The role of national identity in consumption: An integrative framework

Journal of Business Research 103 (2019) 310–318

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Journal of Business Research journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/jbusres

The role of national identity in consumption: An integrative framework a,⁎

b

Sergio W. Carvalho , David Luna , Emily Goldsmith a b c

T

c

Rowe School of Business, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada Baruch College, City University of New York, New York, NY, USA Marymount Manhattan College, New York, NY, USA

A R T I C LE I N FO

A B S T R A C T

Keywords: National identity Consumer patriotism Consumer ethnocentrism Consumer animosity Consumer nationalism

In this paper, we propose an integrative national identity-based model of consumer behavior. This is accomplished by integrating several important concepts (e.g., self-concept, social identity, and intergroup relations) as roots for consumers' feelings, attitudes, and behavioral manifestations that are linked to national identification. We examine how citizens as consumers make sense of, interpret, and respond to what their nation and their national identity mean to them, not only in routine times but also in times of crises when others threaten their national identity. This analysis increases our understanding of how consumers position themselves in relation to national symbols or national rhetoric and how this helps shape consumption behavior.

1. Introduction As a result of publicity of events as diverse as the Russia/Ukraine crisis and the Olympic Games, global media has fanned nationalistic sentiments rather than engendered bonds of world citizenship. These discrete events trigger national identity, conceptualized as “a sense of oneness with a nation” (Ashmore, Jussim, & Wilder, 2001), and lead to a change in behavior (Thompson, 2001). It is important to note that discrete special events are not the only ways that national identity is activated and influences attitudes and behaviors. Carvalho and Luna (2014), for instance, suggest that advertisers and the media (through news reports) activate people's national identity on a frequently basis. They state: “The media activate national identity by selecting particular aspects of a perceived reality that can be linked to national identity and by making these aspects more prominent in the news text” (p. 1027). Such mentions serve not only to activate national identity but also to lead the audience to respond in a given way, both to the content of the news report and to the medium itself. These activations of national identity have worked against factors such as capitalism, marketing, and transnational cosmopolitism that have aimed to erase boundaries and constraints between countries and economies (Cleveland & Laroche, 2007). Thus, marketing managers who ignore consumer feelings linked to their national identity may be missing an important component that influences consumer behavior. For example, highlighting a Belgium's history of cheese production in an advertising campaign has been found to be an effective way to

leverage national identity and increase purchases (Zeugner-Roth, Žabkar, & Diamantopoulos, 2015). This campaign, which promoted buying a domestic product, was successful because it activated national identity by tapping into open-mindedness and variety seeking, which are central national values in Belgium. Given that national identity is heightened by the continued use of national-identity sentiments as marketing appeals (Heslop, Lu, & Cray, 2008; Insch & Florek, 2009), it is important to identify the structure of consumer attitudes and feelings that are linked to national identity, and to understand how consumer attitudes about this important identity influence purchasing behavior. The paper is organized as follows. First, we briefly review the literature on self-concept, social identity, intergroup relations, and identity salience as these concepts have been previously studied in relation to national identity (Forehand, Deshpandé, & Reed II, 2002; Lau-Gesk, 2003; Tajfel & Turner, 1979; Terhune, 1964). They form the basis of how individuals make sense of, interpret, and respond to their national identity in their consumption behavior. We then identify from the existing international marketing and consumer-behavior literature four consumer expressions of national identity: patriotism (Balabanis, Diamantopoulos, Mueller, & Melewar, 2001), ethnocentrism (Siamagka & Balabanis, 2015), animosity (Klein, Ettenson, & Morris, 1998), and nationalism (Ariely, 2012); and indicate some likely consumer attitudes and behaviors that occur as a result. We then propose an integrative national-identity model, which assesses the impact of these factors on the relationship between national identity and consumer behavior. Three levels of identity salience are examined (low, moderate, and

⁎ Corresponding author at: Rowe School of Business, Kenneth C. Rowe Management Building, 6100 University Avenue, PO Box 15000, Halifax, NS B3H 4R2, Canada. E-mail address: [email protected] (S.W. Carvalho).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jbusres.2019.01.056

Available online 08 February 2019 0148-2963/ © 2019 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

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feedback or criticism, it is not surprising that members tend to engage in some form of self-enhancement behavior, usually in the form of defensiveness through asserting an in-group bias (Hepper, Gramzow, & Sedikides, 2010; Hornsey & Imani, 2004). People also attempt to maintain a positive social identity by attributing more positive characteristics to their in-group and optimistically evaluating their in-group's products, specifically in comparison to other groups (Brewer, 1979, 2001). This comparison is an attempt to make their in-group appear superior, which enhances the individual's selfesteem (Dietz-Uhler & Murrell, 1998). According to social-identity theory, this engagement of the self accounts for the positive valuation of the in-group and positive orientations towards fellow in-group members. The assumption that affect towards the self is primarily positive gives rise to the notion that attachment, love, and loyalty to in-groups are fundamental to individual survival and well-being. Consumers often have to balance their desire to identify themselves as members of a social group with their desire to be seen as a unique individual (Chan, Berger, & Van Boven, 2012). When a person wants to assimilate to a group that shares their social identity, the person will choose products that are clearly associated with the desired group (Berger & Heath, 2007). However, a need for uniqueness will also lead consumers to differentiate themselves from others who share their social identity, perhaps by choosing products that are less popular (Ariely & Levav, 2000). Often these choices are seen in identity-relevant categories, such as clothing. For example, consumers who want to exhibit their social identity as a fan of a sports team will choose a shirt with the team's logo, but they will also demonstrate their individuality by choosing a less popular shirt design. Social identity theory complements national identity because social identity theory describes a person's motivation to be a part of a distinct in-group (Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and national identity is associated with a sense oneness with a nation. The nation is the in-group that citizens want to be associated with. Parallel concepts are found in the literature on national identity. Similar to Brewer's observation, Terhune (1964) suggested that a nation achieves personal relevance for individuals when they become sentimentally attached to the homeland, when they are motivated to help their country, and when they gain a sense of identity and self-esteem through their national identification. People identify with national groups out of an active need for personal and positive self-concept. They tend to see the nation as a source of security and safety, as well as of status and prestige.

high), and propositions are developed for each level, which indicate how consumer behavior is likely to be affected. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications for marketing theory and practice, and some suggestions for future research. 2. Conceptual framework 2.1. The roots of national identity The integrative framework proposed here presents three conceptual roots of national identity: 1) self-concept, defined as all the thoughts, feelings and perceptions that the individual holds about his ‘self’ (Reed, 2002); 2) social identity, “that part of the individual's self-concept which derives from knowledge of his membership of a social group (or groups) together with the value and emotional significance attached to that membership” (Tajfel, 1981, p. 255); and 3) intergroup relations, the relationships that exist between in-groups and out-groups, in which people see in-groups as different (and better) than out-groups (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). 2.1.1. Self-concept: the perception of the “self” Self-concept encompasses all the perceptions individuals hold about themselves and how they think the world sees them and interacts with them (Cooley, 1902). Self-concept plays a large role in consumption behavior, as possessions may be viewed as a fundamental part of the extended self (Cleveland, Laroche, & Takahashi, 2015). Therefore, material objects can be used as outlets of personal expression and indicators of group belonging, such that consumption behaviors are deeply connected to both cultural identity and self-concept (Cleveland et al., 2015). A person's self-concept can be either enhanced or threatened by the external world (Belk, 1988), so a positive achievement of one's national representatives in an international setting may enhance, at least temporarily, one's self-concept. For example, the self-concept of Germans may have been enhanced by the fact that the German national soccer team won the 2014 World Cup. On the other hand, the self-concept of Brazilians may have been diminished because their soccer team was defeated by the German team. Generally speaking, individuals actively seek out positive self-reinforcers while avoiding or mitigating negative self-experiences in order to maintain positive self-concepts (Reed, 2002). Previous research has found that activating a self-concept that is connected to national identity results in people behaving in accordance with that identity (Lau-Gesk, 2003).

2.1.3. Intergroup relations: “we” (in-group) and “they” (out-group) Intergroup-relations theory focuses on the kind of relationships that exist between in-groups and out-groups, and suggests that people see ingroups as different (and better) than out-groups. “The real conflicts of group interests not only create antagonistic intergroup relations but also heighten identification with, and positive attachment to the ingroup” (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, p. 33). Furthermore, favoritism is directed towards the in-group in the form of praise and support, while the out-group is discredited and becomes a target for negative feelings and attitudes (Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Out-group members are more likely to be seen as provoking aggressors and discriminated against, if only because expectations of and favoritism towards in-group members is heightened in comparison (Ahmed, 2007). Additionally, out-group members are less likely to receive the benefit of the doubt in attributions of negative behaviors (Weber, 1994), particularly when the out-group is the more socially dominant of the two (Sidanius, Pratto, & Mitchell, 1994). Brewer (2001) argues that aggressive attitudes and behaviors towards an outgroup means that the attitudes, behaviors, goals, values, and even the mere existence of the out-group poses a threat to the in-group, and hence to the social identity of the in-group's members. The influence of out-group members can be applied to the perception of brands. For instance, previous research has demonstrated that consumers have weak self-brand connections to brands that are associated with out-

2.1.2. Social identity: the “self” as “we” Brewer (2001) observes that “social identification represents the extent to which the in-group has been incorporated into the sense of self, and at the same time, that the self is experienced as an integral part of the in-group” (p. 21). Lee (1985) found that when a social identity is made salient through an in-group success experience, group members tend to “bask in the reflected glory” (BIRG), which enhances their own positive self-concept. Behaviors related to BIRG and self-concept enhancement following in-group success commonly include emphasizing in-group membership by using the pronoun “we” to describe group performance and by wearing team-identifying insignia (End, DietzUhler, Harrick, & Jacquemotte, 2002; Lee, 1985). In contrast, in most cases following a team (in-group) failure, fans (perceived in-group members) tend to feel negatively about themselves (Hirt, Zillmann, Erickson, & Kennedy, 1992). Tajfel (1981) posits that in situations perceived as threatening to or reflecting poorly on their relevant social identity, people tend to engage in behaviors that maintain a positive self-concept by countering the perceived threat to that specific identity. He refers to this phenomenon as a need for positive self-esteem and argues that the need to maintain a positive selfconcept is a fundamental human motivator to protect people's social identity. When in-group prestige is threatened, through negative 311

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towards out-groups (Ariely, 2012; De Figueiredo & Elkins, 2003). Ethnocentrism, however, is defined as people viewing their own group as superseding all other groups and is often the catalyst for protective actions against perceived threats from culturally dissimilar groups (Booth, 2014). Finally, animosity, as proposed by Klein et al. (1998), is antipathy related to previous or ongoing military, political, or economic events. For motivated individuals, animosity results in the active avoidance of specific nations and, by extension, the many different representations (e.g., national symbols) of these nations. These expressions affect consumer behavior. For instance, consumers who are motivated by patriotism would be more likely to buy and display patriotic symbols to show their national identity. They might even be willing to sacrifice for their country by buying more expensive domestic products if they thought that their home-country economy would be strengthened if they did so (Daser & Havva, 1987). A form of ethnocentrism known as “consumer ethnocentrism” describes purely economic motives for a bias towards the in-group and gives individuals a sense of direction regarding acceptable consumer behavior (Siamagka & Balabanis, 2015; Zeugner-Roth et al., 2015). Consumer ethnocentrism may drive consumers to reject foreign products because they believe that domestic products are superior to foreign ones, or because they believe that buying foreign products is damaging to their own nation's economy and causes domestic unemployment (Zeugner-Roth et al., 2015). Consumers who are influenced by animosity would avoid buying a product from a specific country, regardless of product quality, due to the antipathy towards a particular country that has been created by a military, political, or economic dispute between that country and their own nation (Klein et al., 1998; Russell & Russell, 2006). A study on Taiwanese consumption behavior found that consumer animosity was positively related to consumer ethnocentrism (Huang, Phau, & Lin, 2010); this study also revealed that consumer animosity is characterized by prejudice and discrimination towards specific out-groups, while ethnocentrism was associated with in-group enhancement. However, both animosity and ethnocentrism lead to a decrease in the willingness of an individual to purchase out-of-country products (Rose, Rose, & Shoham, 2009). Finally, the influence of nationalism may cause consumers to take action against a nation that had the “audacity” to act against their home country (Carvalho, 2004). It should be noted that national identity does not necessarily lead to only neutral or negative feelings towards another country or out-group. In some cases, national identity, in congruence with other factors such as age and international experience, can stimulate a positive disposition towards other countries (Ariely, 2012; Bartsch, Riefler, & Diamantopoulos, 2016; Zeugner-Roth et al., 2015). In fact, Bartsch et al. (2016) identified 19 constructs that reflect an individual's positive disposition towards foreign countries, six of which relate directly to the consumption of global products. This is supported by the findings of a study on the influence of subculture on product perception by Heslop, Papadopoulos, and Bourk (2015). The authors found that Englishspeaking Canadians, for example, were highly receptive to products from Great Britain as compared to those from other countries as a result of ethnic affiliation. The country of origin (COO) effect describes how consumers have a preference or an aversion to a product, depending on where the product is made (Cai, Cude, & Swagler, 2004). This psychological effect is useful in describing how consumers' attitudes, perceptions, and purchasing decisions are impacted by a product's COO. Previous research connects COO and the four national identity manifestations that form part of our model. A negative correlation exists between consumer patriotism and consumer attitudes towards products that were made in a foreign country (Chen, 2011). Ethnocentric consumers prefer products that are made in their own country (Shimp & Sharma, 1987). When a consumer feels animosity towards a foreign nation, they will be less likely to purchase products that are produced by that nation (Klein et al., 1998). Nationalistic consumers are more likely to rely on COO cues as they

groups (White & Dahl, 2007), thus resulting in negative product evaluations and product choices. 2.2. National identity: the sense of oneness with the nation Individuals are aware of and accept the fact that they belong to a nation. This perception of national self-categorization is often used as a way for individuals to express themselves to the external world. This form of expression of social identity is commonly referred to by social psychologists as the part of the individual's self-concept called national identity (Terhune, 1964). National identity is explained by Tomlinson (2003) as “the product of deliberate cultural construction and maintenance via both the regulatory and socializing institutions of the state: in particular, the law, the education system, and the media” (p. 271). The foundational elements of national identity are “differentiation from other nations and continuity over time” (Ariely, 2012, p. 462). A sense of national identity provides a powerful means of defining and locating individual selves in the world, allowing a person to gain an idea of who they are in this globalized and complex world. The set of ethnic, cultural, territorial, economic, and legal-political components within an individual's national identity helps that person develop an authentic sense of self and allows them to understand better their own beliefs, motives, values, attitudes, and behavior (Smith, 1991). A sense of national identity also shapes consumption behavior. Trudel, Argo, and Meng (2016) found that consumers treat products differently when the products are associated with national identity. For instance, when a product is linked to a consumer's national identity, it is more likely to be recycled instead of thrown away; this likelihood increases as the strength and positive nature of the connection between the consumer's national identity and the brand grows. Consumers avoid trashing a product that is linked to the self and national identity because trashing is viewed as an identity threat. 3. Propositions development 3.1. Consumer expressions of national identity Given that national identity encompasses such a broad array of association (both collective and individual), it is bound to be characterized by an array of feelings, attitudes, and behavioral manifestations, given the variety of circumstances in which national identity operates. The complexity of feelings, attitudes, and behavioral manifestations that are linked to one's sense of national identification differ in the strength and degree of enmity towards other nations:

• patriotism (an expression of attachment, love, and loyalty to one's nation) • ethnocentrism (a feeling of superiority to other nations and protective behavior towards one's own nation) • animosity (antipathy towards other nations) • nationalism (a manifestation of rivalry and hostility towards other nations).

Due to the close relationship of these feelings, attitudes, and behavioral manifestations, they are easily confounded. Indeed, some scholars have used the terms as if they were interchangeable (Balabanis et al., 2001; Klein et al., 1998). The confusion arises because the constructs do indeed share common elements, such as commitment and positive feelings towards a home nation. However, there are distinct differences between these four attitudes. For example, patriotism is more moderate than nationalism. It is an “attachment to the nation, its institutions, and its founding principles” (De Figueiredo & Elkins, 2003) and is characterized by love of the nation, pride in the national identification, and often a willingness to sacrifice self for country (Balabanis et al., 2001). By contrast, nationalism is the sense that one's nation is superior to all others and is commonly characterized by hostility 312

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Fig. 1. Integrative model of the impact of national identity on consumer behavior.

relevant information. Social psychologists have demonstrated that a specific social identity (such as national identity) can be momentarily salient (activated) as a result of a variety of factors such as stimulus cues, context or situation, and individual differences (Forehand et al., 2002). Hong, Morris, Chiu, and Benet-Martinez (2000) used icons (cultural symbols, folklore figures, famous celebrities, and landmarks) to activate a specific cultural orientation in bicultural respondents. They found that Westernized Chinese students in Hong Kong behaved more as “Westerners” if they were first exposed to American icons, and more as “Easterners” if they were first exposed to Chinese icons. Research on social-identity salience has also demonstrated that the activation of a specific identity through stimulus cues may lead people to behave in accordance with that identity, meaning that individuals may present a more favorable evaluation of a stimulus that is linked to the activated identity. In a similar fashion, Forehand et al. (2002) used spokesperson ethnicity in advertising to activate ethnic identity. Once their Asian identity was activated, Asian participants responded most positively to Asian spokespeople and Asian-targeted advertising. It is widely accepted that once a particular social identity is salient, it influences perceptions, behavior, and performance (Ashforth & Mael, 1989). Some advertisers take advantage of this by targeting specific audiences when their ethnic or social identity is most salient, while others use advertising to activate ethnic identity (El Hazzouri, Main, & Carvalho, 2017; Lenoir, Puntoni, Reed, & Verlegh, 2013). Sierra, Hyman, and Heiser (2012) found that by getting audiences to identify ethnically with an ad, companies were able to stimulate favorable brand- and ad-related responses. Specifically, consumer attitudes towards a brand significantly improved, and targeted individuals were more likely to notice the ad and respond to it. This approach could

evaluate products. These consumers also rely more on product and country stereotypes as they engage in information processing about products (Rawwas, Rajendran, & Wuehrer, 1996). The relationships between the concepts discussed to this point and the impact of national identification on consumer behavior is shown in Fig. 1. The integrative model presented in Fig. 1 is divided into three main parts. The first part includes the components found in the existing literature as being related to national identity and is formed by the theories of self-concept, social identity, and intergroup relations, which interact with each other to form the roots of national identity. The second part includes national identity as a main motivator of consumption behavior and identity salience, the mechanism by which national identity is triggered. In order for national identity to be expressed in attitudes and behaviors, it must first be salient and available to consumers' cognitive and affective motivations for action. Previous research has found that heightened national identity leads individuals to react positively to representations of that identity (Carvalho & Luna, 2014). We propose that it is this identity salience that triggers the expressions of national identity. Finally, part three includes the consumer expressions of national identity found in the existing international marketing and consumer behavior literature.

3.2. Identity salience: activating national identity Identity salience is “a state characterized by heightened sensitivity to identity-relevant stimuli” (Forehand et al., 2002, p. 1086). Forehand et al. (2002) suggest that the mere existence of a particular identity within the complex of identities that makes up the self-concept does not guarantee increased processing of identity-relevant information. Rather, they argue that something must activate the processing of identity313

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French Canadians that purchasing products made by English Canadian companies has the potential to put fellow Quebecois out of work (Ouellet, 2007). Whatever the underlying motivation, this example shows that naturally born (yet strong, as a result of repetitive exposure) regional identity—which is unaffected by external events and requires no special reminder of or threat to said national identity—can remain unperturbed and result in an unwavering preference for local products and a positive attitude towards such products. Similarly, a study by Cleveland et al. (2015) on the impact of global consumer culture (GCC) on Japanese consumer behavior revealed that heightened exposure to foreign products did not impact national identity. Instead, GCC was found to complement Japanese culture and global themes that have been hybridized with national traditions to create a “bicultural” trend of consumption. Taking it one step further, GCC in China actually stimulated the production, consumption, and wearing of traditional Chinese clothing such as the qipau (Tomlinson, 2003). We propose the following links between low levels of nationalidentity salience and consumer responses:

include using actors of the same ethnicity or language as that of the target audience (Dimofte, Forehand, & Deshpandé, 2003; Forehand & Deshpandé, 2001). National identity is a component of individuals' social identity. Therefore, the findings described above can be used to describe and explain behaviors associated with national identity. Based on the theories and literature described above, we propose three levels of national-identity salience that are applicable to consumers regardless of their country of residence: 1. A relatively low level based on frequently subtle reminders of one's national identity (e.g. bulletins in the national news) 2. A moderate level based on periodic special international events (e.g. World Cup) or national events (e.g. Fourth of July celebrations) 3. A high level based on a perceived external threat to one's nation (e.g. a recent terrorist attack). 3.2.1. Low level: frequently subtle reminders of one's national identity (routine times) Tomlinson (2003) notes that we are faced frequently with “banal” reminders or “flaggings” of our national identities (e.g., we may be subtly reminded of “who we are” by some article in the newspaper or by bulletins in the national news). Reports of tragedies that occur in our home country stir sympathies more deeply than news of tragedies of even greater magnitude occurring in faraway nations. Speeches by national politicians exhort us to feel as they do about issues by appealing to our sense of nation (i.e., U.S. President Donald Trump's election campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again”). These “flaggings” are pervasive and accumulate power by dint of sheer frequency. The pairing of a product with national symbols or rhetoric seems to engender a positive public response to advertising and the associated products or companies. Advertisers from many different nations are well aware of this positive emotional response and, as a result, continue to perpetuate the use of national symbols and rhetoric in product or company promotions. Companies also try to profit from positive national sentiment by promoting their products as domestically produced. In the USA, for example, encouraging consumers to “buy American” is a common strategy (Zeugner-Roth et al., 2015). Fig. 2 presents schematically the consumer's expected response to the pairing of products with national symbols. At this low level of salience, consumer patriotism would be stimulated by evoking positive reminders of one's national affiliation. In Quebec, a Canadian province in which regional identity is strong as a result of polarization between Francophones and Anglophones, the effect of globalization and the entry of non-Quebecois products into the province have had little effect on the perceptions and pride of the Quebecois in their own products (Ouellet, 2007). Heslop et al. (2015) found that French Canadians ranked products from Quebec higher than products from Britain, France, and English Canada in most cases. This trend may be explained by the commonly shared sentiment among

Proposition 1a: The frequent pairing of a product with a national symbol serves as a reminder to the individual of who they are, linking the individual's social identity to that product. This makes the national identity salient and places both the product and the individual in the same in-group. Proposition 1b: An individual who perceives an association between a product and his home nation is likely to feel closely related to that product. Proposition 2: This association is likely to prompt a higher positive attitude towards that product. 3.2.2. Moderate level of salience: special reminders of one's national identity Some claim that the world is becoming borderless as the forces of globalization dissolve national boundaries and national identities succumb to the tide of global communication (Cleveland et al., 2015). However, the periodic eruption of international competition, whether economic, athletic, or military, vividly illustrates how these national identities lurk just below the threshold of consciousness. For example, the World Cup may transform even the most mild-mannered citizens of the world into rabid nationalists. Although nationalistic passions engendered by the event fade from the forefront of international attention once the competition is over, it would be unwise to view the heightened national differences and loyalties as temporary aberrations in the otherwise normal “non-nationalistic” existences (Thompson, 2001). On the contrary, these sentiments simply reveal how deeply the national dimensions that define us all are ingrained in our social existence. They are glimpses of the reality of the strength of national identity that will surface again and again as events and circumstances activate these identities.

Fig. 2. Model of frequently subtle reminders of one's national identity and its related consumer response. 314

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“Football fans are not ‘regular’ customers. They are irrationally loyal. For example, fans do not tend to switch alliances … Fans often engage in various [fandom-building] practices, using any resources they can to enshrine their identity, practice, and experience as coproductive” (Healy & McDonagh, 2013, pp. 1–2). Football fans, as such, are prime consumers. Their aggressively defensive attitude coupled with their fierce national or regional team pride results in a need to identify one's self with the group in a more public form, such as through the consumption of official team merchandise. This attitude is heightened when such groups are provided with an event in which many members of said fandom can gather, such as a sporting event (Laverie & Arnett, 2000). It is the collective strength of an entire unified group that drives further acts of pride or support for their team or fandom, which in turn results in a constant purchasing of memorabilia or merchandise containing national or team symbols. The explanation for product consumption and other fan-related behaviors is deeply rooted in the concept of identity salience (Laverie & Arnett, 2000). Similar to sporadic international events like the World Cup soccer matches, annual national festivals such as the Fourth of July in the USA or Bastille Day in France may bring one's national identity to a heightened level of salience. Fig. 3 displays a proposed model of consumer responses to the national-identity salience caused by special international/national events. We propose the following linkages to describe events that cause national identity to rise to moderate levels of salience:

buying and wearing national symbols. Proposition 4b: The individual is likely to express a more positive attitude towards a product or towards advertising that identifies itself with the individual's home nation. Proposition 5a: If the special event brings about a perception of ingroup/out-group antagonism, an individual who is highly involved in the event is likely to have feelings of antipathy towards the perceived adversary country (an outward focus). Proposition 5b: The feeling of out-group (other nation) antipathy is likely to lead to fewer purchases of products from the other nation.

3.2.3. High levels of saliency: perceived external threats as reminders of one's national identity (times of crisis) National identity is especially salient during times of struggle for independence, war, or any perceived external threat. It is in such times of crisis that individuals are often compelled to express their national love and pride, and are even called upon to sacrifice personally for their nation. In this case, the degree of salience evokes consumer behavior consistent with strong national feelings. For example, Americans were asked to go shopping to keep the economy healthy during the period right after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (Tsai, 2010). Whenever in-group and out-group distinctions become salient, the intergroup schema is activated (Brewer, 2001). Therefore, when an antagonistic foreign country (an out-group) is perceived as taking action towards the home country, the salience of the national identity of the in-group members will increase. That in turn will prompt attitudes and behaviors of positive identification with, and attachment to, the home country, in addition to negative attitudes and behaviors towards the out-group. The citizens of the home country will increasingly feel that it is “us” against “them.” In conflict situations, behaviors and attitudes intended to protect and enhance the in-group's welfare almost always come in the form of praise for the in-group and aggression

Proposition 3: Special events make the national identity more salient. Proposition 3a: The individual who gets involved with special events is likely to feel more closely related to his or her nation. This closely related feeling is likely to prompt feelings, attitudes, and behavior consistent with it. Proposition 4a: The individual is likely to present a higher propensity to actively express national love and pride by, for example,

Fig. 3. Model of special events as reminders of one's national identity and its related consumer responses. 315

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Proposition 6: The external threat makes the national identity more salient. Proposition 6a: This national identity salience is likely to bring about the perception of an in-group/out-group antagonism. Proposition 7: The combination of national identity salience and the perception of an in-group/out-group antagonism is likely to heighten an individual's positive feelings of identification with, and attachment to, the home country. Proposition 7a: This heightened feeling of positive identification with, and attachment to, the home nation is likely to drive the individual to express their patriotic feelings in his/her consumption behavior (expressions of consumer patriotism). Proposition 8: The combination of national identity salience and the perception of an in-group/out-group antagonism is likely to heighten the individual's feelings of national superiority. Proposition 8a: These heightened feelings of national superiority are likely to drive the individual to express ethnocentric attitudes in his/her consumption behavior (expressions of consumer ethnocentrism). Proposition 9: The combination of national identity salience and the perception of an in-group/out-group antagonism is likely to bring about negative out-group discriminative feelings (towards the threatening nation). Proposition 9a: These out-group discriminative feelings are likely to drive the individual to express animosity (expressions of consumer animosity) and/or hostile (expressions of consumer nationalism) attitudes in his/her consumption behavior.

directed against the out-group (Levin & Sidanius, 1999). Perceived threats from an out-group are believed to heighten the ingroup's feelings of moral superiority. As the perception of the threat increases, group differences are met with increasing intolerance. Contempt and disgust towards the out-group are fanned into fear and anger so that the heightened emotions eventually result in retaliatory actions. Passive avoidance becomes a less viable mechanism for protecting the vulnerable group (and self-) identity as the threats become more salient (Brewer, 2001). Representations (e.g., national symbols) that differentiate the home nation from foreign nations and vice versa become particularly important in these circumstances, because

• they assure that an individual is recognized as a member of the • • •

home nation and therefore entitled to the protection and the benefits of such membership; they reduce the risk that the home nation will inadvertently benefit the threatening country through mistaken identity; the representations of the threatening country become potential targets for the in-group hostility; and they reduce the risk that the hostility would be directed at the wrong target.

Products and companies are often targets of in-group/out-group nationalist antagonism. In 2000, a grass-roots effort to boycott American goods sprang up in Egypt based on political discontent regarding the foreign policies of the USA in the Middle East in general, and in Egypt in particular. As a result, Egyptian citizens were called on to reject American products, from Pepsi to Pantene shampoo (Djerdjerian, 2003). However, antagonistic behavior has gone even further than a mere boycott of American products; in May 2002, a Kentucky Fried Chicken outlet in Tripoli, Lebanon was the target of a bomb attack (MacFarquhar, 2002). Fig. 4 presents a model of consumer responses to the national identity salience caused by an external threat. The following propositions are made under conditions when salience is provoked by a national crisis:

4. General discussion This paper demonstrates the impact of national identity on consumer purchase decisions. Different levels of national-identity saliency influence consumers' attitudes and behaviors. Low levels of national identity salience come from the association between a product and the home nation (as a result of frequent pairing) and leads the consumer to feel closer to the product and to have higher positive attitudes. Moderate levels of identity salience are the result of special events that make national identity more salient. Consumers that are involved with

Fig. 4. Model of external threats as reminders of one's national identity and its related consumer responses. 316

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starting point for a more systematic analysis of the effect of national identity on consumer purchasing decisions. Beyond this starting point, various other important issues warrant further research to expand the analysis and address limitations in the current work before specific managerial recommendations can be made. First, attention must be given to the development of scales to measure the constructs proposed in this paper. These scales must account for the different levels of national-identity salience that are evident, and they must measure the constructs with significant discriminant validity to empirically support the theoretical model that has been proposed. Furthermore, those measures must be generalizable to ensure cross-cultural applicability. A natural question that arises from the current framework is whether it is applicable across different nations and in different contexts. Citizens of different countries might respond differently to some of those expressions of national identity. For example, even a high level of animosity towards a country might not be translated into a rejection of products from that particular country. For example, although some Middle Eastern countries demonstrate a high level of animosity towards the USA and its Western allies, consumers of those countries still prefer and buy Western products. May (2007, p. 3) summarizes this discrepancy as, “People in the Middle East want Western products … What they don't want … is the West” (cited in Balabanis & Diamantopoulos, 2016, p. 59). The inability to address this heterogeneity fully is a limitation of our model. The development of scales to measure the constructs presented in our model will be useful for testing our propositions in different contexts and countries. It will also be possible to test the propositions experimentally by triggering different levels of nationalidentity salience in difference contexts while using participants from different countries. This method will confirm whether consumption behavior changes based on how participants' national identification is manifested. Experimentally testing the propositions will also address whether the model holds up better for specific types of events and consumption situations; such testing will remedy a limitation of the current work and further clarify how consumers respond when different levels of national-identity salience are activated. Second, the theoretical model we propose focuses only on those cases where consumers are supportive of their national identity. It does not address the situation in which consumers might be ashamed of, or not supportive of, their nation. For instance, many Brazilians felt ashamed when the Brazilian national team lost to Germany by a score of 7–1 in the 2014 FIFA World Cup in Brazil (Gibson, 2014). Another example is the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, in which Arab Palestinians consider their identity as Palestinian to be more important than their citizenship in the state of Israel (Gibson, 2002). Future research is needed to determine how consumer purchases may be impacted when their national identity arouses negative feelings. Third, the proposed model looks only at linear relationships. Future research could expand these models by investigating potential moderators of those relationships. For instance, how does the COO effect impact the link between patriotism and consumption? Would consumers motivated by patriotism be willing to buy local products despite an unfavorable domestic COO image? Fourth, the framework presented here does not include the behavior of multiethnic consumer groups, such as African, Asian, and Hispanic Americans. It would be useful to investigate how multiethnic consumers manifest their different national/ethnic identities in their consumption behavior. Further, it would also be beneficial to investigate how different levels of acculturation might play a role in how consumers process those differences. Finally, our proposed model focuses only on national identity. Further study on consumption in the context of other relevant identities, such as subcultural, ethnic, regional or state, religious, etc., is required. However, national identity forms part of social identity, so the construction of this model focused on national identity and its findings may subsequently be applied to larger groups of people.

these events have feelings, attitudes, and behaviors that are consistent with national identity. These consumers express their national love and pride by buying and wearing national symbols; they also have more positive attitudes towards products and advertisements that identity themselves with the home nation. Feelings of antipathy towards the perceived adversary country also result in fewer purchases from the other nation. High levels of national-identity salience are the result of external threats, which leads to the perception of in-group/out-group antagonism and results in heightened positive feelings, identification with, and attachment to the home country. These effects drive feelings of national superiority and ethnocentric attitudes and behaviors. Negative feelings towards the out-group lead to discriminative feelings towards the threating nation and lead consumers to express animosity and hostile attitudes towards the threatening nation. In spite of the potentially diluting effects of globalization, the force of national identity seems as strong today as it was at the beginning of the last century. However, the feelings and actions associated with national identity have become somewhat more varied and complex. They range from responding to patriotic appeals implied by labels that promote domestically produced goods, to boycotting products of nations that are seen as the home country's “enemy.” The prevalence of acts linked to one's national identity is evident, given the large number of reference articles retrieved by searching simple, common phrases such as, “Buy American-made products” or “boycott of Saudi products” on any internet search engine. Moreover, given the recent increase in terrorism and conflicts between nations and the nationalistic sentiments to which they give rise, it is vital to understand the attitudes, feelings, and behaviors that may be prompted by national identity. Managers need to identify messages that contain national-identity cues that may influence consumers' purchasing decisions, understand how consumers may react to these cues, and be aware of the perceived national-identity environment in which advertising and product messages are received and interpreted. Several theoretical implications may be drawn from the concepts discussed in this paper. First, consumer feelings, attitudes, and behavioral manifestations linked to national identity are not trivial. They are prompted by an active need for the maintenance of a positive selfconcept. Second, reactions to nationalistic feelings may be divided into two conceptual domains: (a) feelings and actions that are focused on the home nation (consumer patriotism and consumer ethnocentrism), and (b) feelings and actions that are focused on a foreign nation (consumer animosity and consumer nationalism). In addition, different levels of national-identity salience are expected to prompt different responses on the part of consumers. The conceptualizations presented in this paper provide several managerial implications for the marketing of foreign and domestic goods. Managers of international businesses need to determine the risk factors associated with international sales of goods that are identifiable with the parent country. A close look at how consumer behavior may be affected by the feelings of attachment to a home nation at different levels of national-identity salience will help marketing managers evaluate the extent of the risk that negative feelings, attitudes, and behaviors towards the COO may pose to foreign sales. In general, the information analyzed in this paper may help companies identify and target international consumer markets, as well as strengthen domestic marketing initiatives. As marketing managers of domestic businesses strive to create a closer personal relationship with customers, one option they may consider is to associate products with national symbols and rhetorical messages. However, when improper framing implies that commercial motives are exploitative of patriotic themes or symbols, messages may be expected to produce negative results. 4.1. Suggestions for future research The integrated theoretical model presented above provides a 317

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