which should be emphasized: First, the office of chairman or that of board member in a specialist society during the Third Reich was not tied to NSDAP membership. The NSDAP did not aim to be a people´s party in the conventional sense, but rather an elite party. Those responsible were only interested in members who adhered the NS ideology, and for this reason, membership bans were imposed several times, and applicants were often rejected [58]. In this respect, joining the NSDAP was a conscious, proactive political statement – regardless of whether the motivation was intrinsic or extrinsic. Second, it was possible for an individual to be regarded as “politically reliable” and “loyal to the party line” even without party membership. Max Borst [156] provides an excellent example of this: Although Borst was not a member of the NSDAP, he was entrusted with leadership roles as well as extensive political tasks in the Third Reich, including the chairmanship of the Anticancer Committee. His membership in Nazi organizations such as the NSLB, NSDÄB, and the National Socialist People´s Welfare Association (NSV) and his largely conformist behavior most likely helped to further this favorable political classification, without him having to join the party. The same applies to Franz Büchner [42-44], who, despite his later criticism of the Nazi euthanasia policy as well as his lack of a party membership, had credit from those in power: In 1938, Büchner was appointed consultant pathologist in the Air Force´s Medical Inspectorate and was regarded as the “chief physician for applied pathological research” of the German Air Force in the Third Reich. Büchner was also a member of several Nazi organizations, such as the NSDÄB, the National Socialist War Victims´ Fund (NSKOV), the Reich Association of German Civil Servants (RDB), the Reich Association of Large Families (RdK), and the NSV [157].

Jo

3. It is striking that not one of the DGP chairmen in office during the Third Reich was a member of the Nazi party at the time he assumed his duties as chairman. This fact most clearly refutes the claim that party membership was essential in order to maintain one´s professional activity – in fact, not even for the chairmanship of a Nazi-aligned professional society was it a prerequisite. All 7 presidents of the DGP during the Nazi era (with the exception of the disenfranchised and prematurely deceased Herxheimer) had received their academic teaching qualifications before 1933, and had been able to achieve important scientific career goals, such as a professorial appointment. By the time the Nazis seized power in 1933, their main accomplishments had thus already been reached. The fact that only 5 of the 20 pathologists who had consolidated their careers before 1933 became party members after Hitler´s coming to power aligns well with this observation. 4. However, during the Third Reich, a party membership had a positive effect on career development, especially for young academics in the early stages of professional development. 14

Those who profited the most were those who acquired their teaching credentials during the Third Reich, and subsequently, as described above, rose to become professors in the following years. Pathologists, who were of postgraduate age at the beginning of the Third Reich and demonstrated their loyalty to the line by joining the party at this time, had the best career opportunities and the steepest career development. It can therefore come as no surprise that the proportion of Nazi party members was particularly high among this younger group – unlike among the older pathologists who had already reached significant, career-related milestones by 1933.

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

5. The Nazi dictatorship led to a drastic career disruption for only 1 person in this collective: Gotthold Herxheimer [8,51,112-114]. In 1933, because of his Jewish ancestry, Herxheimer was removed from his post by the Nazi government under the conditions of the “Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service” (Gesetz zur Wiederherstellung des Berufsbeamtentums). Until that point, Herxheimer had been director of the pathologicalanatomical institute at the Wiesbaden municipal hospital. Upon his dismissal, he emigrated to South Africa, where he died under difficult personal and professional conditions only a few years later. 3 further individuals experienced repressive measures or hostility due to political or university quarrels, but these cannot, however, be equated with the fate of Herxheimer: Gerhard Domagk was banned from accepting the Nobel Prize by the National Socialist government and was put in detention for one week, but was allowed to retain his professional position [105-110]. Albert Dietrich lost his position as rector after only a few months in office because he lacked enough political zeal to satisfy the party [78]. Hermann Beitzke´s professional stumbling in the Third Reich was not caused by the National Socialists, but above all by intercollegial conflicts, which ultimately forced his retirement in 1940 [111].

Jo

6. The dichotomous division into “Nazi victims” and “Nazi perpetrators” has clear limits: Even during the time of National Socialism, there were often grey tones. The example of Franz Büchner illustrates that some biographies elude classification into black or white, as Büchner´s political role in the Third Reich is still the topic of controversial discussion today [158]. In this very context it should be noted that some pathologists experienced inconsistent to contradictory treatment by the polycratic Nazi system. The aforementioned pathologists Gerhard Domagk and Albert Dietrich offer impressive examples of such ambivalences: Although Domagk had to reject the Nobel Prize, he was nevertheless allowed to receive other international honors; he performed important professional functions in the Third Reich; and he enjoyed the recognition of leading National Socialists. And Dietrich was dismissed as rector, but was allowed to retain his full professorship and to continue his work on cancer research. Dietrich himself also behaved ambivalently; although he was not a member of the Nazi party at the time he was rector, he joined the NSDAP in 1941, presumably for fear of losing important functions. 15

These pars pro toto examples underline the much quoted saying of the German historian Thomas Nipperdey: “The basic colors of history are not black and white; their basic pattern is not the contrast of a chessboard; the basic color of history is gray, in infinite shades” [159].

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

7. While not a single DGP president “brought” a party membership into office during the Third Reich, two thirds of all DGP presidents who were appointed in the Federal Republic until the year 1986 were former Nazi party members. This also applies to some of the pathologists who were awarded Virchow prizes or honorary members of the DGP during this time [160]. Basically it can be assumed that in the post-war period it was not too difficult for scientists with a Nazi past to take on academic offices again – especially after a "successful" denazification. In addition, German post-war society showed a tendency to ignore and repress the events of the Third Reich. In the 1950s and 1960s, therefore, there was hardly any social scope for coming to terms with the Nazi past. In the 1970s and 1980s, however, it was known that denazification procedures often served to cleanse former Nazis and that they often said little about the actual political role of people in the Third Reich. During this period, more and more public figures were exposed as former Nazis and forced to resign, for example the prominent politician Hans Filbiger (1978). It is therefore all the more remarkable that such a discourse obviously did not play a major role in organized pathology. In any case, in the Federal Republic of Germany, an earlier political commitment to National Socialism was not a notable criterion in being elected DGP chairman – but neither was it a factor for exclusion. This has led to the peculiar situation that the DGP executive boards and board members of the Federal Republic have had much closer ties to the Nazi Party than the DGP executive boards which convened during the Third Reich. It is precisely this striking and, for many, surprising finding that proves the significance – and, simultaneously, the necessity – of this ongoing research project.

Jo

References [1] M. Krischel, M. Schmidt, D. Groß (Eds.), Medizinische Fachgesellschaften im Nationalsozialismus, Bestandsaufnahme und Perspektiven (= Medizin und Nationalsozialismus, 4), LIT, Berlin, Münster, 2016. [2] M. Schmidt, D. Groß, J. Westemeier (Eds.), Die Ärzte der Nazi-Führer, Karrieren und Netzwerke (Medizin und Nationalsozialismus, 5), LIT, Berlin, Münster, 2018. [3] Deutsche Gesellschaft für Pathologie, https://www.pathologie-dgp.de/diedgp/verein/kleine-geschichte-der-dgp/ (accessed July 2, 2019). [4] W. Fischer, G. B. Gruber, Fünfzig Jahre Pathologie in Deutschland. Ein Gedenkbuch zum 50-jährigen Bestehen der Deutschen Pathologischen Gesellschaft (1897–1947) Georg Thieme, Stuttgart, 1949. [5] M. Dietel, Gerhard Seifert, Pathologe 35 (Suppl. 2) (2014) 315–316.

16

of

ro

-p

re

Jo

[10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] [29] [30] [31] [32] [33] [34] [35] [36] [37] [38] [39] [40]

lP

[7] [8] [9]

A. Ohry, Professor Max Askanazy (1865 – 1940). From Königsberg (Prussia) to Geneva, J. Med. Biogr. 19 (2011) 70–72. W. Giese, Herbert Siegmund, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 38 (1955) 395–402. L. Aschoff, Gotthold Herxheimer, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 29 (1936) 381–386. Deutsche Gesellschaft für Pathologie, https://www.pathologie-dgp.de/die-dgp/verein/dgpvorsitzende-und-schriftfuehrer/ (accessed July 2, 2019). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 32 (1948). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 33 (1950). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 34 (1951). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 35 (1952). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 36 (1953). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 37 (1954). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 38 (1955). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 39 (1956). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 40 (1957). Richard Böhmig, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 41 (1958). Gerhard Liebegott, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 54 (1970). Gerhard Liebegott, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 55 (1971). Gerhard Liebegott, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 56 (1972). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 42 (1959). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 43 (1960). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 44 (1961). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 45 (1962). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 46 (1963). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 47 (1964). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 48 (1965). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 49 (1966). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 50 (1967). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 51 (1968). Walter Müller, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 52 (1969). Walther Fischer, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 27 (1934). Walther Fischer, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 28 (1935). Walther Fischer, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 29 (1936). Walther Fischer, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 30 (1937). Walther Fischer, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 31 (1938). R. Poche, Walter Hans Schultze, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 49 (1966) 386–389. R. Poche, To Prof. Walter Hans Schultze on his 80th birthday, MMW Munch. Med. Wochenschr. 103 (1961) 206–208. M. Zirlewagen, Biographisches Lexikon der Vereine Deutscher Studenten, Band 1, Mitglieder A-L, BoD-Books on Demand, Norderstedt, 2014, pp. 105–107.

ur na

[6]

[41]

17

[50] [51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57]

of

Jo

[58]

ro

[48] [49]

-p

[45] [46] [47]

re

[44]

lP

[43]

M. Kitzing, Büchner, Franz, Pathologe, Hauptinitiator der Christlichen Arbeitsgemeinschaft in Freiburg. In: F.L. Sepaintner (ed): Baden-Württembergische Biographien 4, Kohlhammer, Stuttgart, 2007, pp. 35–38. Eintrag Büchner, Franz. In: Munzinger Online/Personen – Internationales Biographisches Archiv, https://www.munzinger.de/search/portrait/Franz+Büchner/0/7193.html (accessed July 28, 2019). E. Klee, Franz Büchner. In: E. Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich. Wer war was vor und nach 1945, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main, 2007, p. 81. BArch Berlin, personnel file Curt Froboese, PK C0326, staff notes, without date (2019). D. Harms, Karl Lennert, Pathologe 34 (Suppl. 2) (2013) 313–315. S. Lang, M. Schmidt, C. Gräf, D. Groß, A Career Start in the Third Reich, the Pathologist and Rudolf Virchow Award Recipient Walter Müller (1907–1983), Pathologe 40 (2019), DOI: 10.1007/s00292-019-0637-9. R. Paltauf, Carl Sternberg, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 29 (1936) 417–421. R. Haupt, Dankbares Gedenken: Dr. med. habil. Hermann Eck zum 100. Geburtstag, Ärzteblatt Sachsen 1 (2006) 44. E.J. Wormer, Carl Sternberg, Neue Deutsche Biographie, Vol. 25, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin, 2013, pp. 296–297. G. Dhom, Geschichte der Histopathologie, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2001, pp. 410– 412. J. R. Rüttner, Ambrosius von Albertini, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 55 (1971) 758–763. G. Riva, Prof. Dr. Med. Christoph Hedinger February 5, 1917–January 12, 1999, Schweiz. Med. Wochenschr. 129 (16) (1999) 640. W. Doerr, H. Götze, In memoriam Erwin Uehlinger, Virchows Arch. A Path. Anat. And Histol. 388 (1980) 245–249. B. Walthard, Carl Wegelin, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 53 (1969) 572–573. R. Vierhaus, Deutsche biographische Enzyklopädie, Vol. 10, KG Saur, München, 2008, p. 569. W. Fischer, G.B. Gruber, Fünfzig Jahre Pathologie in Deutschland. Ein Gedenkbuch zum 50-jährigen Bestehen der Deutschen Pathologischen Gesellschaft (1897–1947), Georg Thieme, Stuttgart, 1949, p. 143. J. Falter, Junge Kämpfer, alte Opportunisten, Die Mitglieder der NSDAP 1919–1945, Campus, Frankfurt am Main et al., 2016. BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/23030146 (Carl Krauspe). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Zentralkartei, R 9361-VIII/4491175 (Heinrich Bredt). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/5021173 (Walter Büngeler). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/44241190 (August Terbrüggen). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/46450530 (Julius Wätjen).

ur na

[42]

[59] [60] [61] [62] [63]

18

[75] [76] [77] [78]

[79] [80]

of

Jo

[81] [82] [83] [84] [85] [86]

ro

[72] [73] [74]

-p

[69] [70] [71]

re

[66] [67] [68]

lP

[65]

J. W. Falter, Die “Märzgefallenen” von 1933, Neue Forschungsergebnisse zum sozialen Wandel innerhalb der NSDAP-Mitgliedschaft während der Machtergreifungsphase (1998), Historical Social Research (Suppl. 25) (2013) 280–302. R. Vierhaus, Deutsche Biographische Enzyklopädie, Vol. 10, K G Saur, München, 2008, p. 335. G. Dhom, Geschichte der Histopathologie, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2001, p. 375. G. Bruns, Julius Wätjen, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 52 (1968) 609–612. H. Eberle, Julius Wätjen, https://www.catalogus-professorumhalensis.de/waetjenjulius.html, (accessed July 28, 2019). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/42311001 (Martin Staemmler). BArch Berlin, personnel file Hans Wurm, PK U0057, curriculum vitae, without date. W.U. Eckart, Pathologie im Nationalsozialismus, Die  Rolle der Heidelberger Pathologie unter Alexander Schmincke, Festvortrag anlässlich der  Ausstellung im Universitätsmuseum: “150 Jahre Zukunft der Medizin. Das pathologische Institut der Universität Heidelberg”, unpublished typoscript (2016). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Zentralkartei, R 9361-VIII/25511278 (Hans Wurm). H. Otto, Friedrich Boemke, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 68 (1984) 625–627. Erich Müller, http://www.pathologie.uni-wuerzburg.de/geschichte/historischedirektoren/erich-mueller/ (accessed July 5, 2019). H. Eberle, Ein wertvolles Instrument, Die Universität Greifswald im Nationalsozialismus, Böhlau, Köln, Weimar, Wien, 2015, p. 744. R. Poche, August Terbrüggen, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 51 (1967) 440–444. BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, 9361-VIII/6190197 (Albert Dietrich). C. Gräf, D. Groß, Nicht nationalsozialistisch genug? Der Pathologe und “Kurzzeit-Rektor“ Albert Dietrich (1873–1961) und sein ambivalentes Verhältnis zum NS-Regime, Pathologe 40 (2019) (in press). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, 9361-IX/12230015 (Georg Benno Gruber). Geschäftssitzungen der Deutschen Pathologischen Gesellschaft, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 27 (1934) 370. BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Zentralkartei, R 9361-VIII/10660009 (Georg Herzog). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/4610383 (Martin Nordmann). BArch Berlin, personnel file Heinrich Bredt, PK B0057, curriculum vitae, without date. BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Zentralkartei, R 9361-VIII/3151274 (Friedrich Boemke). LArch NRW Duisburg, denazification file Friedrich Boemke, NW 1097/02329. T. Baumann, Die Deutsche Gesellschaft für Kreislaufforschung im Nationalsozialismus 1933-1945, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2017, p. 242. R. Vierhaus, Deutsche Biographische Enzyklopädie, Vol. 2, KG Saur, München, 2005, p. 676. W.U. Eckart, Pathologie. In: W.U. Eckart, V. Sellin, E. Wolgast, Die Universität Heidelberg im Nationalsozialismus, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2006, p. 992.

ur na

[64]

[87] [88]

19

[97] [98]

[105] [106] [107]

Jo

[108]

lP

[104]

ur na

[101] [102] [103]

re

-p

[99] [100]

of

[94] [95] [96]

BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/6590910 (Wilhelm Doerr). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Zentralkartei, R 9361-VIII/6600522 (Wilhelm Doerr). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/5171775 (Gottfried Holle). BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Zentralkartei, R 9361-VIII/12131132 (Gottfried Holle). P.F. Mahnke, Prof. em. Dr. med. habil. Gottfried Holle, Zentralbl. Pathol. 128 (1992) 275– 276. BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/4610383 (Hubert Meessen). BArch Berlin, personnel file Hubert Meessen, PK I0007, staff notes, without date. BArch Berlin, personnel file Erich Müller, PK I0169, party correspondence, February 15, 1944. BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Zentralkartei, R 9361-VIII/15081557 (Erich Müller). W. Fischer, G.B. Gruber, Fünfzig Jahre Pathologie in Deutschland. Ein Gedenkbuch zum 50-jährigen Bestehen der Deutschen Pathologischen Gesellschaft (1897–1947), Georg Thieme, Stuttgart, 1949, p. 141. BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/4610383 (Walter Müller). K.W. Schmid, R. Kampschulte, G. Brittinger, F.W. Eigler, Der Promotor: Dr. med. Dr. h.c. Walter Müller. In: K.W. Schmid, R. Kampschulte, G. Brittinger, F.W. Eigler (Eds.), Tradition und Innovation, 100 Jahre. Von den Städtischen Krankenanstalten zum Universitätsklinikum Essen, 1909 bis 2009, Johann van Acken, Krefeld, 2009, p. 174. BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/33810668, (Max Ratzenhofer). G. Dhom, Geschichte der Histopathologie, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2001, pp. 250. W. Doerr, Max Ratzenhofer zum 80. Geburtstag, Dtsch. Med. Wochenschr. 117 (1) (1929) 33–34. P. Scheiblechner, „...Politisch ist er einwandfrei...“ – Kurzbiographien der an der Medizinischen Fakultät der Universität Graz in der Zeit von 1938 bis 1954 tätigen WissenschaftlerInnen, Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, Graz, 2002, pp. 206–209. E. Grundmann, Gerhard Domagk, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 49 (1965) 380–386. E. Grundmann, Gerhard Domagk, Der erste Sieger über die Infektionskrankheiten, LIT, Berlin, 2018. E. Grundmann, Gerhard Domagk, Ein Pathologe besiegt die bakteriellen Infektionskrankheiten, Pathologe 22 (2001) 241–251. E. Klee, Gerhard Domagk. In: E. Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich. Wer war was vor und nach 1945, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main, 2005, p. 116. Gerhard Domagk, Biographical, https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/1939/domagk/biographical/ (accessed July 5, 2019). Eintrag Domagk, Gerhard. In: Munzinger Online/Personen – Internationales Biographisches Archiv, https://www.munzinger.de/search/portrait/Gerhard+Domagk/0/1408.html (accessed July 28, 2019).

ro

[89] [90] [91] [92] [93]

[109]

[110]

20

Jo

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

[111] T. Konschegg, Hermann Beitzke, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 38 (1955) 378–385. [112] W. Fischer, G.B. Gruber, Fünfzig Jahre Pathologie in Deutschland. Ein Gedenkbuch zum 50-jährigen Bestehen der Deutschen Pathologischen Gesellschaft (1897–1947), Georg Thieme, Stuttgart, 1949, p. 23, p. 37. [113] A. Kreuter, Deutschsprachige Neurologen und Psychiater, KG Saur, München, New Providence, London, Paris, 1996, p. 558. [114] N. Franke, K.-F. Bürrig, Pathologie und Pathologen im Nationalsozialismus, Der Rücktritt Herxheimers als Vorsitzender der Deutschen Pathologischen Gesellschaft 1933 in neuem Licht, presentation abstract (unpublished) (2019) [115] E. Lass, Theodor Fahr, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 34 (1951) 14–17. [116] W. Fischer, G.B. Gruber, Fünfzig Jahre Pathologie in Deutschland. Ein Gedenkbuch zum 50-jährigen Bestehen der Deutschen Pathologischen Gesellschaft (1897–1947), Georg Thieme, Stuttgart, 1949, p. 38. [117] G. Dhom, Geschichte der Histopathologie, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2001, p. 414. [118] BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Zentralkartei, R 9361-VIII/7411370 (Herman Eck). [119] BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei R 9361-IX/7230290 (Herman Eck). [120] BArch Berlin, personnel file Richard Böhmig, PK A0415, curriculum vitae, without date. [121] W. Schopper, Georg Herzog, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 46 (1962) 397–402. [122] BArch Berlin, personnel file Fritz Klinge, PK G0027, staff notes, without date. [123] BArch Berlin, personnel file Martin Nordmann, PK I0336, staff notes, without date. [124] BArch Berlin, personnel file Edmund Randerath, PK O0012, staff notes, without date. [125] W. Doerr, Edmund Randerath, Verh. Dtsch. Ges. Pathol. 48 (1964) 335–339. [126] BArch Berlin, personnel file Martin Staemmler, PK L0388, staff notes, without date. [127] BArch Berlin, personnel file August Terbrüggen, PK M0149, staff notes, without date. [128] BArch Berlin, personnel file Hans Wurm, PK U0057, staff notes, without date. [129] D. Gross, S. Kaiser, C. Gräf, H. Uhlendahl, M. Schmidt, Between fiction and reality: Herwig Hamperl (1899–1976) and the Third Reich as reflected in his autobiography, Pathol. Res. Pract. 215 (4) (2019) 832–841. [130] D. Gross, C. Gräf, H. Uhlendahl, M. Schmidt, J. Westemeier, Carl August Krauspe (1895– 1983), Founder and Honorary Member of the "European Society of Pathology" and "Politically Reliable" National Socialist, Pathol. Res. Pract. 215 (2) (2019) 395–403. [131] D. Drüll, Heidelberger Gelehrtenlexikon 1933–1986, Springer, Berlin, 2009, p. 481. [132] G. Schäfer, C. Döbber, D. Groß, Martin Staemmler, Pathologe und Hochschullehrer im Dienst der nationalsozialistischen Rassenpolitik. In: R. Kühl, T. Ohnhäuser, G. Schäfer (Eds.), Verfolger und Verfolgte. Bilder ärztlichen Handelns im Nationalsozialismus (= Medizin und Nationalsozialismus, 2), LIT, Berlin, Münster, 2010, pp. 69–86. [133] T. Baumann, Die Deutsche Gesellschaft für Kreislaufforschung im Nationalsozialismus 1933–1945, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, p. 243.

21

Jo

ur na

lP

re

-p

ro

of

[134] W. Fischer, G.B. Gruber, Fünfzig Jahre Pathologie in Deutschland. Ein Gedenkbuch zum 50-jährigen Bestehen der Deutschen Pathologischen Gesellschaft (1897–1947), Georg Thieme, Stuttgart, 1949, p. 140. [135] K. Arndt, G. Gottschalk, R. Smend, Göttinger Gelehrte, Die Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen in Bildnissen und Würdigungen 1751–2001, Wallstein, Göttingen, 2001, p. 460. [136] J. Pfeiffer, Hirnforschung in Deutschland 1849–1974, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2004, p. 1093. [137] G. Dhom, Geschichte der Histopathologie, Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg, 2001, p. 376. [138] Erich Letterer, https://ostsachsenprojekt.blogspot.com/2017/04/wohnung-ss-arzt-dresdenmartin-opitz.html (accessed July 5, 2019). [139] LArch Baden Württemberg, Denazification file Erich Letterer, Wü 13 T 2 Nr. 2659/019 (2019). [140] H.J. Löblich, Martin Nordmann, Dtsch. Arztebl. 77 (21) (1980) 1419. [141] BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX /41501417 (Herbert Siegmund). [142] L. Niethammer, Die Mitläuferfabrik, Die Entnazifizierung am Beispiel Bayerns, Dietz, Berlin, Bonn, 1982. [143] D. Groß, J. Westemeier, M. Schmidt, T. Halling, M. Krischel (Eds.), Zahnärzte und Zahnheilkunde im „Dritten Reich“. Eine Bestandsaufnahme (= Medizin und Nationalsozialismus, 6), LIT, Berlin, Münster, 2018. [144] BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX /33710718 (Edmund Randerath). [145] E. Klee, Edmund Randerath. In: E. Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich. Wer war was vor und nach 1945, Fischer, Frankfurt am Main, 2005, p. 116. [146] H. Fischer, Die militärärztliche Akademie 1934-1945, Biblio, Osnabrück, 1985, p. 129. [147] J. Sziranyi, S. Kaiser, S. Wilhelmy, D. Gross, Disfranchisement, expulsion and persecution of pathologists in the Third Reich, A sociodemographic study, Pathol. Res. Pract. 215 (4) (2019), DOI:10.1016/j.prp.2019.152514. [148] D. Gross, S. Kaiser, J. Sziranyi, “...a life broken in two”, Walter Pagel (1898–1983), Famous Pathologist and Victim of Nazi Germany, Pathol. Res. Pract. 215 (3) (2019) 611– 618. [149] D. Gross, M. Schmidt, J. Sziranyi, The Double Exclusion of the pathologist and Nazi Victim Paul Kimmelstiel (1900–1970), Pathologe 40 (3) (2019) 301–312. [150] J. Sziranyi, S. Kaiser, M. Schmidt, D. Gross, “Jüdisch versippt” and “materialistic”: The marginalization of Walther E. Berblinger (1882-1966) in the Third Reich, Pathol. Res. Pract. 215 (5) (2019) 995–1002. [151] R. Pauli, J. Sziranyi, D. Gross, Vom NS-Opfer zum Initiator der “Notgemeinschaft deutscher Wissenschaftler im Ausland”, Der Pathologe Philipp Schwartz (1894–1977), Pathologe 40 (2019), Der Pathologe 40 (2019), DOI: 10.1007/s00292-019-0620-5.

22

Jo

ur na

Figure 1: Habilitation sites (n=38)

lP

re

-p

ro

of

[152] S. Kaiser, J. Sziranyi, D. Gross, Hans Popper (1903–1988), Father of Modern Hepatology and Victim of National Socialism, Pathologe 40 (2019), DOI:10.1007/s00292-019-0619y. [153] BArch Berlin, NSDAP-Gaukartei, R 9361-IX/41180199 (Gerhard Seifert). [154] M.H. Kater, Doctors under Hitler, The University of North Carolina Press,Chapel Hill, London, 2000. [155] D. Groß, Zahnärzte als Täter, Zwischenergebnisse zur Rolle der Zahnärzte im “Dritten Reich”/Dentists as perpetrators, Preliminary results on the role of dentists in the “3rd Reich”, Dtsch. Zahnarztl. Z. 73 (3) (2018) 164–178. [156] M. Schmidt, C. Graef, D. Gross, Legend or truth? The supposed distance of the German pathologist Maximilian Borst (1869–1946) to National Socialism, Pathol. Res. Pract. 215 (5) (2019) 1076–1082. [157] K.-H. Leven, Die Freiburger Universitätsmedizin im Nationalsozialismus, Mittäter, Mitwisser und nicht-symmetrische Diskretion. In: P. Kalchthaler, T. von Stockhausen (Eds.), Freiburg im Nationalsozialismus, (= Schriftenreihe der Badischen Heimat, 12), Rombach, Freiburg, Berlin, Wien, pp. 83–99. [158] B. Martin, Die Freiburger Pathologie in Kriegs- und Nachkriegszeiten (1906–1963). Konstitutionspathologie – Wehrpathologie und Menschenversuche – “Pathologie” des Verdrängens, Regionalkultur, Ubstadt-Weiher, Heidelberg, 2018. [159] T. Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918, Vol. 2: Machtstaat vor der Demokratie, C.H. Beck, München, 1992, p. 905. [160] M. Schmidt, C. Gräf, D. Gross, Virchow-Preisträger und Ehrenmitglieder der DGP und ihr Verhältnis zum Nationalsozialismus. Eine Querschnittsstudie, Pathologe 40 (2019), in press

23

7 6 5 4 3 2 1

NSDAP (Swiss)

SS/SA/ Function in other DPG/DGP 0/0/0 chairman (1957)

0

0/0/0

chairman (1976)

0

0/0/0

chairman (1914)

(Jewish)

0/0/0

chairman (1925)

0

0/0/0

chairman (1937)

X BArch R 9361-IX / 2840954 X BArch R 9361-VIII / 3151274 X BArch R 9361-IX / 3541395 0

0/0/0

chairman (1959)

0/0/0

chairman (1967)

0/0/X

treasurer (1950 ff.)

0/0/X

chairman (1929)

lP

Life data 18941971 19162011 18661942 18651940 18751953 18961981

ur na

Name 1. Albertini, Ambrosius von 2. Altmann, HansWerner 3. Aschoff, Ludwig

re

Table 1: Total collective of included pathologists (n=60)

4. Askanazy, Max

5. Beitzke, Hermann

Jo

6. Biasi, Walter di

7. Boemke, Friedrich

19061984

8. Böhmig, Richard

18981972

Gustav Hermann 9. Borst, Max

Johann Baptist

-p

ro

of

0

18691946

24

11. Büchner, Franz

18951991 19001987

12. Büngeler, Walter

13. Cain, Hans 14. Chiari, Hermann 15. Dietrich, Albert

19191983 18971969 18731961 19141996

17. Dhom, Georg

19222014 18951964 19051974

0/0/X

chairman (1971)

0/0/X

chairman (1958)

X BArch R 9361-IX / 5021173 0

X/0/0

chairman (1966)

0/0/0

chairman (1980)

0

0/0/0

X BArch R 9361-VIII / 6190197 X BArch R 9361-VIII / 6600522 0

0/0/0

board member (1958 ff.) chairman (1935)

chairman (1972)

0/0/0

chairman (1984)

0/0/0

chairman (1952)

X BArch R 9361-VIII / 7411370 0

0/0/0

board member (1960 ff.)

0/0/X

chairman (1938)

0

0/0/X

chairman (1944)

0

0/0/0

chairman (1936)

0

0/0/0

0

0/0/0

0

0/0/X

chairman (1953/1954) board member (1931) chairman (1968)

X BArch R 9361-IX / 12230015 0

0/X/X

chairman (1951)

0/0/0

chairman (1977)

X [127] (Swiss)

0/X/

chairman (1964)

0/0/0

chairman (1977)

20. Fahr, Karl

Theodor 21. Fischer, Walther Conrad Johann 22. Fischer-Wasels, Bernhard 23. Froboese, Curt 24. Ghon, Anton

Jo

25. Giese, Willy

26. Gruber, Georg

Benno Otto

27. Grundmann,

18771945 18821969 18771941 18911994 18661936 19021973 18841977

re

19. Eck, Hermann

0

lP

18. Domagk, Gerhard

-p

X/X/X

ur na

16. Doerr, Wilhelm

X BArch R 9361-VIII / 4491175 0

of

19061989

ro

10. Bredt, Heinrich

*1921

Ekkehard 28. Hamperl, Herwig 29. Hedinger,

Christoph Ernst

18991976 19171999

25

18821962 18921974 18951983

34. Klinge, Fritz 35. Krauspe, Carl

August 36. Lauche, Arnold 37. Lennert, Karl 38. Letterer, Erich

39. Liebegott,

Gerhard

18901959 19212012 18951982

19101975

40. Meessen, Hubert

0/0/X

board member (1935 ff.)

X BArch, PK G0027 X BArch, R 9361-IX / 23030146 0

0/X/X

0

Jo

44. Randerath,

Edmund

18991961

45. Ratzenhofer, Max

19111992

46. Roessle, Robert

18761956 19201980

47. Sandritter, Walter

board member (1965 ff.) 0/0/X

chairman (1931/1934) board member (1950) chairman (1963)

0/X/X

0/0/X 0/0/0

chairman (1948/1949/1950) chairman (1983)

X LArch Baden Württemberg, Wü 13 T 2 Nr. 2659/019 X BArch R 9361-IX / 25760100 X BArch, PK I0007 X BArch, PK I0169 X [47] X BArch R 9361-IX / 4610383 X BArch R 9361-IX / 33710718 X BArch R 9361-IX / 33810668 0

X/X/X

chairman (1955)

0/0/0

chairman (1973)

0/X/X

chairman (1970)

0/X/X

chairman (1969)

0/X/X 0/0/0

treasurer (1958 ff.) chairman (1956)

0/X/X

chairman (1960)

0/0/0

chairman (1974)

0/0/0

chairman (1930)

0

0/0/0

chairman (1978)

ur na

19091992 41. Müller, Erich 19031984 42. Müller, Walter 19071983 43. Nordmann, Martin 18951980

X BArch R 9361-VIII / 10660009 X BArch R 9361-IX KARTEI / 5171775 0

of

33. Hueck, Werner

chairman (1934)

ro

19121991

0/0/0

-p

32. Holle, Gottfried

(Jewish)

re

Gotthold 31. Herzog, Georg

18721936 18841962

lP

30. Herxheimer,

26

51. Selberg, Werner

19132011

Julius Emil Adolf 52. Siegmund,

Herbert

18911954

53. Staemmler, Martin

18901974

54. Sternberg, Carl

18721935 19021935

55. Terbrüggen,

August 56. Uehlinger, Erwin 57. Wätjen, Julius

18791968 18971974 19011978

0/0/0

board member (1938)

59. Werthemann,

Andreas Achilles 60. Wurm, Hans

chairman (1986)

0/0/X

chairman (1975)

0/0/0

chairman (1954)

0/0/X

board member (1934 ff.)

0/0/0

chairman (1928)

X BArch R 9361-IX / 44241190 (Swiss)

0/X/X

chairman (1962)

0/0/0

chairman (1965)

X BArch R 9361-IX / 46450530 (Swiss)

X/0/X

board member (1951 ff.)

0/0/0

board member (1931) chairman (1961)

ur na

58. Wegelin, Carl

18991980 18831968

X BArch R 9361-IX / 40480340 X BArch R 9361-IX / 41180199 X BArch R 9361-IX / 41260984 X BArch R 9361-IX /41501417 X BArch R 9361-IX / 42311001 (Jewish)

of

19212014

chairman (1923)

ro

50. Seifert, Gerhard

0/0/0

-p

Hans Gustav

0

re

Benno 49. Schultze, Walter

18631949 18801964

lP

48. Schmidt, Martin

(Swiss)

0/0/0

X BArch R 9361-VIII / 25511278

0/X/X

board member (1951)

Jo

Table 2: Offices of the included pathologists within the DGP (multiple functions possible) (n=60) Function Frequenc y (Designated) chairman 47 Secretary 5 Treasurer 4 Board member without 27 special function

27

Table 3: Geographical origin (n=60) Country/ region (birthplace) Today´s Germany East Prussia/ Silesia Austria Switzerland Japan

Frequency 40 9 5 5 1

Percentage 67 15 8 8 2

Percentage 29 31 40 0

ro

of

Table 4: Social background (father professions) (n=42) Father‘s professions Number of pathologists Physician 12 Educated middle class (except physician) 13 Industrialist/ merchant/ independent craftsman 17 Petit bourgeoisie/ workman 0

lP

re

-p

Table 5: Habilitation period and Nazi membership (n=47, Jewish and Swiss pathologists excluded) Period of habilitation Number of pathologists thereof NSDAP members before 1933 31 16 Third Reich (1933-1945) 9 9 after 1945 7 2 total 47 27

Table 6: The 7 (designated) chairmen of DPG (DGP) in the “Third Reich” Year in office

ur na

Name

Jo

Gotthold Herxheimer Werner Hueck Albert Dietrich Bernhard Fischer-Wasels Hermann Beitzke Karl Theodor Fahr Walther Fischer *Jewish, ** not before 1940

1933 1934 1935 1936 1937 1938 1944

NSDAP membership upon taking office ̶ * ̶ ̶ ̶ ** ̶ ̶ ̶

Table 7: Career paths of pathologists in the “Third Reich” (n=42) Number of pathologists “Nazi winners” 24 without change 14 “Nazi losers” 4 total 42

28

Table 8: DGP chairmen in the Federal Republic of Germany (until 1986) and her membership in the NSDAP (n=33, only individuals born before 1924)

ur na

NSDAP membership

of

X 0 0 X X X (Swiss) 0 X X (Swiss) X X X (Swiss) X X 0 X X X X X X X 0 (Swiss) 0 0 0 0 0 X

ro

-p

lP

Gruber, Georg Benno Domagk, Gerhard Froboese, Curt Siegmund, Herbert Letterer, Erich Nordmann, Martin Albertini, Ambrosius, von Büchner, Franz Biasi, Walter di Randerath, Edmund Werthemann, Andreas Achilles Terbrüggen, August Krauspe, Carl August Hamperl, Herwig Uehlinger, Erwin Büngeler, Walter Boemke, Friedrich Giese, Willy Müller, Erich Meessen, Hubert Bredt, Heinrich Doerr, Wilhelm Liebegott, Gerhard Ratzenhofer, Max Selberg, Werner Julius Emil Adolf Altmann, Hans-Werner Hedinger, Christoph Ernst Sandritter, Walter Grundmann, Ekkehard Cain, Hans Lennert, Karl Dhom, Georg Seifert, Gerhard

Jo

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33.

Year in office 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1983 1984 1986

re

Chairman

29