The role of education in Korean society

hr. 1. EducahonolDevelopmenr., Printed in Great Britain

Vol. 11, No. 4. pp. 295-313.1991

THE ROLE

073%0593/91 $3.M+ .oo Pergamon Press plc

OF EDUCATION YOUNG-KEY

George

Washington

University,

IN KOREAN

SOCIETY’

KIM-RENAUD

Gelman

617, Washington,

D.C. 20052, U.S.A.

Abstract-Education in Korea, which originally was the quest for self-cultivation and knowledge by privileged classes, has changed greatly over time. This article reviews Korea’s cultural history and offers a comprehensive overview of the history of education from ancient times to the present. It is claimed that education has been, and will continue to be, a positive and leading engine of economic growth and general progress in Korea. In spite of many superficial transformations stemming from the change in educational goals from teaching Confucian classics to a few elites to mass education in diverse and practical subjects, undercurrents of traditional values persist today. However, changing times have brought about new concerns, particularly the prevalent, inflexible view of formal educational degrees as the only measure of the whole human being, leaving aside such less quantifiable but essential human qualities as character and creativity which so strongly shape the vitality of a society.

college entrance-examination period. Families endure separation not only gladly but often proudly, when it involves education. It is not uncommon for women who are normally pillars of the family life, and whose presence at home is mandatory, to go abroad to pursue higher degrees, leaving behind their proud husbands and children. The first question in marital matchmaking is the educational attainment of the party concerned. If there are scholastic reasons for which family/clan and social obligations cannot be fulfilled, one is excused with a nod of understanding. Competition is fierce, especially for college entrance examinations, as there is a tremendous bottleneck for high school graduates who want a spot in the limited space in colleges regulated by the government-imposed quotas. This zeal for learning, often labeled the ‘education syndrome’, has been in Korea quite some time. It comes from the Korean people’s traditional respect for knowledge and belief in continuous human development. Probably the most important characteristic of the Korean culture is its tenet that only the most learned should rule the country and society. Macdonald (1988) summarizes this tradition as follows:

INTRODUCTION The single most important value in the Korean society today is education. Education ranks second in the government budget (22.3% in 1990) after national defense (30.4% in 1990) (Business Korea, 15-16 February, 1990) and draws substantial non-governmental funds. Even then, people bear about two-thirds of the direct costs of education (Korea Educational Development Institute (KEDI), 1985), devoting much of their savings to it. Educational insurance is presently one of the most thriving businesses in Korea and many private club-type financing systems of ‘Kye’ are formed for educational purposes. Education dictates where and how families live, constantly becoming a socio-political issue. This, of course, is true of many modern nations, but the degree of education fervor in Korea appears to be almost religious. People are willing to make major sacrifices, and it is not uncommon for a Korean to invest his/her life savings just to send a child, especially the first son to school. Some people with fairly respectable social backgrounds are willing to take traditionally despised menial jobs such as housekeeping work for the education of their children, yet even the menial jobs somehow regain respect when the purpose is ‘lofty’. People decline major opportunities for professional advancement, because it is undesirable to move during their children’s critical, pre-

The enormous importance attached to education in Korea is a principal reason for the nation’s rapid development. This attitude, however, is only partly motivated by current realities; it springs from the Confucian tradition, in which entry into government service was by superior merit obtained through years of 2%

2%

YOUNG-KEY

KIM-RENAUD

study of the Confucian classics, proven by examination. the present.2 When discussing the history of eduGovernment position and scholarship were intimately cation, another three partite division is often related; the social ideal was the scho lar-official, and preferred: (i) pre-modem era (4th-19th century); *. _ .:_-. ..L-_ scholarship in effect served the state. A[ a Anne wnrn (ii) modern era (1880-1945); (iii) recent/current government positions were the only wav tn rise in the _._ ____ -, -- ---era (since 1945~nresent) (Reoublic of Korea world. education thus was the -kevi to fame and fort& (p. 84). Mini&v of Education (EK), 1pSS).

The role of education, originally presumed to be the quest for self-cultivation and for knowledge which would eventually help leaders of the society in governing the nation with wisdom and benevolence, has changed greatly over time, although certain undercurrents of its philosophy have remained constant. Education was at first provided to future leaders from aristocratic families to ensure leadership of quality. It was a societal control system, so that the country would not suffer from incompetent or cruel government. It was also a clear way of preserving the class membership, as the elite continued to improve themselves, justifying their exclusive status even more convincingly. Bureaucratic honors were the primary basis for respect-the word for aristocrat, yangban, literally means two branches of the bureaucracy, civil and military -and it was possible for a yangban by birth not only to continue his status but also to legitimize and enhance his position by way of recognition gained as a man of great knowledge and virtue (Hahm, 1986). In the modern era, with the adoption of democratic ideals, education has become accessible to everyone. In the past forty years, universal education in Korea was used by religious, political, and economic institutions in order to perpetuate the values that each of them upheld (Kim, 1987). However, its effect was also to gradually reduce the differences among regions and social classes. Ironically, democratic education has now become a mechanism of creating and legitimizing new classes, offering a chance of upward-mobility for even the people of most humble origin.

A BRIEF

CULTURAL

HISTORY

Koreans have both benefitted and suffered from their strategic location in the heart of East Asia during their 5000 years of history. Korea’s recorded history goes back about 2000 years, and can be divided into three major periods: (i) ancient era (57 ~~-1392); (ii) the Yi-dynasty (1392-1910): and (iii) the modern era (1910 to

Koreans are often ‘noted for’ their independent spirit and creative thinking,3 but have always been equally curious and eager to learn about and from others. Since very early times, they have traveled and stayed abroad for study.4 They have gone to China, India and Japan, and frequently have played the role of bridge between different nations. When the country atypically turned inward-looking toward the end of the 19th century, they fell prey to foreign ambitions and finally succumbed to Japanese domination (1910-1945). Shortly after liberation, Korea suffered the further agony of a divided nation and a cruel civil war (1950-1953), which has not officially ended. Korea has probably changed more over the thirty-five years following the armistice than in the thousand years preceding that period. Extreme patterns of migration and urbanization as well as dissolution of the traditional class distinction brought about changes that are radical and confusing at times. The Korean civilization can be considered in relation to various systems of thought and religion that have influenced the nation through its history. The native belief system is called Shamanism, a form of animism, a polytheistic religion, believing in a spiritual presence in everything living and dead. This religion emphasizes the ethical and spiritual aspect in life, especially goodness and piety. Legends, fables, and other linguistic expressions demonstrate Koreans’ faith in inevitable retribution for good or bad intentions and deeds, and their optimistic attitude that a person’s earnest wishes will be fulfilled. Buddhism was introduced in 372 through China. Buddhism was accepted by both aristocrats and commoners. Chinese characters came along with Buddhism, and art and scholarship flourished. esoeciallv in the Unified Silla. Buddhism, wi;h its tenet for benevolence and fatalism, its spirituality and sacredness, and its sense of democracy, has offered respite to people in their suffering. The Koryo Dynasty adopted Buddhism as the national religion, and Buddhist temples served also as centers of learning, but as the dynasty advanced Con-

THE ROLE OF EDUCATION

fucianism became the guiding principle for life, as the civil service examination and the educational system increasingly emphasized Confucian classics. The Choson or Yi Dynasty adopted Chu Hsi’s (1130-1200) neo-Confucianism as the governing principle for the country and society. For a social and political order, harmony among people was stressed and a certain hierarchy among them was thought to be necessary and sufficient to attain that order. Neo-Confucianists, especially the Korean philosophers, believed in the transcendent dignity and goodness of man, and in human perfectability (cf. de Bary and Haboush, 1985).6 They laid special emphasis on education for arriving at a sage-like state, possessing knowledge, morality and rectitude. Both the emotional and rational aspects of the human nature were viewed to be in need of cultivation and control (Ching, 1985). Koreans first established and then rigidly adhered to principles of propriety, earning a nickname for the country, ‘the eastern nation of etiquette’. Western, especially Christian, ideas were introduced in Korea first by Catholics about 200 years ago and again by protestant missionaries about 100 years ago. Students returning from the West or Western-influenced Japan, as well as Western missionaries have brought new democratic ideals and respect for pragmatic outlook. Old reverence for knowledge, traditionally identified with competence gained through humanistic and liberal education, has now come to encompass fields previously considered less noble, e.g. medicine, engineering, mathematics, manufacturing, commerce, foreign languages other than Chinese, professional (as opposed to amateur) arts, etc. Throughout their history, Koreans have adopted new thought systems or religious beliefs first as novel ideas and fresh knowledge to be studied. They often went to the country of origin or practice, including India and China, and later to Western countries to receive first-hand education and then not infrequently became fervent converts. While the time of introduction and flourishing periods of all the belief systems introduced to Korea can be precisely identified, they have now intermingled to influence the modern Korean way of thinking and living.

297

IN KOREAN SOCIETY

EDUCATION

IN THE ERA

PRE-MODERN

Two cultural characteristics of the Korean people in the pre-modern age have been directly responsible for shaping the educational tradition in Korea. One is the extreme class- or rather status-consciousness of the Korean people: being born into a good family was regarded as a blessing of heaven or at least a reward for what one did in earlier life. In ancient and pre-modern times nobility was strictly hereditary, and upward mobility into a higher class was not possible. The second and most important characteristic is that the Korean people have long believed that leaders of a society must be the most learned. To become a government official, the most respected occupation, one has not only to be well-born but must improve himself in order to deserve and legitimize his or her privileged position. Formal education in Korea started in the three-kingdom era. The year Buddhism was introduced (372 AD) was also the year when the first Korean university, called Taehak or Great Learning-a term now used to refer to a college-was established in Koguryo. Aside from various schools in Chinese dynasties, this was the first formal school in East Asia (HEK, 1986). Paekche had a system of Paksa or Erudite Scholar-a term now used to refer to a doctorate. Unified Silla established in 682 AD a national school modeled on the Tang system, called Kukhak or National College. Silla had already had a well-organized educational system, called Hwarangdo, to train young men for beauty and strength of mind and body with the eventual objective of national defense, and this had indeed led them to the unification of three kingdoms. The goals of national education institutions were twofold: (1) attainment of general knowledge, especially in Confucian classics for able leadership; (2) training of bureaucrats. At first both aims were equally important, especially following the native tradition of education, but later on, the education became largely certificationand test-oriented (HEK, 1986). During the three-kingdom period, students went to study in China mainly to obtain a liberal and humanistic education, familiarizing themselves with Confucian classics. Many of them passed Chinese civil service examinations, the

YOUNG-KEY Classification

Public institutions

DpeSw

KogUrYO

KIM-RENAUD

Higher

Middle

Private institutions Middle

UnifiedShilla

Taehak (372)’ Kukhek 692). Kukchagem

Hakdang

Shit-ii

Koryo

(992)’

Hyanggyo

(12 schools)

Lower Kyongdanc I

Sodang

l means the year of establishment Source: IHEKI (1986)

Fig. 1. Educational

institutions

most famous being Ch’oe Ch’i-won (HEK, 1986).7 Those who returned were respected and amply rewarded, and study abroad became considered as a sure road of upward mobility. Koryo Dynasty’s national school started in 930 AD shortly after its beginning (918 AD) with a specific goal of training future bureaucrats. Later a full-scale national school called Kukchagam was established in 992 AD. This system, although based on the Tang model again, was discriminatory. The school was accessible only to aristocrats, and they were further distinguished by the rank and social position of the family. The programs that trained lesser bureaucrats were taken by the offspring of lower bureaucrats, while higherlevel trainees had a curriculum mainly involving Confucian classics. Technical fields were to be studied only by lower social ranks. The Chinese-style civil service examination was administered first in Korea in 958 AD and served as a device for recruiting government bureaucrats, much needed to solidify the new dynasty (HEK, 1986). The Choson or Yi Dynasty also started a national school called Songgyun’gwan in 1398 shortly after the new kingdom was established in 1392 for the similar reason. The study of Confucian classics became a major social activity, as the new dynasty adopted Confucianism as the absolute tenet for government and society. However, education continued to serve mainly the aristocrats and the royalty with the specific goal of producing able leaders. In ancient and pre-modern ages, there were also private institutions and regional state schools (see Fig. 1). Scholars, many of them exofficials out of favor or in retirement, established academies called Sowon, to educate

in ancient

and pre-modern

age.

the young people. By the end of the 19th century there existed about 300 such schools. These schools seem to have differed from the national college in detail and scale only. Again, liberal, humanistic and Confucian studies was considered the ultimate, while technical subjects such as agriculture, manufacturing, commerce, mathematics, and medicine, were despised as Caphak ‘miscellaneous learning’. Practical knowledge was considered just ‘functional’, allowing people to perform limited and superficial activities, while the liberal education was thought to offer them general competence to handle any unanticipated problems. As the Yi dynasty sank deeper and deeper into dogmatism, Koreans finally had a rude awakening of their helplessness when the Japanese invaded them in 1592. The Japanese retreated after a few years of devastating war, but Korea suffered from this experience materially and spiritually. This painful episode was directly responsible for the emergence of a new philosophical school called Sirhak ‘practical learning’, criticizing the ills of the leading dogma of the time and promoting pragmatic attitudes and suggesting detailed methods for handling practical matters in the society and government. It stressed particularly the ways to educate the populace for that purpose. The need for realistic thinking and technocracy was advocated openly and strongly by 18th century Sirhak scholars. Unfortunately the leading Sirhak scholars were only second-rank aristocrats, and their many wonderful ideas never had a chance to be put into practice. Nevertheless. the social atmosphere was ripe for new democratic and pragmatic value systems soon to be introduced. Unfortunately, before that happened, the country had to suffer a major

THE ROLE OF EDUCATION

humiliation by becoming subjugated under the rule of a traditional and ‘lesser’ enemy, Japan, following the Russo-Japanese War in 1910. EDUCATION

IN THE MODERN

ERA

Western/Christian democratic ideas and concepts of universal education were introduced at the turn of the century. Modern educational institutions emerged in a period of fervent nationalist mood, as well as the enlightenment/modernization/westernization movement which was sweeping the whole of northeast Asia, under the weakened dynasty (Kim Uchang, 1983). The first rnodern school was the Wonsun Huksa (Academy], a private school founded in 1883 by Chong Hyon-sok, the Magistrate of a county in Wonsan, at the request of the Wonsan traders’ group and other local inhabitants. As Lee (1961) notes, ‘It is significant that Korea’s very first modern school was established at the initiative of the residents of a newly opened port city, with their own resources, in response to the challenge the nation confronted from abroad’. Koreans viewed education as a key to national independence and modernization. The climate was ripe to welcome foreign missionaries who brought modern education in medicine and liberal arts. Following the 1882 Korean-American Friendship Treat, the Korean diplomatic mission to America in 1883 appealed to the Methodist Mission Headquarters in New York for their help. Under King Kojong’s patronage, in 1886 three American missionaries started private schools which exist until today, Puejehuktung, School for Orphans, now named Kyongsin School, and Korea’s first educational institution for women Ewhu Girls’ School. There were also some public schools established by the government, as King Kojong decreed in 1895 the establishment of modern schools, primary schools, secondary schools, teachers’ schools, and even vocational schools (EK, 1988), but there were many more private schools, which numbered some 5000 with some 200,000 students by 1908, two years before the country succumbed to Japanese colonial domination (Japanese Government General in Korea, (JGGK)), 1918, as quoted in HEK, 1986). Among these schools, 796 were established by Christian missionaries, and schools for girls outnumbered

IN KOREAN

SOCIETY

299

those for boys (HEK, 1986). Thus, modernstyle education for women started at the same time as for men in Korea. Today, Ewha Women’s University, with its enrollment of more than 11,000 (Korea Research Foundation, 1986), is probably the largest institution of higher education for women in the world. The private schools offering western-style education with its democratic ideals and individual’s self-esteem became the cradle of nationalist movement. They brought about a profound social change. New fields taught in addition to Confucian classics, such as mathematics, geography, and foreign languages, gained respect not accorded them previously. Women began to participate in a professional life outside homes. It is notable that Yu Kwansun, the leader of the 1919 Independence Movement, was a young woman from a private institute, Ewha Girls’ School. As traditional belief in an educated leader persisted, education became a means for upward social mobility. Conservative elements of the society, which comprised the great majority of the nation, considered the new education, especially for women, inappropriate and corrupting. However, private schools continued to flourish and participated fully in the modernization process. Because the private schools nurtured nationalist thinking, the Japanese Government General began controlling them and closed many of them. Furthermore, the education policy of the Japanese was geared to producing mere skilled workers for the Japanese rulers and therefore forced the schools to change their emphasis from liberal education to simple vocational training. Agriculture was emphasized in secondary schools, the majority of which had adjoining lands for cultivation. Female students devoted many hours to sewing and embroidery (HEK, 1986). Later, the Japanese adopted a policy of ‘assimilation’ of Koreans into Japanese, trying to annihilate the Korean heritage by prohibiting the use of their own language and forcing them to adopt new Japanese names. Schools attended by the Koreans had fewer years of education than those attended by the Japanese. Japanese established new schools as well. The most important was Kyongsong Imperial University [now the Seoul National University], which was founded in 1924 to soothe the Koreans after the aborted 1919 Independence

300

YOUNG-KEY

KIM-RENAUD I

lc-12ye.m

@g

7-9years

-

0

1944

Source.

1960

1966

McG~nn eta1

Fig. 2. Educational

1970

13+years

0

l-6years

1974

1944

1960

1966

1970

1974

(1980)

attainments

of population

Movement. Nevertheless, more than two thirds of the students (68.70% in 1935) were Japanese 1936 as quoted by HEK, 1986). (One, However eager Koreans were to learn, they could not meet the challenge of Japanese imperialism, and the harsh Japanese rule of 35 years left the majority of Koreans illiterate. Even before tasting the joy of liberation fully, Koreans found themselves divided. There were new occupational forces on the peninsula: Soviets in the north and Americans in the south. The guiding principle of American militarygovernment for South Korea was a democratic educational ideology. Koreans were eagerly studying American scholars like John Dewey, E. L. Thorndike, William Kilpatrick, and Harold Rugg (HEK, 1986). Equal opportunity for all was the chief concern. The new American-style public education system of 6-3-3-4 was adopted, and primary-school education was made compulsory. However, the effort to achieve a student-centred instruction, enhancing creativity of individual students, faced material and psychological dilemma. For this reason, implicit resistance against American-style teaching methods developed, and interest in educational methodology on the whole diminished (HEK, 1986). The Korean War made a bad situation worse, but once the war ended it did not take long for Koreans to embark on a major course of recovery (see Fig. 2). The explosive expansion of Korean educa-

aged 14 and over.

1944-1074.

tion at all levels in just over 40 years is unmatched by any other country in the world. At present there are 536 higher education institutions (with 1,434,259 students) for a country of 42 million people, compared to 19 (with 7819 students) in 1945 (in 1949 the population was just a little over 20 million) (SYE, 1989). This means that the number of tertiary schools increased by 28 times and the number of students by 18.3 times, while the population only doubled. Today Korea boasts a near 100% literacy rate and one of the very highest levels of education anywhere in the world (see Table l).” Aggregate statistical figures do not tell the full story, however. If one considers in addition the number of class hours per day and of school days as well as all the after-school instructional hours both in academic and extra-curricular disciplines,’ the numbers regarding educational attainments become even more impressive (see Section 4). Some students also go through a year or more of extra college preparatory work when they do not pass the entrance examination of the college of their choice at first try. Not only the quantity but also the content of studies has seen drastic changes. The goal of education has now become one of producing an enlightened and efficient population who will contribute to the national welfare and reconstruction. Fields which received low esteem traditionally have become more prestigious than most humanistic subjects. However, even

THE

ROLE

Table

OF EDUCATION

1. Percentage

IN KOREAN

of age group

enrolled

1965

Male

1986

1965 103

1986

1965

101

94

China

89

129

Taiwan

loo

loo

Japan

loo

102

100

101

loo

France

134

112

135

113

133

W. Germany

-

U.K.

92

U.S.A. Source:

World

97 106 102

Development

92 Report

Total

Female

Korea

-

in education Secondary

Primary Total

301

SOCIETY

94 137

97

99 -

-

105 103

92 -

1986

1965

Tertiary

Male

1986

1965

Female

1986

1965

Total

1986

1965

1986 33

94

35

95

93

6

120

24

42

-

48

-

35

0

2

37

75

-

-

-

-

11

22

102

82

96

82

95

84

97

13

29

111

56

95

53

92

59

99

18

30

74

9

30

-

97

66

106 -

101

1989, World Bank;

72

Taiwan

44

-

85 loo

Statistical

98

71

67 -

25

-

83

Data Book

66 -

loo

87

12

22

loo

40

59

1988.

Note: A figure above 100% means that not only the entire age cohort of relevant school age is enrolled but older students as well. Typical school-age groups in World Bank statistics are 6-l 1 for primary school, 12-17 for secondary school and 20-24 for tertiary or higher education.

in this case, people began taking technical and specialized fields seriously because they considered them as superior domains of academic pursuit first, rather than as only ‘practical’ tools for gaining material comfort. For example, before people discuss how useful or profitable an engineering major is-one of the most prestigious of all specializations-they mention the difficulty of the field. It is true that the Korean society has become incredibly materialistic compared to the past, but perhaps except for business majors, people will still want to claim that material gains are a side product of general competence. lo The traditional Confucian notion of education, working toward a well-rounded, cultivated gentleman with a strong sense of morality, clearly endures in modern Korea in spite of many superficial changes (Kim Uchang, 1983). CURRENT

SCHOOL

SYSTEM

The Education Law, promulgated in 1949, stipulates a school system of 6-3-3-4 with extra years required for kindergarten and graduate work as well as the study of medicine and dentistry, and with other variations in the case of special schools (see Fig. 3). Although only the first six years are compulsory and free of charge, the enrollment ratio is very high at all levels, as shown in Table 1.

While, on the surface the Korean system is similar to the American one because of the 6-33-4 partition of the education system, there are considerable differences between the two countries. As mentioned earlier, Korean students get significantly more hours of classes and study more subjects than Americans. These requirements are nationally prescribed. The academic year starts in March in Korea and is composed of two semesters. The law requires a minimum of 220 school days (or 34 weeks) per year for primary and secondary schools, compared to American 180 days on average, and 32 weeks minimum per year for colleges, compared to 28 in most American two-semester college programs. Students also go to school on Saturdays for half a day. A high school student in Seoul typically starts school at 7.30 in the morning and ends at 5.00 in the afternoon, with no empty periods other than one hour of lunch. Korean students have little freedom to choose specific courses for themselves. In high schools, all subjects are learned in small increments at all levels rather than individuals concentrating on a few chosen subjects at a time as in America (see Figs 4, 5 and 6). One’s college major, including the premedical, is decided at the time of admission, and it is pretty much impossible to change majors after admission. Almost no secondary-school student has a paying job, and even college students

YOUNG-KEY

302 Pre-school

Age

Elementary education 2

1

Grade 6

7

3 8

4 9

5 10

Secondary education 6

11

KIM-RENAUD

7

8

9

10

12

11 , 16 I

Higher education 13 I

12 I 17 II

18

14 19 I1

20

I

General (academic) high school (3 vears)

15

16 21 22 III1

17

18 23

19 24

25 I

I

Dentistry & medicine 4 year college and Graduate school University

Kindergahen (l&2 years)

I

Vocational high

Elementary school (6 years) Middle school (3 years) IL-

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Civic school Specialized school Higher civic school Trade school Higher trade school Specialized high school Correspondence high school

Special education for the handicapped Elementary school

Middle school

High school

Source: EK (1988) Fig. 3. Current school system

usually take tutoring jobs, if any.” Vocational school and air and correspondence schools have been added, in principle, to produce more skilled workers as part of the national agenda for economic development. Even in these schools there is heavy emphasis on theory and liberal arts curriculum. These schools have gone through several major changes, and one of the problems has been their lack of prestige. While total high school enrollment has been sharply increasing, that of vocational schools has in fact been decreasing in recent years (see Fig. 7).

STUDY

ABROAD

Studying abroad, especially in North America or Europe, has been prestigious and desirable as a way to get ahead. However, the number of students going abroad has been

controlled for reasons of national economy and to maintain Korea’s reputation. Restrictions on going abroad to study were eased in 1982, and the following year, there were 3000 students going abroad for study, three times the number in 1981 (see Fig. 8). The numbei exploded to 11,000 in 1985, then the government tightened exit qualifications again due to growing reports of misbehaviour by Korean students abroad, and the number of people going abroad to study dropped a bit (Business Korea Vol. 7, No. 2.34 35, 1989).‘2 The influence of students and scholars returning from abroad has been substantial on both the school curriculum and on the organization of governmental and societal institutions. as well as on educational and research methods. Many Koreans have now studied abroad, especially in the United States, and have contributed enormously to the advancement of Korean education.

THE

ROLE

OF EDUCATION

IN KOREAN

303

SOCIETY

(unit/teaching hours) 6th year 68 204 136

136 102 68 68 68

I I l

l

Extracurricular activities Grand total

1

-

1 782

1

-

1 816

1 34+

1

68+

1

68+ rp~xl

1 918+ 1 1.020+ 1 1.088+ 1 1.0@3+1

The hours shown on this table represent minimum school hours allotment for 34 weeks per year. One teaching hour in this table represents 40 minutes.

Source: EK (1988) Fig. 4. Elementary

While there was a strict quota on the number of students in each domain within Korean universities, students, once qualified, have always been free to choose any specialization for study abroad. New fields of study offer new ways of looking at the universe. The returning graduates have become very active in both international and domestic academic meetings, associations, and study groups. This is directly impacting both the contents of education and research within and beyond Korean colleges. In the last decade, economic progress at home has lured back many Korean expatriates who had remained abroad, especially in the U.S., after finishing their doctoral degrees. Many of them opt for jobs in the private sector rather than at universities or in public institutions. Now a total of 377 holders of overseas doctorates work at Samsung, Hyundai, Lucky-Goldstar or Daewoo companies (see Fig. 9) -and major business groups are financing company scholarships for their employees. It is frequent to see Ph.D. holders as company presidents. New attitudes and styles

school curriculum.

of work are thus penetrating academic world but many environments as well. CHANGING

not only the different work

TIMES AND CONCERNS

NEW

In spite of the impressive progress made over the last few decades, Koreans have been finding many education problems and tried reforms. In 1968, there were some radical innovations, such as the ‘No-Entrance Examination System for Middle-School Admission’ to abolish traditional elitist institutions and limit extreme, competitive climate among youngsters. The list given in Fig. 10 is a summary of important recent innovations. A Presidential Commision for Education Reform was appointed in March 1985. and its final report was submitted in December 1987. The diagram given in Fig. 11 presents a causeand-effect analysis of Korean educational problems as identified by the commission (Republic of Korea Presidential Commission

YOUNG-KEY

304

KIM-KENAUD

Required subjects

Elective subjects

1,156-l.

1,190-

Total

l

l l l

The hours shown on this table represent minimum school per year. Figures tn the parentheses are hours taught per week. One teaching hour in this table represents 45 minutes. Elective is principal’s optional subjects.

hours alloted for 34 weeks

l

Se: select.

Source: EK (1988) Fig. S. Middle school curriculum.

for Education Reform (PCER, 1987). The lack of healthy philosophy and goal for education in the whole society is considered one of the major educational problems. Koreans’ burning desire for education has led to their irrational pursuit of education with a narrow interpretation of its goal. This attitude has created a trend to view education as a mere vehicle for advancing to the next higher level of schooling and gaining a diploma. This is a natural consequence of the social attitude which has viewed diplomas and the level of education attainment as the most objective and exclusive criteria to judge a person. Traditional cultural values, i.e., respect for literary and scholarly pursuits, have also caused an imbalance shown by college appli-

cants’ general preference for humanities and social sciences as the sure road to prestigious jobs. Another important criticism is the lack of encouragement for students’ individual growth and critical thinking. Examination oriented curricula result in uniform education programs, which are too closely controlled by bureaucracy. Authoritarianism in administration. heavy teaching load and low teacher morale. facilities and class size. and poor education blamed the environment, etc., all eventually insufficient funding. Also raised are concerns for the consequences of educational problems and human such as a lack of humanity resulting from over-emphasis on interaction.

THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN KOREAN SOCIETY

305

(unit/teaching hours) Students select one of three majors Subjects

Moral education

6

1

14-16

Korean language (I, II)

14-18

810

S-8

6

Korean history Social studies

4-6

4

2

2

Mathematics

8-14

6-8

Biology (I, II) earth science (I, II)

Each

-

26

Geography (I, II)

Se. 1

World history

Chemistrv (I. II) Phvsics (I. II)

4-6

Phvsical Education

6a

Music or fine arts

I I

Chinese, French, German

810

48

-

28 Se. 1

26 Se. 1

8-14

4-6

4-6

6-8

14-16

14-16

6-16

I

1

10-12

10-12

Se. 1

Se.

Se. 1

Se. 1

al0

Home economics (girls) Industrial arts (boys)

-

I

Elective

88102

1

1

al0

al0

8101

1

610 Se. 1 lo-38 Se. 1

-

Se. 1

Se. 1

technical. fisheries

oa

oa

oa

SO-116

SO-116

52-106

12

Extracurricular activities

I

Grand total

I

4-6 Se. 1

-

Sub total

Se. l-2

4-6Se. 1

Japanese, Spanish

Agriculture, commerce

4-12

4

-I

Classical Chinese (I, II) Enalish (I. II)

I

a10

4-18

Each

-I

12

Military training

lo-18

204-216

(1) means required subjects.

(II) means the elective subjects by course and program. 1 unit means a period of 50 minutes per week during one turm (17 weeks). One week equals 5 l/2 days. Individual high schools. by choice, may increase 10th grade required subject areas from 88 to 102 units. This allows, for example, a math., science or language emphasis. Same approach is allowed for 11 th and 12th grades. Se: select. Source: EK (1988) Fig. 6. General

(academic)

factual knowledge and insufficient development of creative and analytical thinking (PCER, 1987). However it is not clear how much of the numerous reforms suggested by the Commission will eventually be carried out. A widespread criticism is that the reforms

high school curriculum.

commission only wanted to spend more and more money for education.” There are understandably critics of instructional methods crying out for reform. The traditional emphasis on liberal education has now been interpreted as becoming familiar with as much information as possible in all fields.

306

YOUNG-KEY

-

-

KIM-RENAUD

Total General hiah school Vocational-high school

2237

1453

1391

-

1

I

‘77

‘78

I

‘79

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

I

‘80

‘81

‘82

‘83

‘84

‘85

‘80

‘87

Source: EK (1988) Fig. 7. Enrollment

trends

of high schools.

lY77-1987.

(in persons) 11000

11040

(in persons)

10000 9000 8000

6 6991

7000 6000 5000 4000

1

chemical engineering ‘75

‘80

‘I

Note: 3 major groups include Samsung, Daewoo & Lucky-Goldstar

(Year) Source: Business Korea (1988) [Ministry of Foreign Affairs] Fig. 8. Number of students going abroad

to study by year

Source: Business Korea (1988) Fig. Y. Overseas

doctorate

holders

in three major

groups.

THE

ROLE

OF EDUCATION

IN KOREAN

SOCIETY

Major innovative events

Year

1948

Establishment of the Ministn/ of Education

1949

Promulgation of education law

1952

Free and compulsory education in elementary schools

1962

Abolishment of normal schools replaced by junior teachers’ colleges

1968

Promulgation of the Charter of National Education

1969

introduction of preexamination

1972

Establishment of correspondence college (2year)

1973

Equalization of high schools--reform

system for college admission

of high school

admission system 1979

Opening of junior vocational colleges (2year)

1980

Education reform of July 30: l

Abolition of individual college exam .-replaced

by uniform

college entrance preexamination l

Establishment of graduation quotas of colleges

l

Giving weight of high school academic records in college admissions

1981

Establishment of scholatic achievement examination for college admission Teachers’ colleges upgraded to four-year course correspondence college upgraded to Syear Korea air and correspondence university Establishment of open colleges The 5th revision of educational curriculum

1984

Establishment of central educational conference under the MOE

1985

Inauguration of the Presidential Commission for Educational Reform

1988

Reform of college admission-first

apply for a college and

take an exam afterward

Source: EK (1988) Fig. 10. Important

educational

innovations.

307

Source: PCER (1987)

Admin1stratwe

egalitarwusm

M&d

orlentatm”

t

t

-Wide salary & ernplaymant gap l Strict scraernng system - Rigid screening of prpila

l

Overnding coreem for di@oma

Lrttls respect fa indiidualm/ . Too ““y plpla per teacher . Illprepared teachers . Over4oaded teachas & low “wrals l Rigid operation d ourrrculum l Absence of mukipla instructiav4l “Iatwlal?, l Rigid grads eyetern l

Indiiertlncs tc~indwidual lntsrslt & aptit No lndividuslizec waructicm AccYmulatioo of learning dsficisneies

Exam!netion-bound

I

-?-----

l

l

l

Educatm belittling indhidualii

Dehumanized edwatio” environment

I

l

l

l

l

l

& ptsntial

left

Hindrance for education of tide person -Krwwlsdpti”d - Lack of hum.“& lnwffiiient development of crsf4ve & critical thinking

Lcw effecwenoua of inatructi(x1 Abwma of .XMI*nce Absence of ai#cal thinking

. &titude

* Dissatisfation v&h schod . Abse”ca of h!.lma”o tntsractial l .4iiMicfl l Juwnile crime

THE ROLE OF EDUCATION IN KOREAN SOCIETY

Students have to learn, almost always by rote memorization, an enormous amount of information. This drift has been pointed out as a major cause of the inadequate quality in *education, and given rise to the concern that it discourages creativity in students. Education specialists often like to mention John Dewey’s philosophy as the leading influence on modern Korean educational philosophy (HEK, 1986). It is true that the current Korean educational philosophy strongly believes in the democratic principles of Dewey, but the implementation of his pragmatic principle has been rather peculiar. This most important principle, learning by doing rather than memorizing, has not been put into practice to any significant degree so far. In fact, the lack of empirical learning is often pointed out as a great shortcoming of Korean education. However, one hopes that there will be no extreme swing of the pendulum in the opposite direction. Proven wisdom can be learned without being individually rediscovered. Furthermore, factual knowledge’is often crucial to one’s creative thinking process.i4 I am personally more worried about the accuracy of information available in textbooks, reference materials, and other general literature, because published materials are often almost blindly trusted by both the students and teachers. Problems such as the lack of encouragement of originality and intellectual freedom have resulted so far from the strong demand for education, colliding with finite resources. Relatively big classrooms, averaging over 30 at the elementary level and up to 65 at middle and high school levels, required strict discipline, even though much ameliorated now.i5 This overcrowding as well as the absolute authority of a teacher over students have made any effort to express individual curiosity disturbing and sometimes even appear rebellious. As facilities keep improving and new styles of teaching/ learning are introduced, it is doubtful that this traditional attitude will last very long. The new problem is that with the wave of freedom and democracy washing over Korea today, a teacher’s status is bound to become less prestigious, and the time might come when the quality of education may drop, as more teachers defect from their profession. It is very common for Koreans to lament the emergence of selfishness among young people, whose outlook is shrinking to increasingly self-

309

centred attitudes. Yet the role of modern mothers in children’s education is considered so crucial that it often leads to quasi-slavery status of mothers when the pre-exam periods come. Students preparing for exams make enormous sacrifices, but it is for their own individual benefit, although some may study for the honor of their family. This reversal of the Korean traditional devotion to one’s parents is increasingly debated. When students study, they are totally excused from helping with anything in the family. They are apt to become very selfish individuals, if they are not mature enough or given enough proper ubringing at home to understand these circumstances. Many exam-controlled students relax once they reach college, unless they intend to pursue higher degrees. New policies, therefore, have been tried to stimulate college students to work hard, again, notably by making graduation quotas considerably smaller than admission quotas. Unfortunately, this policy has only proven to create an inhuman environment for the student body rather than guaranteeing the quality of education.16 A major problem in Korea now seems to be how to balance equal opportunity with education and the control of unemployment or underemployment. More and more students graduate from high schools and almost everyone wants to go to college. However, students suddenly face the bottleneck created by the quotas imposed by the government on a department basis on the number of openings in every tertiary school, including private institutions. As a result, competition is fierce. People are very worried about exam-oriented crash courses. Students and family live almost inhuman lives while preparing for entrance examinations. Finally, when people pass such difficult exams and eventually get higher degrees, they feel they have bought themselves passports into special social classes. Indeed, there has so far been a direct and close correlation between earnings and educational achievements for both the male and female populations in Korea (see Figs 12 and 13). Those with lesser degrees accept an inferior status almost as natural, yet there is a sense of mistrust and suspicion about unequal opportunities due to after-school tutoring and other forms of extra training not being available to economically less fortunate students. Therefore, the government has tried

YOUNG-KEY

310

KIM-RENAUD

Primary

I

I

I

I

I

I

Under 25

25-29

30-34

35-44

45-54

Age 12. Average

monthly

earnings in industry by age and education. males. 1972.

Middle school 10 -

I

I

I

I

Under 25

25-29

30-34

3544

Primary I 4554

Age

Source: Based on Office of Labour Affairs, Wage and Emphyment (Seoul, 1972).

Survey,

Fig. 1.;. Average monthlv carninqs in industry hy ape and education, fcmal;_s. 1973.

various policies aimed at maintaining equality of chances by banning tutoring, hut such policies only ended up interfering into the private lives of people. Economists who have looked at the rate of return to education, e.g. Schultz (1984) and Psacharopoulos (1984, 1989). show that the economic rewards to education depend on the relative dynamics of an expanding supply of educated workers and the demand for such skilled labor. During the last two decades. the rapid rate of technological change in Korea has coincided with a mild decline in the return to

secondary education and an upward trend for highereducation. These trends are linked to the early achievement of universa1 education which has rapidly expanded the supply of labor against a changing demand linked to the rate of technological change in production. To absorb a highly skilled labor force at good returns, the must organization of Korean production continue to shift towards more and more technology-intensive processes.” It is often said that Korea is a low-wage country. This is no longer true in terms of wages per hour. According to the Korean L,abor

THE

ROLE

OF EDUCATION

Research Institute, Korean wages in 1989 were comparable with those in Taiwan and higher than in Hong Kong and Singapore (Business Korea, February 1990). What may remain true is that if one considers the higher level of education achievement of Korean workers, they may be less well compensated than with similar degrees in another country. In the future, the capacity of the Korean economy to employ more and more university graduates will depend on the country’s ability to continue its modernization and industrialization. Such a situation may lead to curious statements that Koreans are over-educated. As a Korean I do not understand how one can ever be over-educated. To be the devil’s advocate, I will say that what we need is more college space so that anyone who wants to go to college and can afford to, can do so. There will remain a substantial difference in prestige among colleges, but if one graduates from college, one has fulfilled the basic step necessary toward a position of respect in Korea. In a highly educated society where more people become college graduates, individuals will be judged by something more than just the level of their diplomas. CONCLUSION The so-called ‘miracle on the Han River’ usually refers to the startling economic progress made by Koreans over the recent decades. Korea’s annual per capita income grew from $87 in 1962 leaping more than 50 times in less than 30 years. This is a remarkable achievement by any standard. The Korean nation has pulled itself together to rise again from its wretched state left by 35 years of harsh Japanese colonial rule and the rubble of war within a divided nation soon after the 1945 liberation. Education is often considered the single most crucial explanation for this accomplishment. It is not only the trained and disciplined workers’ competence that helped the development, but more important, the true self-confidence that brings out the optimism needed to dare. A major contributing factor to this national sense of self-esteem lies in the fact that Koreans are among the best educated people in the world. It is impossible to imagine an entirely classless society anywhere. The Korean view is that if there has to be dominant group to run a country, it might as well be the most highly

IN KOREAN

SOCIETY

311

educated people. Whether education should be pursued for its own sake or national development, it is clear that education has so far been a positive and leading engine of change in Korea. There is no reason to believe that this should be different in the future. Higher education creates new technologies and not the reverse. Therefore, Korea should continue to educate itself as much as possible, and Koreans are right to aim for the highest educational attainment. My main concern is that education does not become equated only with labels. Blind, inflexible barometers of competence selecting educational degree status as the only measure of the whole human being, leaving aside all the lessquantifiable but essential human qualities, such as character and creative personal talents which are essential to a healthy society. NOTES 1. This is a slightly revised version of a paper presented at a Research Symposium on East Asian Educational Reforms: EastAsian Education in Transition, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, November 9-11, 1989. Throughout the paper, ‘Korea’ means ‘South Korea’ or ‘The Republic of Korea’. This study draws heavily, especially in statistical information, from Education in Korea: 19871988, published by the Korean Ministry of Education (1988) lEK1 and from The History ofEducation in Korea published by the Research Society- of the History of Education in Korea (1986) [HEK]. 2. This is obviously too brief a sketch of a long history. Many books on Korean history in English now exist, e.g., Ki-baik Lee (1961/84). The Choson dynasty is often called the Yi-dynasty, as the Yi family ruled the kingdom. 3. Koreans maintained national sovereignty for thousands of years in spite of many foreign invasions, except for the Jananese domination for 35 vears (191&1945) at the onset of Asia’s industrial revolution. They have contributed earlier to world civilization with creative work in arts and sciences. The most famous examples are: the Koryo celadons, the first movable metal-type printing preceding Gutenberg by two centuries, the first astronomical observatory, the first iron-clad ships, the first rain gauge, and above all the very scientific alphabetic writing system, hun’gul, invented in 1443. 4. For example, during the three-kingdom era, many students were sent to study in Tang China on government scholarships, and at least 59 students from Silla, one of the three-kingdoms, passed the Chinese civil service examination (Research Society of the History of Education in Korea (HEK), 1986). The students tvoicallv staved about ten vears and returned home after fir&hing their schooling, unlike those who have gone abroad in recent times. 5. As of 1987, 69% of the total population is urban, as compared to 32% in 1965 (World Bank, 1989). but in Korea to be classified as a city an’urban place must have more than

312 50,OOOpeople. By contrast, may have 1000.

YOUNG-KEY in Latin America

an urban place

6. Tu Wei-ming notes ‘. _ . The transcendent dignity of man, which seems problematic in Chu Hsi’s seemingly empiricist definition of mind, is fully restored in 116th century Korean] T’oegye’s philosophical anthropology.’ (Tu, 1985). 7. Ch’oe Ch’i-won went to Tang China at the age of 12 and passed the Chinese civil service examination at the age of 18. He came back to Korea after 18 years of serving the Tang court (HEK, 1986). Ch’oe was renowned in China for his literary ability, and left collections of essays and a historical chronology. He and other Korean returnees urged that the government adopt the Tang system of seiecting the qualified officials by examination. Although the proposal was not immediately accepted, in the end ‘it was Confucian scholars of Ch’oe Ch’i-won’s persuasion who performed the function of providing the political ideology of the new Koryo dynasty’ (Lee, 1961).

KIM-RENAUD earning doctoral degrees in the best universities of the world, which leads us to wonder if the accusation is really well-warranted. The same point can be made for education in other East Asian countries. 15. There is an enormous influx of students in urban schools due to the demographic age-structure and migration It results in very large classes and low teacher/ student ratios. 16. Scholars like Kim Sin-Bok (1983) ciaim, however, fixing the annual number of graduates for each college has improved the quality of higher education. 17. Between 1967 and 1980 the rate of return to secondary education rose from 9.0% to a peak of 14.6% in 1971 to decline again to 8.1% by 1980. On the other hand the rate of return to higher education rose steadily from 5.0% to 11.7% during the same period. See Appendix Table A.2 ‘The Returns to investment in education by year’ in Psacharopoulos (1989: 229).

8. The zeal for education is evident even among emigrant Koreans: the Korean minority in China has the highest level of education among all minorities in China (Hua Yang: personal communication). 9. Except for the year immediately preceding the college-entrance examination, Korean students study music or art after school, whenever they can. Such extracurricular studies constitute a substantial part of Korean socialization process. Many Korean students are now studying in the best music and art schools of the world. 10. According to Spaventa (1988), one recent opinion poll was evenly split between people who thought that the principal value of education was its usefulness in getting a good job and those who considered the principal value of education was enhancing personal virtue and moral rectitude. 11. This is in sharp contrast with American high school students. In an informal poll conducted in 1988 in a private school in Arlington, VA, two thirds of the senior class of 350 have said they had paying jobs, working 20 hours a week (Robert Guerin: personal communication). 12. The actual number of students abroad at any particular time is of course far greater than the number of original student visas, partly because the duration of their stay is varied but also because some change their status. Visitors, company representatives, diplomats, their deoendents, etc. decide to remain in a foreign country to ‘study. For example, there were 20,610 Korean students in the academic vear of 1988-89 in the United States alone, of which 24.1% were graduate students. 69.7% were undergraduates, and 6.2% were non-degree students getting only the language training. There were 21,710 students in the 1989-90 academic year. In addition, there are an estimated 10,000 youngsters studying in American secondary schools (Miju Han’guk Ilbo, April 23,1991). An increasing number of parents send their children to America earfy, partly tn avoid the ‘examination hell’ in Korea at the time of college entrance but also because they find Koreanstyle education unsatisfactory as a well-rounded socialization process. 13. This was pointed out by Lee Moon-Hee 1989 University of Virginia conference on Educational Reforms. 14. in spite of the severe criticism creative thinking in Korean education,

during the East Asian

about the lack of Koreans have been

REFERENCES de Barv. Wm. Theodore and JaHvun Kim Haboush (eds) (1985) The RiseafLeo-Confucianism in Korea, pp. 551 i xvi. Columbia Universitv Press, New York. Ching, Julia (1985) Yi Yulgok on the Four Beginnings and the Seven Emotions, in de Bary and Haboush (1985). pp. 303-322. Hahm , Pyong-choon f 1986) Korean Jurisprudence, Politics and Culture. pp. 572+viii. Yonsei University Press. Seoul. Japanese Government General in Korea [JGGK] (1918) Chosenno Hohoto Heigo /Protection and Annexation of Korea]. Kim, Shinil (1987) Korean Education Past and Present, Korea Journal. Vol. 27, No. 4: 4-19. Kim, Sin-Bok (1983) Recent Development of Higher Education in Korea: Quantity, Quality and Equality, Korea Journal, Vol. 23, NO. 10: 2@30. Kim, Uchang (1983) Education of Man in the Age of Technocratic Imperative: Society and University in Korea, Korea Journal, Vol. 23, No. 10: 31-48 Korea Research Foundation [ KRF] (1986) Study in Korea. Korean Educational Develooment Institute lKEDI1 (1985) Educational Indicators ii Korea [in Korean]. Korean Educational Development Institute, Seoul. Lee, Ki-baik (1961-84) A New History of Korea. translated by Edward W. Wagner. Harvard University Press, Cambridge. pp. 474 + x. Macdonald, Donald S. (1988) The Koreans: Contemporary Politics and Society. Westview Press, Inc., Boulder. pp. 309 + xv. McGinn, Noel F., Donald R. Snodgrass, Yung Bong Kim and Quee-Young Kim (1980) Education and Development in Korea, Studies in the modernization of The Republic of Korea: 1945-1975. Harvard University Press, Cambridge. pp. 285 + xxvi. Ono, Kenichi (1936) Chosen Kyoiku Mondai Kanken [My Personal View of Educational Problems in Korea]. Psacharopoulos, G. (1984) The contribution of education to economic growth: international comparisons. In International Comparisons of Productivity and Cauxr of

THE ROLE OF EDUCATION the Slowdown (edited by Kendrick, J. W.). American Enterprise I~stitute/B~Ilinger, Cambridge, MA. pp. 33>355. Psacharopoulos, G. (1989) Time trends of the returns to education: cross-national evidence. Economics of Education

Review 8,225231.

Republic of China Council for Economic Planning and Development (1988) Taiwan Statistical Data Book, pp. 356. Republic of Korea Ministry of Education [EK] (1988) Education in Korea: 19874988, compiled by National Institute of Educational Research and Training, Seoul. pp, 144. Republic of Korea Ministry of Education [SYE] (1989) Statistical Yearbook of Education, Seoul, pp. 813. Republic of Korea Presidential Commission for Education Reform (PCER] (1987) Korean Education Reform toward the 21s Century, Ministry of Education, Seoul.

IN KOREAN SOCIETY

313

pp. 243. Research Society of the History of Education in Korea [HEK] (1986) [The History of Education in Korea.] Education Publishing, Seoul. pp. 424. Schultz, Theodore W. (1984) A comment on education and economic growth. InInternatio~a~ Compar~ons of Productivj~ and Causes of the Sfowdown (Edited by Kendrick, J. W.). American Enterprise Institute/ Ballinger, Cambridge, MA. pp. 357-360. Spaventa, Lou (1988) Class and Education in Korea, paper presented at 1988 Asian Studies on the Pacific Coast Meeting, June, California State University, Northridge. Tu, Wei-ming (1985) Yi T’oegye’s perception of human nature: a preliminary inquiry into the four-seven debate in Korean neo-Confucianism. In de Bary and Haboush (1985) pp. 261-281. Wortd Bank [WB] (1989) World Development Report 1989, Oxford University Press, New York. pp. 251+ vii.