The taphonomy of violence: Recognizing variation in disarticulated skeletal assemblages

International Journal of Paleopathology 2 (2012) 156–165

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Research Article

The taphonomy of violence: Recognizing variation in disarticulated skeletal assemblages Ventura R. Pérez ∗ Department of Anthropology, University of Massachusetts Amherst, Amherst, MA 01003-9278, United States

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 13 May 2012 Received in revised form 18 September 2012 Accepted 20 September 2012 Keywords: Violence Paleopathology Trauma

a b s t r a c t The identification of violence and trauma in an archaeological context requires a nuanced and detailed analysis of material culture and human remains. This paper focuses on sharp-force trauma data from ˜ individual skeletal elements for the Ancestral Pueblo site Penasco Blanco (n = 1301) and the epiclassic site La Quemada (n = 800). The material from these assemblages exhibits examples of bone damage and modification including blunt and sharp force trauma, pre- and peri-mortem modification, breakage, chopping, burning, and dismemberment. Using a methodology that combines microscopy of cutmarks ˜ (Penasco Blanco [n = 29] and La Quemada [n = 623]) with taphonomic reconstruction of each category of bone damage, the combined empirical datasets suggest several of the current explanatory hypotheses cannot be accepted, e.g., cannibalism for the Ancestral Pueblo and violent trauma for all of the La Quemada remains. By examining the maximum width and depth of each cutmark in cross-section along with tool use and pattern recognition of the trauma, I suggest a series of alternative hypotheses (postmortem ˜ processing for Penasco Blanco; ancestor veneration and mutilation at La Quemada). It is highly possible that some of the disarticulated remains have nothing to do with violence and everything to do with burial rites, veneration, or consecration. © 2012 Published by Elsevier Inc.

1. Introduction Given that violence research is loaded with considerable negative connotations (Pérez, 2010), it is crucial that researchers have a solid grasp of the multiple agents that can alter bone and how to recognize them. A “taphonomic agent” refers to the “immediate physical cause” of modifications to animal remains and skeletal tissues (Gifford-Gonzalez, 1991, 228). It is also important to be aware that multiple agents can leave similar and/or overlapping signatures on a single bone, creating complex patterning. Bioarchaeologists are uniquely suited to examine the cultural taphonomic indicators indicative of violent trauma. This is accomplished by placing skeletal assemblages into the larger cultural and environmental dynamics that can produce and maintain violence within populations (Fiorato et al., 2000; Lambert, 1997; Milner et al., 1991; Willey, 1990), see individual authors in (Eisenberg and Hutchinson, 1996; Martin and Frayer, 1997), and see reviews in (Lambert, 2002; Milner, 1999). Acknowledging this complexity within and between assemblages is crucial when dealing with disarticulated remains to enable us to distinguish between acts of violence, burial rites,

∗ Tel.: +1 413 577 0662. E-mail address: [email protected] 1879-9817/$ – see front matter © 2012 Published by Elsevier Inc. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijpp.2012.09.015

veneration, or consecration. This paper examines two pre-Hispanic ˜ Blanco in New Mexico, United States and La Quesites, Penasco mada in Zacatecas, Mexico. The goal of this work is to demonstrate the variability of disarticulated remains through the analysis cutmark morphology, site location, and ethnohistoric evidence, when available. Weaving together a holistic approach that allows for variability in the interpretation of culturally modified human remains affords us a broader discourse into the understanding of the vast array of human behaviors that can account for the treatment of the dead. All human societies have their own rituals, beliefs, and customs surrounding death. The way that people dispose of the dead and the meaning associated with death varies from culture to culture and even from neighborhood to neighborhood within the same town. The meaning of the ritual, its timing, and those expected to participate varies enormously. These death rituals serve a variety of functions including helping the spirit or soul move on to its next life, separating the body from the soul, and constructing boundaries between the living and the dead (Hubert, 2000, 209). Death ceremonies are comprised of three dramatists: the corpse, the soul, and the mourners, all of which are sent on a ritual journey at death. The marking of this passage occurs through the corpse, because the corpse is a transitional object linking the living to the afterlife. Human remains are not simply physical objects, just as death is not simply a biological phenomenon. Both are as

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culturally constructed as the death rituals inscribed to deal with them (Heinz, 1999, 155). Thus, the body can be used as a “natural symbol” through which societies and cultures may be interpreted (Heinz, 1999, 156).

2. Disarticulated human remains From our earliest human ancestry, disarticulated bone assemblages evidencing perimortem cultural processing have been part of the history of our species (Pickering et al., 2000). Although it is difficult to establish specific reasons for such behavior, plausible explanations include mortuary practices, ritual destruction, mutilation, cannibalism, and violence. In cultures that practice corpse dismemberment, parts of bodies come to represent whole bodies. Displayed or otherwise memorialized parts of bodies are often considered comforting and have powerful symbolic messages about how to remember and obtain power from the dead. Historically, biological anthropologists have focused on a descriptive account of processed human remains while ignoring or glossing over the many categories of human behavior that produced such assemblages. The osteological and pathological literature on violence and injury that is largely dominated by specific descriptions of individual cases of trauma reflects this trend (Larsen, 1997, 119). This is the approach Turner and Turner (1999) take in their attempt to address the disarticulated assemblages found in the American Southwest in their book, Man Corn: Cannibalism and Violence in the Prehistoric American Southwest. Based on extensive analysis of disarticulated human remains, they concluded that about thirty sites out of approximately seventy that they analyzed had bone assemblages that were the result of cannibal activity. The methodology included tallies of the number of bone segments that were broken, burned, cut, abraded, or polished. If assemblages had enough of these attributes, the conclusion was that the bones were the result of cannibalism. If the assemblage lacked any of these criteria, they were deemed produced through violent altercation. The disarticulated remains were not analyzed in conjunction with complete burials or articulated remains, and contextual information on other types of signs of violence or conflict is largely not considered or no longer available. The extent to which violence and perimortem modifications of human skeletons played an important part in shaping the lives of the pre-Hispanic inhabitants of the Greater Southwest has become a controversial debate among anthropologists. From A.D. 900 to 1250, skeletal remains from the Southwest show a variety of injuries (e.g., Lambert, 1999, 2000; Martin, 1997; Martin and Goodman, 1995; Wilcox et al., 2001), however, the most inexplicable form of trauma from this period are the dismembered corpses with cutmarks, extensive perimortem fracturing, percussion scars, and burning (Billman et al., 2000; Turner and Turner, 1999; White, 1992). On the southern piedmont of Sleeping Ute Mountain in southwestern Colorado, corpse mutilation, cannibalism, and community abandonment around A.D. 1150 strongly suggest that serious intergroup violence was important in the formation of at least some of these “cannibalism” assemblages (Billman et al., 2000; Lambert et al., 2000; Marlar et al., 2000). Unburied bodies with and without obvious trauma are prominent at some locations after A.D. 1250 (LeBlanc, 1999; Rice and LeBlanc, 2001), but evidence of cannibalism is at present less common (Billman et al., 2000; Turner and Turner, 1999). The relationship between perimortem modifications of disarticulated human skeletons and warfare is suspect at best. This is because there is no reason to believe that all of these assemblages were created under the same conditions. Warfare is a distinct possibility for some of the assemblages, but the proposed rationales for their creation have minimized the cultural variability with regard

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to how and why the violence would be expressed in such a horrific way (see Pérez, 2012). Rather, explanations tend to be framed in ideas of raiding or warfare based on resource scarcity or political exploitation (Billman et al., 2000; LeBlanc, 1999; Turner and Turner, 1999). Approximately 40 sites containing human remains with a MNI ranging between one and thirty-five have now been identified as evidencing disarticulated and culturally modified human remains, and most date between A.D. 900 and 1200 (see summaries in Baker, 1990; Billman et al., 2000; Turner and Turner, 1999; White, 1992). These assemblages have overwhelmingly been attributed to cannibalism (e.g., Billman et al., 2000; Dice, 1993; Lambert et al., 2000; Malville, 1989; Marlar et al., 2000; Nickens, 1975; Turner and Turner, 1999; White, 1992). I, along with many other scholars, believe that a more culturally plausible explanation for many of them is violent mutilation (e.g., Bullock, 1998; Dongoske et al., 2000), witch killing (e.g., Darling, 1999), and mortuary behavior (e.g., Bullock, 1998). There is general agreement that most of these assemblages are the result of pre-Hispanic violent human behavior (Darling, 1998, 747). Ogilvie and Hilton (2000) also have suggested that ritualized violence associated with the destruction of witches could account for such remains and offer an example from a late Pueblo II assemblage (ca A.D. 900–1100) from northwest New Mexico. However, it should be noted that there is strong evidence that some of the implicated assemblages are not the result of violence or cannibalism (Dongoske et al., 2000, 183). Also, there is substantial diversity between the individual assemblages. The approach Turner and Turner and others have used in the analysis of these assemblages employs a descriptive single methodology and ultimately the data were forced to fit a single scenario (in this case, cannibalism or, by default, violence). Although compelling, the complexity, variability, and ambiguities in the total data set was not adequately dealt with, and alternative hypotheses that could account for the disarticulated bones were not tested in a robust manner. This is not a personal criticism of Turner and Turner (1999) in particular, because their work does represent what physical anthropologists working within traditionally descriptive, taphonomic, and forensic frameworks tend to produce. Regardless of one’s acceptance of the singular methodology and interpretation of cannibalism, the skeletal and mortuary data presented in the volume by Turner and Turner (1999) are extremely valuable and provide ample evidence that there was a high degree of social complexity and mortuary variability in the Ancestral Pueblo world during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Central to my argument of acknowledging the complexity of these assemblages is that it is highly possible that some of the disarticulated remains have nothing to do with violence and everything to do with burial rites, veneration, or consecration. It is also possible that burial rites (unrelated to violence per se) may be occurring simultaneously with acts of violence and intimidation, and it will take careful examination of each assemblage as part of the total site reconstruction to see the difference. Population-oriented approaches to bioarchaeology can shed light on the complex variability of traumatic injury and culturally induced taphonomic processing seen in the skeletal assemblages of the American Southwest. Researchers can no longer afford to ignore the importance of a more nuanced approach to the analysis of cutmarks on human remains. The “check list osteology” (presence or absence) used by Turner (refer to Turner and Turner, 1999, 489) and many other researchers is far too simplistic a tool for understanding the complexity of cultural taphonomic processing present on these human remains. Thus, my criticism of that type of interpretation of the disarticulated remains is the lack of attention paid to the variability in the bone assemblages and the over-interpretation of claims of

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cannibalism for what are likely poorly excavated remains, unprovenienced remains, carnivore damaged assemblages, secondary burials, or cases of veneration involving ritual destruction of bone (Bullock, 1991, 1992; Dongoske et al., 2000; Margolis, 2000; Martin, 2000; Ogilvie and Hilton, 2000; Pérez and Martin, 2001). The weakness with this type of “check list osteology” is that it forces us to accept the assumption that perimortem cultural modification of human remains, that is, cutmarks, breakage, anvilhammerstone abrasions, burning, and bone fragment polishing, is in all cases due to cannibalism when they occur together. For the Turners’ ideas to have validity, one is forced to accept the notions that: (1) the mortuary customs of the pre-Columbian pan-Puebloan communities were static regionally and temporally; (2) that mortuary customs that include disarticulation are somehow deviant from the norm; and (3) that economic and political influence of this region was hierarchical and universal. As Steve Lekson has pointed out, “Chaco was big. It was showy. It was expensive” (1999, 26). The far reaching distribution of many of the Chaco outliers means that they were beyond the economic practicality of food and resource redistribution (Lekson, 1999, 35). Thus, it seems extremely unlikely that a standing army or warrior cast would be used or needed to maintain social control of what Lekson (1999) refers to as the “Chaco Hegemony.” This reluctance to consider other viable explanations for the disposition of these assemblages has led to missed opportunities. For example, some of the so-called cannibalized bone deposits are very different and in my view demonstrate the wide range of variability and ambiguities in the mortuary record of the Ancestral Pueblo. Another opportunity missed by some researchers has been a lack of specific information regarding the placement and patterning of the cutmarks. The reliance on a “presence or absence” data collection form focuses on a descriptive account of the processed human remains, largely ignoring or, at best, glossing over the many categories of human behavior that produced such assemblages. Cannibalism may have been one of several different existing forms of conflict, but the forced homogenization of the data into analytical units precludes further exploration. Broken, burned, cut, scraped, and disarticulated bone can also result from witch executions, warfare, massacres, secondary burial, and disturbance from a number of sources. These include anatomical considerations, natural variables, and cultural and technological influences. It is imperative that we move beyond simply recording the presence or absence of specific types of culturally induced taphonomic signatures such as cutmarks and tool marks. For example, Cruz-Uribe and Klein (1994), Lyman (1987), Raemsh (1993), Yellen (1991) and others have indicated the need to consider the numerous fundamental causes that can account for the patterns seen in cutmark distributions on skeletal material. These include anatomical considerations, natural variables, and cultural and technological influences.

3. Methods and materials The methodology used in this paper integrates osteological analyses with archaeological data from the pre-Hispanic sites of ˜ Blanco in the American Southwest and La Quemada in Penasco Zacatecas, Mexico. The analysis moves from distribution and characteristics of the cutmarks to a consideration of ethnographic evidence in which potentially corresponding behaviors seem to be present. The principal dynamics contributing to violence are applied in formulating testable hypotheses for distinguishing among the numerous types of violence that are expressed as cultural performances. The ethnographic evidence suggests various kinds of violence as possible causes, but it also provides examples of how bone modification could have occurred during nonviolent

rituals and ceremonies to venerate the dead. To test these competing hypotheses, I analyzed the cutmark morphology of the remains using a multi-methodological approach. Data collection for each element began with a gross macroscopic inspection. Information regarding the identification of the bone was recorded, including its side, age, fragmentation, percent of intact external bone surface, and the presence or absence of cutmarks, chop marks, spiral fractures, internal vault release, flaking, pitting, scarring, scraping, and burning. In addition, non-cultural taphonomic processes such as rodent and carnivore activity, weathering, and root damage were noted. Next, the bone or bone fragment was photographed using a digital camera equipped with a one-to-one high optic lens. Additionally, whenever possible, images were also taken of all tool-induced marks using a 7–90 power zoom trinocular microscope with an external fiber optic light source or a field digital microscope. These images allow for a visual record of the material and also help in delineating the specific locations of subsequent thin-sections of cutmarks taken from the casts that were made. Data was collected on every cutmark and tool mark. The data recorded included the location, position, length, width, depth, shape, and direction of the cutmark or tool mark. By recording the cutmarks in this way, it was possible, for example, to sort by element, position, and depth after the data had been entered into a spreadsheet program. This, in turn, offered clues regarding processing patterns based on the (i) element, (ii) preference for a particular muscle or set of muscles, (iii) location of the cutmarks on the element, and (iv) amount of soft tissue present, which is inferred by the depth and width of the cutmark. After the completion of the data collection, a vinyl polysiloxane impression was made of the cutmark(s). The impressions were usually taken of the cutmark and the area immediately surrounding it. Hydrophilic vinyl polysiloxane material lends itself to creating accurate reproductions of entire sections of bone. When warranted, a model of the bone was created using this process to illustrate the distribution of the cutmarks. Exact replicas were created of those portions of bone demonstrating cutmarks or other types of cultural taphonomic processing. This is accomplished by pouring an epoxy resin liquid into molds created from negative impressions. Once the epoxy resin hardens, an accurate reproduction of the original specimen is produced that permits microscopic analysis of the individual cutmark through thin sectioning. The thin-section was created using an Isomet lowspeed saw that permits highly controlled and extremely precise cutting of the casts. This level of precision is ideal for identifying and analyzing perimortem versus postmortem processing (Binford, 1981; Bromage and Boyde, 1984; Bunn, 1981; Bunn and Kroll, 1986; Lyman, 1987; Milo, 1998; Pérez, 2003; Walker, 1978; Walker and Long, 1977). The information provided by the microscopic analysis made it possible to determine the type of tool used to produce the cutmark, because of the specific signature that the various types of lithic materials leave on the bone during the processing of the remains. For example, bifacially flaked or re-touched opportunistic blades, when viewed in cross-section, demonstrate extreme variability in their morphology (Pérez, 2002; Pérez et al., 2008; Walker and Long, 1977). This is due in part to the convoluted nature of their cutting edge. In addition, circumstances such as friction, dynamic loading, and static loading impact the variability of cutmark morphology (Greenfield, 1999; Lyman, 1987; Maples, 1986; Reichs, 1998). For example, under high stress loads, it is possible for lithics with unmodified edges to produce broader irregular kerf walls similar to those exhibited by bifacially flaked tools. This is because the edge of the flake or blade begins to deteriorate and collapse under these circumstances. The signature for uniform blades or opportunistic flakes, however, is strikingly different when the cutmark is viewed

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This Chacoan Great House consists of a 180 m arc of rooms that was up to three stories in height and was five rows deep (Lekson, 1984, ˜ 94). Lister and Lister (1981, 235) indicate that Penasco Blanco con˜ tained 150 ground level rooms and nine or more kivas. Penasco Blanco was one of three Great Houses built at the beginning of the Chaco phenomenon circa A.D. 900. The disarticulated and culturally modified materials from ˜ Penasco Blanco were “excavated” by Old Wello (also spelled “Waylo” and “Wylo”), and other Navajo workmen employed by Richard Wetherill during the 1898 Hyde expedition field season. George Pepper and Richard Wetherill were excavating at Pueblo Bonito that summer, and Wetherill never claimed responsibility ˜ for authorizing excavation of Penasco Blanco (Lekson, 1984, 104). Pepper (1920, 378) makes reference to the disarticulated and culturally modified materials: Fig. 1. Measurements taken of cross-sectioned replica of a bone with cutmarks to determine the maximum width and depth of the cutmark kerf.

in cross-section. The kerf walls are smooth and uniform, forming a distinct point at the kerf floor. Chop marks are clefts or notches generated by the force of impact of a blade on bone and tend to produce very deep U-shaped marks. Thus, a direct association between the cutmark and individual characteristics of the types of tools used to produce it can be determined through microscopic analysis of cross-sections of the positive casts (Pérez, 2002; Pérez and Martin, 1999; Walker and Long, 1977). Once viewed microscopically, the geometry of the cutmark along with the maximum depth, width, and other general morphological characteristics was recorded (Fig. 1). Viewing was accomplished using a microscope fitted with a grid ocular and bioimaging video screen along with computer software designed for measurement. These measurements allowed for the determination of the amount of soft tissue present on the remains during the time of processing. The amount of tissue present is directly proportionate to the more static and dynamic loading required to disarticulate the remains. This can help to infer whether or not the human remains were processed at or near the time of death or if the cutmarks were simply the result of a postmortem burial process. Finally, digital images of each cross-sectioned cutmark were recorded. This information was entered into a database for statistical analysis by imaging software that can search for patterns based on the morphological signature of the cutmark in cross-section. By engaging in this type of detailed analysis, it is possible to infer behavioral/cultural practices based on the patterns of cutmarks found on the remains and the tools used to produce them (Binford, 1981; Bromage and Boyde, 1984; Bunn, 1981; Lyman, 1987; Pérez, 2002; Pérez et al., 2000; Walker, 1978; Walker and Long, 1977). The location and morphological characteristics of cutmarks can be used to distinguish between butchering practices such as dismembering, skinning or filleting (Binford, 1981; Cruz-Uribe and Klein, 1994; Lyman, 1987; Pots and Shipman, 1981), and warfare/violence including stabbing and scalping (Durring and Nilsson, 1991; Houck, 1998; Maples, 1986; Reichs, 1998). nasco Blanco 3.1. Pe˜ ˜ Penasco Blanco (“White Cliff Point” or “White Rock Point”) was named by Carravahal, a guide from San Juan Pueblo who was employed by Lt. James H. Simpson, a United States Cavalry officer who visited the site in 1849 (Lekson, 1984, 94). Lt. Simpson published the first report of the massive ruins located within Chaco Canyon in 1850. For a detailed overview of Chaco Canyon see Lister and Lister (1981). The site is located 100 m above the convergence Escavada and the Chaco wash and dates between A.D. 900 and 1125.

During the period of our work in Pueblo Bonito some of our ˜ Navajo workman cleaned out a number of rooms in Penasco Blanco and in one of these a great number of human bones were found. Some of these, including portions of a skull, were charred, and the majority of long bones were cracked open. . .. The exact room from which the human remains were excavated is not known, and the collection is now housed at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. The skeletal material has been cataloged as H-11800, H-11801, H-11802, or H-9155 and is represented by 1301 bones and bone fragments with an MNI of 14 based on the left fibula. 3.2. La Quemada The site of La Quemada, a large fortified complex with notable public architecture is located in the Malpaso Valley in southcentral Zacatecas, Mexico. Occupied from A.D. 500 to 900, this Epiclassic site represents part of the northern Mesoamerican frontier during a period when regions in central Mexico were being abandoned (Nelson, 1997; Nelson et al., 1992; Pérez et al., 2008; Trombold, 1985). La Quemada’s public architecture includes ball courts, pyramids, a hall of columns, and more than fifty patio banquette complexes built on artificial terraces throughout the small mountain it occupies. These features all suggest that this Epiclassic site was a regional sociopolitical and ceremonial center. More than 800 individual bone fragments from Terrace 18, one of at least 60 such terraces at La Quemada, were analyzed. There were no primary interments recovered; all of the skeletal material was located in cultural deposits of disarticulated elements that were almost all broken and fragmentary. In addition, much of the material was poorly preserved due to weathering and other kinds of damage. Of the over 800 elements present, 79% are from adults. Terrace 18 is of interest, because it supported a large public temple with banquettes and associated walkways, patios and small rooms, and nearby causeways. Several of the associated middens near the terrace held ceremonial refuse along with human skeletal elements that were broken and processed around the time of death for both immediate and sustained use in rituals. This terrace complex is intriguing for its relationship and proximity to a series of causeways and steps that lead to the temple and approached a highly visible elevated pyramid. The location and wealth of architectural and artifactual remains from this terrace suggests that human remains were part of elaborate displays in a number of different contexts. 4. Results 4.1. Pe˜ nasco Blanco Of the 1301 disarticulated elements examined, 29 (2%) exhibited evidence of tool induced modification. The cutmarks vary in

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Table 1 ˜ Blanco cranial elements with cutmarks. Penasco Unit number

Bone

Number and side

Unknown

Frontal

Unknown

Temporal

Unknown Unknown

Occipital Mandible Total

1 (right orbital fragment) 5 right 1 left 1 5 13

Cutmark totals by bone 4 24 3 31 62

Table 2 ˜ Blanco postcranial elements with cutmarks. Penasco Unit number

Bone

Number and side

Unknown

1

Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown

Unidentified long bone fragments Rib Vertebrae Scapula Humerus

Unknown

Radius

Unknown

Tibia fragments Total

6 1 1 left 1 right 2 left 1 right 1 left 2 unsided 16

Cutmark totals by bone 2 12 2 2 18 5 6 47

˜ length from 1.3 mm to 9.96 mm for the Penasco Blanco sample. A ˜ very clear pattern is present in the Penasco Blanco assemblage. The majority of the cutmarks match the criteria established earlier for dismemberment. Disarticulation marks are present near the joints and tend to be oriented across the long axis of the bone, either obliquely or at 90◦ ) The cranial bones also show confirmation of disarticulation of the mandible. No difference was observed in the morphological characteristics of the cutmarks. The same type of tool appears to have been used on all of the remains processed. ˜ The cranial bones exhibiting cutmarks from Penasco Blanco represent 0.9% of the assemblage. The majority of the cutmarks appear to have focused on removing the mandible from the crania (Table 1). Of the 62 cutmarks found on the cranial material examined, 93% of them were located on the temporal, occipital, and mandible in areas near the temporomandibular joint. The cutmarks are where one would expect to see them if the goal was the removal of the masseter, temporalis, and the lateral pterygoid muscles. Many of the cutmarks were clearly produced as a result of cutting through temporomandibular ligament. There are also cutmarks on the posterior edge of the ascending ramus where the masseter muscle inserts. These cutmarks are very shallow, ranging between 0.03 mm and 0.3 mm in depth and 0.01 mm and 0.69 mm in width. The mean and standard deviation for the cutmark depths are 0.08 mm and 0.05 mm, and 0.24 mm and 0.14 mm, respectively, for the widths. This strongly supports postmortem processing. The cranial cutmarks on the mandible and the temporal bone are located at muscle and ligament attachment points. Finally, it is interesting to note that of the six adult male mandibles that where analyzed, the five with cutmarks were young adult males. The postcranial material evidencing cutmarks comprised 1.2% of the analyzed remains. The majority of the cutmarks (59.4%) were located on the distal and proximal of ends of the bones (Table 2). Dismemberment is more likely to involve horizontal and oblique cutmarks or chop marks, and signs of dismemberment are most likely to be found at the distal ends of bones (Binford, 1981; Shipman, 1980; Olsen and Shipman, 1988; Pijoan and Lory, 1997; White, 1992). Sixty percent of the total number of postcranial cutmarks and 100% of the proximal and distal cutmarks are oriented across the long axis of the bone, either obliquely or perpendicular.

Only 3.2% of the cutmarks are located on the midshaft, which could denote possible defleshing. The majority of long bones (75%) demonstrating disarticulation cutmarks are from the pectoral girdle and two regions of the upper limb, the brachium and antebrachium. A fragmented left scapula had two shallow cutmarks on the acomion process indicating that the deltoid muscle and the acromioclavicular ligament were cut through, possibly to remove the humerus. The brachium was represented by three adult humeri, two left and one right. The cutmarks for one of the left humeri (H9155, ID#1) were at the distal end around the circumference of the bone just above the medial and lateral condyles. The humeral head was missing due to perimortem breakage. The second left humeri (H9155, ID#2) had a similar pattern with the cutmarks located on the distal posterior surface. The right humerus (H9155, ID#3) had two cuts on the medial distal surface. The remaining long bone evidencing dismemberment is a tibia with cutmarks on the distal lateral surface. These may have been the result of separating the tibia from the fibula. The cutmarks are shallow, and the bone is fragmented showing evidence of green stick fracturing. Six out of 238 ribs examined (3.0%) had 12 cutmarks. All of the cutmarks were very shallow and appear to be the result of opening the chest cavity. There is no discernible pattern regarding rib side or number. However, a first rib had three cutmarks on the inferior ventral surface that could have been produced while cutting through the anterior sternoclavicular ligament that forms the sternoclavicular joint. The first rib is inferior to the sternal extremity of the clavicle, which, with the manubrium of the sternum, forms the sternoclavicular joint. One vertebra (0.9%) out of the 115 examined showed signs of sharp force trauma. This possible lumbar vertebra fragment has two very deep V-shaped cutmarks and appears to be perimortem. This is based on the location and maximum width and depth of the cutmarks. It is very unlikely that dismembering a body would have produced these cutmarks. Given their location, it is more probable that the sharp force trauma necessary to produce them was the result of a violent action. Of the 91 miscellaneous long bone fragments, only one (1.1%) was identified as having cutmarks. This bone has two extremely wide and deep cutmarks and has spiral fracture running through the cutmarks. Thus, the cutmarks were produced first and at least one more blow shattered the bone. There is no doubt that this cultural modification was perimortem and had very little to do with disarticulation. Once again, most of the cutmarks match the criteria established earlier for indicating a behavioral pattern indicative of dismemberment. Disarticulation marks are registered near the joints and tend to be oriented across the long axis of the bone, either obliquely or at ˜ 90◦ . The majority of the Penasco Blanco long bones with cutmarks show evidence of disarticulation at the proximal and/or distal ends. The cranial bones also show confirmation of disarticulation of the mandible. Filleting marks produced by the removal of muscle are present only on a single element, a left radius, H9155 (n = 27 radii); however, the cutmark was not located at a muscle insertion or origin point. Microscopic analysis of the cutmark profiles in cross section ˜ Blanco remains are consistent with lithic revealed that the Penasco flaked tools. This is confirmed by the smooth edges and angular Vshaped profiles (Fig. 2). All of the cutmarks follow the classic lithic profile of being shallower, having a less even cut, and exhibiting variability in shape (Pérez, 2003; Walker and Long, 1977, 608). The cutmarks appear full of fragments with the apex (cutmark floor) weaving back and forth. Because of the irregularity of their cutting edges, lithics tend to produce wide and irregular grooves (Walker and Long, 1977, 608). These grooves appear as a series of supplementary parallel striations, lateral to the apex of the cut, and are

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Table 3 La Quemada cranial elements with cutmarks.

Fig. 2. Thin-section of an epoxy resin cast. The smooth and uniform kerf walls are the result of an untouched blade or opportunistic flake, which are more effective for ˜ Blanco. butchering. This cutmark comes from a right humerus from Penasco

of uneven length and thickness. The striations mirror the irregular (and often retouched) dorsal surface of the stone lithic blade. The flat wall of the profile is a product of the smooth bulbous ventral surface of the blade. This creates the uneven profile in cross-section, with one side rising relatively steeply to the apex, then descending gradually or in a series of subsidiary ridges. 4.2. La Quemada Of the 800 disarticulated elements examined, 623 individual cutmarks were identified on 59 bones (7%) from Terrace 18. The distribution of the cutmarks found on all bones from Terrace 18 suggests a pattern that is consistent with dismemberment and defleshing. The majority of the cutmarks (95 percent) were Vshaped when viewed macroscopically. The cutmarks vary in length from 0.6 mm to 28.3 mm in length. Cranial fragments show finer, shallower, and more densely compressed cutmarks, consistent with what Owsley et al. (1994) refer to as bone meticulously defleshed at or near the time of death (Table 3). Cutmarks on postcranial elements occur almost exclusively on the proximal and distal ends. Nearly all of the cutmarks that could be analyzed for anatomical orientation were either perpendicular to the shaft or oblique. 61% of the cutmarks recorded from La Quemada were identified as disarticulation and skinning marks. Such marks tend to be located near joints, where they are comparatively deep, V-shaped, and aligned at acute angles to the long axis of the bone. Filleting marks left by the removal of muscle accounted for less than 4% of the cutmarks recorded from La Quemada. Although there is similarity in how and where the bones were cut across the different deposits on Terrace 18, there is a difference in the frequency of cutmarks for two bone deposits, the temple (Unit 24) and Midden 7, which is associated with the temple. There are a greater percentage of cranial bones and long bones in the temple reflecting the preference for those particular bone elements in that context. In the midden, many different bone elements are represented. Thus, the assemblage as a whole reflects an abundance of evidence that individuals around the time of death were dismembered and defleshed, and further analysis of the patterning of the types of bone with cuts may reveal sequential steps in the processing (Table 4). Spiral fractures were found on up to 80% of the bone fragments in the midden (7 and 1) and patio (52) contexts, but, in contrast, spiral fractures were quite low on the bones in the temple (10%). In the temple, deposits were comprised of mostly complete or partially

Unit number

Bone

Number and side

2 24 53 71 110 120

Cranial fragments

1 24 111 112

Frontal

24 53 152 1 24 53 60 110 111

Occipital

1 indeterminate 4 indeterminate 2 indeterminate 2 indeterminate 1 indeterminate 1 indeterminate 1 4 1 1 right 1 left 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 31

Mandible

Parietal

Total

Cutmark totals by bone 62

51

55 37

67

272

broken long bones. Although many of the bones had cutmarks, they were largely intact with both epiphyses. On the banquette (Unit 46), where it is believed that bones were displayed by suspension, many of the long bones have had their epiphyses removed by small blows or crushing. Thus, the breakage patterns between the temple and the displayed bone on the banquette revealed two distinctive preferences: the former for largely intact long bones, and the latter for bone shafts which had their epiphyses removed. Also, partially complete crania were recovered from the banquette with holes that had been drilled around the time of death. Many long bone shafts were recovered both from this area along with the crania, as well as in Midden 7. Table 4 La Quemada postcranial elements with cutmarks. Unit number

Bone

Number and side

71 120 24 71 112 24 60

Clavicle

1 right 1 left 1 (R); 4 (L); 2 (I) 1 (R); 1 (L) 1 (R) 1 indeterminate 1 left 1 (I); 1 (L) 1 right 1 (R); 1 (L) 1 right 1 right 1 indeterminate 1 indeterminate 1 indeterminate 1 right 1 left 1 left 1 left 28

Femur

Fibula

24 53 70 71 112 71

Humerus

60 72 111

Radius

71 2 60

Rib Ulna

Pelvis

Total

Cutmark totals by bone 13 169

8

95

11 20

9 26 351

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Fig. 5. Pie chart showing the distribution of elements by side in the temple (Unit 24) on Terrace 18 at La Quemada. Fig. 3. Thin-section of an epoxy resin cast. The convoluted nature of a bifacial cutting edge and circumstances such as friction and dynamic and static loading create the uneven patterning present. The thin-section is from a cutmark of a left femur from La Quemada.

Fig. 4. Thin-section of an epoxy resin cast. Butchering cutmark from faunal remains demonstrates smooth and uniform kerf walls are the result of an untouched blade or opportunistic flake. The thin-section is from a cutmark of a faunal bone from La Quemada.

Microscopic analysis of the cutmarks from La Quemada indicates a preference for bifacially flaked or retouched opportunistic blades. When viewed in cross-section, the densely concentrated cutmarks from Unit 24 and Midden 7 demonstrate extreme variability (Fig. 3), which is consistent with bifacially flaked stone tools (Walker and Long, 1977) because of the convoluted nature of their cutting edge. In addition, circumstances such as friction, dynamic loading, and static loading impact the variability of cutmark morphology (Lyman, 1987). Under high stress loads, for example, lithics with unmodified edges often produce broad, irregular kerf walls similar to those exhibited by bifacially flaked tools because the edge of the flake or blade begins to deteriorate and collapse. However, given the depth and width of these cutmarks, such a scenario is unlikely. The apparent preference for bifacially flaked or retouched opportunistic blades is noteworthy because, as Walker (1978) and others have demonstrated, untouched blades or opportunistic flakes are more effective for butchering. Analysis of the faunal material with cutmarks indicates that these were the tools of choice; when the cutmark is viewed in cross-section (Fig. 4), the kerf walls are smooth and uniform, forming a distinct point at the kerf floor.

5. Discussion 5.1. La Quemada The variations in the bone assemblages at La Quemada suggest that a multiple approach to the curation of the dead was practiced. There are numerous examples of these types of complex mortuary practices throughout Mesoamerica. This is due in part to the fact that the human body was intricately woven into the ideology of many of these cultures. For example, the Nahaus believed that specific regions of the body, and in particular bones, held the power to heal or hurt. The Nahaus also believed that in many cases the transcendental forces that the gods bestowed to humans were stored on the left side of the body (López Austin, 1980, 165). It is of interest to note that Unit 24, the temple, follows this pattern with a preference for left elements (Fig. 5). The ancient Nahaus also placed a great deal of importance on the joints. It was believed that these regions, known as minor animistic centers, were weak spots through which supernatural forces could enter the bone and cause damage. This could explain why many long bones retrieved from both the banquette and Midden 7 had the epiphyses removed by small blows. Finally, it is of interest to note that for the Huichol Indians, whose language was influenced by Central Mexican Nahuatl and who currently inhabit the area near La Quemada, dismemberment and isolated human skeletal elements play a central role in many of their mythologies (Furst, 1996; Grimes, 1964; Lumholtz, 1900; Negrín, 1975; Zingg, 1977 [1938]). This is seen in the yarn tablas of José Benítez Sánchez (1975). In one yarn tablas, we see the story of Great Grandmother Growth, who, upon her death, had her human body fall to pieces. From these various body parts, new plants and animals were born. In this next piece, Sánchez tells the story of a man who survived the great flood with the help of Great Grandmother Growth. Upon his death, the parts of his body dispersed and new plants were created from them (Negrín, 1975). In his classic ethnography of the Huichol Indians, Lumholtz (1900) describes their “God of Death,” named Tokákami. According to Zingg ((1977) [1938], 365), Tokákami is a “horrid ghoul and a figure of death,” not a god as Lumholtz had suggested, but we nevertheless see another example of disarticulated human skeletal material figuring prominently in Huichol mythology. In an illustration of a statue of the Huichol ghoul from Lumholtz’s “Symbolism of the Huichol Indians” (1900, 61), there are white lines representing human long bones attached to strings around his waist and over his back. The variations in these human bone assemblages provide ethnographic support that a multiple approach to the curation of the

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dead was practiced at La Quemada. Indeed, there is a strong likelihood that ancestor veneration along with the ritualized destruction of enemy remains accounts for the multiple mortuary behaviors present (Nelson et al., 1992; Pérez, 2002; Pérez et al., 2000, 2008). Many of the remains, particularly skulls and long bones, appear to have been placed on or suspended from racks located in several residential and ceremonial centers throughout the site (Nelson et al., 1992). Thus, although the assemblages as a whole reflect an abundance of evidence that individuals were dismembered and defleshed, analysis of the patterning of the types of bone with cuts revealed differences in both the frequency and morphology of the cutmarks at each of the deposits along with the importance placed on specific elements.

5.2. Pe˜ nasco Blanco The cranial cutmarks on the mandible and the temporal bone are located at muscle and ligament attachment points. The cutmarks are exactly where one would expect to see them if the goal was the removal of the masseter, temporalis, and the lateral pterygoid muscles. Many of the cutmarks were clearly produced as a result of cutting through temporomandibular ligament. The fact that these cutmarks are so shallow suggests that decomposition had reduced the amount of soft tissue present at the time of dismemberment. This is clearly seen when the mandible evidencing the most cut˜ marks from Penasco Blanco is compared to a mandible from La Quemada that exhibits perimortem processing found in Midden 11 (Fig. 6). This midden was part of the La Quemada monumental core and is located at the base of a cliff near the Hall of Columns. The material disposed of in Midden 11 came from people using the largest ceremonial entrance of the site and/or the main plaza of the Hall of Columns (Nelson, 1997). The mandible, represented by two fragments, had 55 cutmarks present that ranged in length from 1.2 mm to 13.6 mm. The majority of the cutmarks were located on the lateral aspect of the anterior portion of the ramus. Thin-sections produced from this region indicate a maximum depth and width of 0.62 mm and 1.3 mm, respectively. The width of the cutmarks and the morphology of the kerf walls fall within the range of experimental data regarding the dimensions of tool marks produced by bifacially worked material. However, the depth is double the maximum produced in experimentation with bifacial knives and would require a substantial amount of force to effect (Walker, 1990). The anatomical features associated with the cutmarks on the mandible suggest that the superior facial muscles, the masseter, and the tendon of the temporalis were cut in order to remove the mandible. The distribution, depth, and width of the cutmarks from this bone all suggest that the processing took place at or near the time of death. ˜ Blanco mandibles with cutmarks were from The five Penasco young adult males that seem to have undergone a secondary burial process. What is intriguing about this finding is that it is not ˜ Blanco. It appears that the practice of removing unique to Penasco the mandible either postmortem or perimortem was performed throughout the San Juan Basin. A brief review of the literature documents this practice (Malville, 1989; Ogilvie and Hilton, 2000; Turner and Turner, 1999; White, 1992). It would be a relatively simple manner using the criteria established in this paper to determine perimortem versus postmortem processing and to establish the sex and age of the individuals in order to generate frequencies and to look for patterns. The types of tools used in the cultural modification of the dead for these two sites appear to be very different. The cutmarks found ˜ on the skeletal remains from Penasco Blanco and La Quemada do not share similar morphological patterns (see Figs. 2 and 3). ˜ At Penasco Blanco there is no evidence that bifacially flaked

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ceremonial tools were used. In fact, the tools used on the human remains appear to be the same as those used on the faunal remains. Cutmark placement on particular bones allowed for an accurate reconstruction of the activity that created them. The cutmarks concentrated at the proximal and distal ends of a long bone from ˜ both Penasco Blanco and La Quemada indicated that the goal was to disarticulate the axial skeleton. Disarticulation of the mandible was ˜ also the primary focus of the Penasco Blanco crania. The lack of cutmarks at muscle insertion and origin points makes the removal of the flesh and soft tissue unlikely. This pattern suggests a secondary burial practice or a postmortem ritual process in which particular elements were desired. The question of what is or is not violence is largely informed by context: time, place, and circumstance. Bone deposits represent individual moments cut off from the context that gave them meaning. The diversity of these assemblages demonstrates the challenges in trying to decipher the complexity, variability, and ambiguities of cultural taphonomic processing. The bioarchaeological data from these two sites does indeed suggest that there were multiple approaches to the curation of the dead. At La Quemada, display of ancestral bones and veneration is highly likely based on the differential treatment of the temple (Unit 24) bones (Nelson et al., 1992; Pérez et al., 2000, 2008; Pérez, 2002). Skulls and long bones suspended and placed on racks located in residential and ceremonial centers suggest displays that were distinctively different from the bones lined up along walls in the temple (Nelson et al., 1992). The variations in the human bone assemblages suggest ancestor veneration, along with the ritualized destruction of enemy remains. Thus, although the assemblages as a whole show abundant evidence of individuals who were dismembered and defleshed, analysis of the types of bone with cuts revealed differences in both the frequency and the morphology of the cutmarks at each deposit, with importance placed on specific elements. ˜ Understanding what happened at Penasco Blanco is far more complicated. The “integrity” of the assemblage can be seen as a function of its deposition and diagenesis along with the excavation methods utilized during the retrieval of the material while in situ ˜ (O’Connor, 2000, 6). The Penasco Blanco collection lacks site contextualization and cannot be placed into categories such as trash deposits, house floors, or hearth contents. Such information allows for specific analysis of mortuary behavior through the examination of the placement and preparation of the corpse, which is often related to politics, gender, power, and ritual. Bioarchaeologists, taphonomists, and zooarchaeologists have long touted the importance of understanding the cultural and natural factors that influenced the formation of skeletal assemblages and the distribution of cutmarks on skeletal material (Lyman, 1987; Yellen, 1991; Cruz-Uribe and Klein, 1994; Marean et al., 2000). Poor contextual information impedes the development of strong working hypotheses, scientific methodology, and strong inference. The strengths of bioarchaeology are severely limited, because multiple lines of evidence are unavailable in forming interpretations. The lack of specific site information and contextualization can often be offset by the quality of the data available from the skeletal assemblages. By addressing issues of analytical procedures such as long bone cutmark interpretation (see Milo, 1998, and Bunn and Kroll, 1986, for examples of defleshing and disarticulation zones), cutmark identification and diagnostic criteria (Pérez, 2002; Greenfield, 1999; Reichs, 1998; Walker and Long, 1977), and familiarity with growing taphonomic literature (see Capaldo, 1998, for a list of cites referencing simulated bone modification and/or quantitative analysis), I believe it is possible to maximize the diagnostic potential of the individual elements in these data sets. This is accomplished by paying careful attention to the details of the distribution and characteristics of cutmarks on individual elements. On the basis of those details, hypotheses regarding

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˜ Fig. 6. (A) Right ascending ramus of an adult male from Penasco Blanco showing postmortem cutmarks; (B) right ascending ramus of an adult male mandible from La Quemada showing perimortem cutmarks.

processing techniques can be generated, hopefully for later testing at intact sites in which disarticulated remains are present. Meanwhile, by exercising special care in data collection and analysis, it is possible to maximize the diagnostic potential of individual elements. The lack of specific site information and contextualization can at least be partially offset by attention to the details of cutmark morphology and patterning. However, it is not possible to reconstruct the specific and often unique cultural meanings associated with these types of assemblages. One can always do a cutmark count and discern patterns in the distribution and placement of the processing, but, without an in situ context, it is enormously difficult to infer the cultural agenda of those doing the processing by the marks left behind on the victim’s body. This deprives us of an understanding of the psychic and symbolic violence that is often far more devastating to the individual and the community in the long run. Inferring violence or veneration is also further complicated, because we lack the necessary contextual information to accurately make that assessment. Models are only as good as the explanatory data from which they are created (Hockett, 2002). If bioarchaeology is to accurately reconstruct past lifeways and infer behaviors that can have far-reaching consequences for the descendent populations, it is critical that the discipline be cautious and meticulous in evalu˜ Blanco, the best ating taphonomic data. In cases such as Penasco that can be done is a descriptive assessment of the material. Anything that might infer behavioral intent beyond an explanation of the processing of the remains would be reckless speculation.

6. Conclusion ˜ The disarticulated human remains from both Penasco Blanco and La Quemada share a similar pattern in their cultural processing. What differentiates them are the types of tools that were used in the processing and the location of the remains within the site. By carefully examining the cutmark morphology and patterning along with acknowledging the complexity within and between assemblages, it is possible to distinguish between acts of violence, burial rites, veneration, or consecration. The idea of allowing for the variability in the interpretation of the many categories of human behavior that can produce such assemblages is not “political

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