“The ties that bind”

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“THE TIES THAT BIND”: The Role of Family and Ethnic Networks in the Settlement of Polish Migrants in Pennsylvania, 1890–1940

PIEN VERSTEEGH

ABSTRACT: This article investigates the different adaptive strategies migrants used to cope with their new surroundings. These strategies have proven to be useful in studying the behavior of migrants in the new country, as they focus on migrants’ own actions and their way to play within the structures. Migrants’ networks, such as family, friends, and ethnic organizations, were crucial in this. The article focuses on Polish migrants and their networks that supplied support and self-help which were a way of coping, although not to the same degree for every Polish migrant. Networks could also have a conservative and restrictive effect, particularly on women and children. The actions of the migrants were guided by a set of social and normative rules, but these were dynamic and changed according to the needs of the migrants in the new country. Over the generations, traditional values were adapted to the new environment. New ideas were taken from the American culture and modified to the Polish norm (Americanization and feminism in a Polish way).

“Let us become acquainted and know our strength” (from Album Szescdziesiatej [Anonymous 1954, p. 9]).

Migrants often have been described as flocks of people arriving in the new country, brutalized by customs officers and other state officials, ignorant of their future, Pien Versteegh works as an independent scholar, with a doctorate from the University of Nijmegen in the Netherlands. She is the author of De Onvermijdelijke Afkomst? De Opname van Polen in het Duits, Belgisch en Nederlands Mijnbedrijf in de Periode 1920–1930 (The Inevitable Origin? The Way Poles Were Taken Up in German, Belgian and Dutch Mines in the Period of 1920–1930), Hilversum, The Netherlands, 1994. THE HISTORY OF THE FAMILY An International Quarterly, Volume 5, Number 1, pages 111–148 Copyright  2000 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved. ISSN: 1081-602X

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helpless. Recent studies have shown us a different story. Even though migrants, in many cases, are confronted with certain restrictive structures such as labor market mechanisms, rules, laws, and policies of the employers and the state, they often find ways “to play within these structures” (Morawska 1990, p. 191). Research that focuses merely on the structures carried the risk of victimizing the migrants by viewing them as passive pawns in a larger play, inadequate to deal with the new situation, victims of their surroundings. Concentrating on the strategies that the migrants developed to cope with their new surroundings corrects this structural point of view. Using the concept of strategies to analyze the migrants’ behavior offers promising new insights and, nowadays, it is widely used in family and migrant studies. It is also discussed among scholars for its theoretical and empirical ambiguities (Moch, Folbre, Smith, Cornell, and Tilly 1987; Moen and Wethington 1992). Phyllis Moen and Elaine Wethington summarize the pros and cons of using this concept while applying it in family studies: family adaptive strategies (Moen and Wethington 1992). They make a point that it is tempting to utilize strategies while it brings the family back as an active participant in the society. For social historians it has been a useful bridge between collective and individual behavior: a way of moving from impersonal social structures and forces towards individual biographies. Nonetheless, as the authors argue, how family adaptive strategies should be investigated remains a problem for many researchers. Moen and Wethington question if only the family should be the unit of research, since the family has its own constraints, and not every member has the same interests and amount of power. Focusing merely on the family would ignore these differences. Moen and Wethington call for greater specification of the various components of family strategies, recognition of family strategies as dynamic, and careful theoretical development and empirical documentation of the relationships between family strategies, broad societal shifts, and individual lives. It seems that there is not only one systematic operationalization of family strategies, but several. Joan Scott and Louise Tilly, for instance, developed a processoriented model of women’s work as a family adaptive strategy (Tilly and Scott 1977). Since the family allocates the labor of its members, employment of wives and daughters is a crucial part of the survival strategy of the family economy. In accordance with its needs, the family determines whether married women work or not. Scott and Tilly operationalize these strategies by combining demographic data with contemporary studies of the family and oral sources in a comparative setting. Tamara Hareven combines work and family as well, but limits her investigation to one case study (Hareven 1975, 1982). She investigates the way industrialization influences the family structure, process of decision-making in the family, community ties, and traditions. Important matters are: to what extent does the family keep control over its environment; how does the family reorder its priorities to respond to new conditions; and how does this influence the internal family relations? Furthermore, the family dynamics are also taken into consideration since Hareven investigates not only how the family allocates the work careers of its members but also how this changed over the life course. Cultural values are adapted to economic demands and the individual preferences are subordinate to the collective family needs. Immigration and homeownership are part of the family survival strategy as

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well. Like Tilly and Scott, Hareven considers employment of married women and children as a survival strategy of the family. Moreover, women have been finding ways to earn an extra income within the household and to save on family expenditures. Hareven has reconstructed the families of the laborers by combining employee files, vital and census records, and interviews which are put in a larger socioeconomic framework. Migration and family are related in more than one way. Migration influences the family organization not only when family members leave, but also when these migrants get in touch with new ideas that change their behavior and preferences. This might affect power structures within the family. On the other hand, the family plays a role in migration since the family sends out its members as a survival strategy. Leslie Page Moch formulates it this way: “General studies of the behavior of peasants and proletarians in Europe suggest that the family dimension of migration lies at the heart of decisions to move, choice of destination, and both work and social behavior at the new location. It is evident that the relation between family organization and migration is a complex one” (Moch 1986, p. 194). It is important to study how migration affects the household. Michiel Baud discusses the organization of migration within the household and its consequences for the cohesion and internal power within families (Baud 1994). Opposite to the traditional approach, migration, in his view, does not disrupt family ties. On the contrary, migration is mostly done in the context of the family and family networks direct the migration patterns. Moreover, Baud stresses the different interests of the family members in the household. He argues that issues such as power and hierarchy are crucial for studying the process of decision-making in the family while migration disturbs the existing hierarchies and provokes new structures of control and loyalty. Baud calls for more research on the specific characteristics of family networks and how they are related to other networks. Networks are an important topic in Ewa Morawska’s work as well (Morawska 1985). She investigates the collective strategies of Eastern-Central European peasant immigrants and their children. They developed strategies to solve problems and to realize cultural goals and expectations in the new environment. Morawska is concerned mainly with the nuances of family economic strategies which she tries to interpret in terms of perceptions. Major themes of her work are: how tradition and modernization are intermixed in the adaption of peasant immigrants to the American urban industrial society, and how ethnic networks of immigrants serve as an important vehicle in their socioeconomic achievement and in their incorporation into the American society. Ethnicity, traditions, and culture are viewed here as strategic tools. Morawska stresses the networks of migrants that are crucial in their survival strategies. She uses documents from public and private sources combined with interviews and statistical data in order to operationalize her study. Her work is extensive and has depth. However, a disadvantage is that individual actions and power inequalities in the family/community are discussed only briefly while Morawska focuses mostly on collective strategies and hardly discusses individual actions and choices. Judie Smith also discusses the networks of migrants as part of their survival strategies (Smith 1985). She investigates family connections of Italian and Eastern

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European Jewish immigrants. These migrants have been coping with the disruptions of migration by expanding their households with kin, enlarging the networks of kin, and leaning on neighbors and friends as substitute kin. Next to family networks, mutual benefit organizations have been crucial in the coping strategies. According to Smith, fraternal associations serve as an extension of kinship ties, as a public expression of the values of family solidarity and reciprocity, and as a community parallel to kinship networks. Although family networks and mutual benefit organizations lose their aims over time, not all purposes are lost. Family lives and the meaning of ethnicity are refashioned in the currents of historical process while cherished traditions are preserved. Smith uses sources such as city directories, census material, and local records such as birth, marriage and death registers. She combines this material with oral sources. We might conclude that the strategies of migrants are a useful concept for analyzing the behavior of migrants in the new country. From this perspective, migrants are viewed as active contributors to their own destiny—a view that sees them as more than victims. Taking the large variety of responses of migrants into consideration that cannot be explained by the structural (macro) approach, more stress on an individual (micro) approach is needed. Therefore, the family as a research unit is expanded here with the study of individual actions. In this article, not only family and ethnic networks are discussed as part of coping strategies of migrants, but individual actions are included as well. This gives us an opportunity to investigate the power structures in the family and the ethnic community. Taking all of the above into consideration, we come to the following topics that need more research for the study of how family and ethnic networks function in the settlement of migrants and how this changes over the generations. One important item is how the family interacts with ethnic networks: do they thwart or reinforce each other? A second issue is how family strategies link cultural values to economic response, or, how certain values are adapted to the economic needs of migrants. This includes the way the family and its individual members respond to modern ideas and what impact these have on the family strategy. A third topic is who in the family decides which strategy should be followed and whose interest is considered more important, that of the family group or the individual? This brings us to questions about conflicting interests of the family members and whose decision is carried out. Is it the head of the family who decides what happens or have all family members a voice in this? Does there exist a tension between individual and family interests and what is considered more important? A fourth research topic is gender. We need to differentiate here between men and women since the interests of men and women in the family and ethnic group do not always meet, and the networks could function differently for them. Because networks help to maintain the culture and the patriarchal values of the homeland, they could limit modernization and result in rigidity, influencing the freedom and emancipation of women, the less powerful. Inequalities of power within the family and the ethnic community will be taken into consideration here as well. Women create their own networks and these will be discussed in a separate section. Finally, settlement processes and coping strategies are not static and might change over time. Therefore, a section that addresses the changing values and the actions of the next generations is added as well.

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Before the research and its sources are discussed, the concept strategies and networks will be defined. In this article, family and ethnic networks are discussed as part of the strategies of migrants which they develop to cope with the new surroundings. Strategies are viewed here as all the conscious and subconscious actions of certain groups of people (class, ethnicity, family) with the purpose to maintain or improve their customary standard of living. These actions are guided by a set of social and normative rules (Moch, Folbre, Smith, Cornell, and Tilly 1987). Not all strategies are made consciously, but we assume that all actions of migrants are meant to improve their conditions. This makes the distinction between conscious and subconscious strategies redundant. That not all efforts are advantageous for everybody to the same degree might be explained by the different interests of migrants. Consequently, the most powerful are successful in pursuing their goals sometimes at the cost of the lesser influential family and community members. But the less powerful migrants have their own ways of dealing with the new situation. They might use (other) networks to achieve their goals. Thus, the concept of networks as adaptive strategies is also useful for the actions of the less powerful, such as women and children. Networks are used here as a metaphor for relations with family, fellow countrymen, and ethnic institutions. Included are relations with family members (family networks) and (in)formal ethnic institutions such as unions, leisure clubs, and the church. Relationships with friends and contacts with fellow countrymen are considered to be part of ethnic networks. To investigate these issues, a historical migrant group has been examined: the Polish migrants in Pennsylvania in the period of 1890–1940. The Poles were one of the largest migrant groups who came to the United States at the turn of the century. However, exactly how many Poles had migrated is hard to tell (Magda 1986, pp. 1–4). During this period, Poland did not exist, because in the years of 1795–1918, Poland was divided between Germany, Austria, and Russia. Hence, it was not clear what the nationality was of most Polish immigrants who came to the United States before 1918. American officials referred to them, for instance, as Russian Polish or Russian (although their name indicated a Polish origin), and sometimes as Polish. Therefore, it is impossible to present exact figures as to how many Poles arrived in the United States and only estimates are possible. Approximately two and a half million Poles arrived in the United States between 1850–1914 (Brozek 1985, p. 231).1 Pennsylvania was one of the main destinations of these Poles, and in 1900–1930, more than 40 percent of the Polish migrants went to Pennsylvania (Brozek 1985, p. 32). They were mostly attracted by the coal mining industry since Pennsylvania’s anthracite industry employed 90 percent of the Poles (Magda 1992, p. 25). The questions that have been raised above are not answered easily. Consequently, this study is based on a variety of sources to provide as complete a picture as possible. Parts of the information (elements of the process of settling down in the community) are found in archival records. These sources include reports of the mine inspectors, passenger lists, census material, and county records located in the State Archives in Harrisburg. Other important written sources are supplied by the archives of fraternal organizations, such as anniversary books and correspondence in the State Archives in Harrisburg, the Archives of Industrial Society in Pittsburgh, and

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the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia. Above all, the death claims and cash surrenders of the Polish Union of North America at the Balch Institute are a rich source. Most of these personal files have been kept and contain information such as: name, changes in names, beneficiary, altitude of the insurance, profession, gender, and age. In addition to this written material, oral sources have been investigated. For instance, the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission has been executing several oral history projects in different settings which are kept in the Oral History Collection in State Archives in Harrisburg and Miners Village in Eckley (State Archives Harrisburg, Oral History Collection, MG-409). The Archives of Industrial Society in Pittsburgh also hold relevant oral history projects, such as the Ethnic Fraternal Organizations Oral History Project and the Women, Ethnicity and Mental Health: A Comparative Oral History Project of Corinne Krause. Another important and unusual oral source are the testimonies of witnesses for the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission of 1902. These statements contain answers about the circumstances of the strike, the living-conditions of the miners and the whereabouts of the migrants (Historical Collections and Labor Archives 1902– 1903). Finally, the Glos Polek (The Voice of Polish Women), the weekly journal of the Polish Women’s Alliance (PWA), has been studied. This source is rich on information about the PWA’s standpoint in several matters and the development this organization.

FAMILY VERSUS ETHNIC NETWORKS The family proved to be a very important agent in the migration process. Although the majority of the Polish migrants came to the United States on their own, they moved within family networks. Almost 80 percent of these migrants joined family members who were already in the United States.2 Most of these relatives had even sent the migrants-to-be a prepaid ticket for the passage.3 Two-thirds of the Poles who moved in family networks joined brothers or sisters, uncles or aunts, and the rest joined their husband, wife or parents. In some cases, migrants who had already settled down and built a living in the United States went back to Poland later on and brought other family members to the new country (Mahlick n. d.a, p. 2, n. d.b, p. 7). The majority of these migrants moved within family networks because through the connections of their relatives they could find work in the United States. This had several advantages for the newcomers. First, the newly arrived migrants were already informed by their family about the working circumstances in the United States. They got their information mostly from correspondence with family (Mahlick n. d.b, p. 3; Morawska 1990, p. 204). While migrants were working with family they became used to the new job situation more easily. As the majority of Poles had been working as peasants, working in the noisy high-speed heavy industries came, for some of them, as a shock, and working with family members facilitated this transition (Morawska 1985, pp. 22–62). By controlling job placement and negotiating working conditions for relatives, the family exercised a limited form of control over the job situations (Mahlick n. d.a, pp. 9–11). Also, children used family contacts to find work. A Polish inspector from

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Pittsburgh recalled how he got his first job selling the Catholic Observer through his mother who had been cleaning the house of his future boss (Mahlick n. d.b, p. 11). Others found jobs in the same plant as their father and started their career as a laborer on his side (Romanek n. d., p. 3). Parents negotiated with the employer about the labor conditions for their children. However, because the parents adhered to the norms of the old country, the arrangements they made for their children were not always that advantageous. Sometimes, children had to work for little or no pay. A steelworker remembered about his first job how his father had agreed with the contractor that he would “have to work three years for nothing like they do in the old countries.” When he found out, he quit and found a paid position. These arrangements were also beneficial for the employer since he had a certain guarantee that the new worker was reliable because another employee had recommended him and stood surety for him. Besides, the employers used the networks of contacts to enlarge their work force as well. They even sent recruiters to the homeland in order to hire new workmen (“Interview with Bruno Laganosky and Piker Ferko” n. d.).4 Nevertheless, too many relatives in the same company were considered a risk. To prevent this, the employer limited the number of family members who were allowed to work in his business. A Polish miner recalled: “There was three of us there, there was too many from one family. Then he had two for his first cousins. The boss said to him, Joe, you got too many working from the family. So I said, do you think I can get a job, yeah, I’ll get a job at Loomis and I worked there 11 years” (Bodnar n. d.b, p. 10). Although finding work through relatives had many advantages, there were some limitations included as well. Job advancement through relatives was limited because newcomers were only introduced to jobs their relatives occupied themselves. This resulted in the clustering of Poles in certain industries like the coal extraction and steel industry in Pennsylvania (Bodnar, Simon, and Weber 1982, pp. 62–63; Magda 1992, pp. 20–25). The Poles also developed groups in the companies. The reports of the inspectors of mines can give us more details about this issue. In some accidents many miners were involved indicating that they had been working close or next to each other. According to the reports, these miners had primarily the same nationality. In many cases, all injured miners had Polish nationality demonstrating that the Polish miners were working next to each other in the mines (Commonwealth of Pennsylvania 1896, p. 130, 1913, pp. 256–257, 1915, p. 295).5 Moreover, the newcomers only qualified for professions their relatives occupied and therefore encountered the infamous glass ceiling. A study of the professions listed in the reports of the mine inspectors from the State Archives Harrisburg is quite revealing in this matter (Department of Mines and Mineral Resources 1903–1972; General Correspondence of the Secretary of Mines with Mine Inspectors 1903–1965; Inspection Register, Accident Register, Accident Reports n. d.). In 1890–1895, 62 percent of the Polish miners were listed as unskilled workers, 38 percent as skilled, and none as supervisor or highly skilled. The division of jobs among their American colleagues was: 51 percent worked as unskilled laborers, 46 percent as skilled, and 3 percent as supervisor or highly skilled miner. In 1940, the rates were as follows: 46 percent of the Poles had unskilled professions; 53 percent, skilled; and not even one percent (0.7), a position as a supervisor or highly skilled laborer. The American miners held 68

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percent of unskilled jobs, 28 percent, skilled, but four percent held jobs as a supervisor or highly skilled laborer. Although Polish miners qualified for skilled professions more than the Americans, a function as a supervisor was very hard to obtain. Another negative effect of using networks to get jobs was that it created a society based on favors. Without contacts it was very difficult to get a position. “The only way you got a job, you got a job through somebody at work who got you in” (Mahlick n. d.a, pp. 7a–8, 23). Later on, the political parties took over the use of favoritism. A steelworker recalled how he and his companions were forced to vote for the Republicans in order to secure their jobs (Romanek n. d., p. 19a). Joseph A. Borkowski remembered when he wanted to have a job with the city of Pittsburgh: “Of course I was given the verbal promise that it might happen. But I noticed this fact, that all the appointments that were given in the particular area or district were given to those who were active in politics. So I figured this is the time to go into politics” (Gottlieb n. d.a, p. 30). After several years of hard political lobbying and accumulating Polish votes, he and his brother pursued their goals, and out of 37 jobs, 35 were Polish or Croatian. Despite these disadvantages, migrants kept relying on their networks, even though this limited them from getting better jobs (Morawska 1985, p. 120). Family networks proved to be useful not only in the process of job searching. The family also helped their newly arrived relatives by providing them housing, at least in the beginning (Gottlieb n. d. a., p. 5; Mahlick n. d.b, p. 7). Furthermore, many Polish migrants took nonrelated boarders into their houses (Gottlieb n. d.a, p. 5; Testimony of M. Cultz n. d.). This boarding system might cause problems like overcrowding, less privacy, more drinking and fighting, and a considerable number of additional duties for the women (Morawska 1985, p. 127). The lady of the house provided the boarders a place to sleep, cooked their meals, and washed their clothes after a day of hard work. Taking in boarders could also affect family dynamics. “Well, at that time, you know, living compact when I was growing up, living compact with boarders, working twelve, fourteen hours a day, sixteen hours a day, it was just impossible for all the parents talking to the children as far as communications and everything of their backgrounds in Poland” (Gottlieb n. d. a., p. 5, n. d.b, p. 4a; Testimony of M. Cultz n. d.). Next, the family proved to be worthwhile in the adjustment process to the new society since it was a transmitter of premigration culture and kept ethnic traditions alive (Bodnar n. d.a, pp. 14–19; Earl n. d.c, pp. 2–3; Mihalek n. d.a, p. 11). In this fashion, the family was a beacon of stability and continuity in the turmoil of change. In addition, by surrounding themselves with family and/or fellow countrymen, the newly arrived migrants did not feel as lonely and out of place in the new country. Networks of friends and acquaintances could have the same function as family networks and were also used to find work and lodging in the new country (Bodnar n. d.a, p. 5, n. d.c, p. 2; Gottlieb n. d.a, pp. 5, 8, n. d.b, p. 2; Mahlick n. d.d, p. 2a). In this way, networks of friends directed migration as many Poles went to places where friends or acquaintances had already settled down.6 As a result of this, Polish immigrants who came from the same part of Poland grouped together in the same neighborhoods. “Well most of them came you know from the same town or practically next door neighbors, see?” (Bodnar n. d.d, p. 27; see also, Bodnar n. d.a, p.1).

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Living close to friends had the same advantages as family and the immigrants relied on friends for support. “And out of that also to the extent that we invited our neighbors, friends that were in need. If the family didn’t want to come—many of the adults were even reluctant—we always had the children to our table” (Gottlieb n. d.a, p. 4). The first generation of Polish migrants usually had friends who were mainly from Polish origin. For the second generation the ethnic part was less of an issue although they still associated with many Polish friends: “Some of my girlfriends were not necessarily of Polish extraction. But my social life, let’s put it, was more with that group” (Krause n. d.b, p. 14). All these relationships between family, friends, and fellow countrymen created a web of contacts. This web of family and friends relations enforced the clustering of the Polish migrants in ethnic neighborhoods even more where they shared a national Polish culture distinctive from the dominant culture, independently developed and limited to this neighborhood alone (Lopata 1994, pp. 4–6). A Polish woman who lived in Nanticoke at the turn of the century, a coal mining town in the anthracite region, described her environment as follows: “Most of them, our next door neighbor, they were of Polish descent, too . . . and we all associated. They were all in business, most of the Polish people, of Polish descent. They had a grocery store, these people did. Then there were shoemaker, one of the shoemaker’s son was a judge in Pittsburgh . . . there were American people that were from Ireland and England, and from everywhere. But they used to associate together” (Vauter n. d.c, p. 1). Like the family, the ethnic neighborhood functioned as a safe and familiar haven where the cultures and traditions of the inhabitants were cherished and people could rely on each other during hard times (Krause n. d.a, p. 14). Some Polish immigrants who stayed in a community of a different ethnicity missed the connections with fellow countrymen and felt isolated. For instance, a woman remembered how her husband’s grandmother was very unhappy in the neighborhood where she lived. She lived among the “Protestant and Irish” who made her life miserable by ignoring or yelling at her (Verasano n. d.b, pp. 1–2). While this woman was a midwife she had to go to many places and “whenever she would pass by they would make some slurring remarks about the Polish and the Slavs and things like that.” When the grandmother moved to another vicinity she was very relieved because now she “was among her own kind.” Contacts with other Poles was one binding force in the Polish community, the Polish parish was another. Religion was an important aspect of the Polish migrants’ lives and the majority were Roman Catholic. Likewise, the Polish church was deeply involved in the lives of Polish migrants. The church was more than a place for religious services, it was also a neighborhood center (Iwanczyk 1966, p. 3). As a Polish steelworker in Pittsburgh recalls: “At that time the community social activities were around the churches. . . . It just happened that most of them lived around their own churches, tried to get as close as possible to their social activities. And the church was part of their social activity” (Gottlieb n. d.b, pp. 6, 8). The Polish priests embodied religion, language and national culture in their preaching and their community activities. The Polish church was involved in education as the parochial schools instructed the children in catechism and the Polish language

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(Iwanczyk 1966, p. 4). “And so mother insisted with a few other families and all that at least to educate ’em as far as their own native tongue and writing in language schools. They formed language schools through the churches” (Gottlieb n. d.b, p. 5). Children normally learned the Polish language from their (grand)parents, so in this respect, the church helped the family with its tasks and functioned as an extension of the family. Next, personal matters, such as birth control and family issues, were the priests’ concern as well. A Polish woman remembered how she had 13 children which was, in her opinion, God’s will (Verasano c, p. 4) (the woman is described as Slavic). When asked if she ever thought about birth control, she said she never used it. The priest had made clear to her that she was not allowed to use any birth control since it was a sin. Still, the influence of the church had it limits. Although this Polish woman did not use any birth control, she mentioned that others had. Suggested is that the church supported the old traditional family values as they existed in Poland. On the other hand, the church tried to bring about Americanization among the Polish immigrants as well. Its philosophy was that in order to Catholicize America it had to Americanize the immigrants (Pula 1995, p. 76). Not every Polish immigrant agreed with this. Although the church was an important unifying force, it also caused a split in the Polish community. Before the Poles had established their own parishes, religious guidance was in the hands of Roman Catholic priests from earlier immigrant groups: mostly German or Irish priests. For most Polish migrants who could not speak any English this was an obstacle since they did not understand the mass (Lopata 1994, pp. 59–61).7 Besides, they had their own version of rituals and beliefs which the German and Irish priests did not perform. That the Roman Catholic Church pursued the Americanization of migrants only aggravated their discontent (Pula 1995, p. 76). Furthermore, many Poles did not like the hierarchy in the Roman Catholic Church and the authority of its priests. The arrival of Polish priests who raised Polish parishes solved these difficulties only partly. The high dues of the Roman Catholic Church, which were new for the Poles in the United States, and the preferential treatment of wealthy members, were new sources of dissatisfaction (Romanek n. d., pp. 14a–15a). Above all, the formalization of the church, that members now had to pay in order to be accepted, was a major thorn in the flesh. More problems arose since the structure in the Roman Catholic Church gave laymen, who were active in the church, little power, resulting in discontent and conflict. These lay leaders had initially an important role in the parish. As soon as the number of Polish families was large enough, middle-class leaders raised money, bought land, and built churches (Bukowczyk 1987, pp. 40–41). Soon afterwards, these lay leaders tried to find clerical staffing in Poland with the expectation that they would have a say in this matter. However, those priests who came to the United States had a different opinion on this. They had political pretensions of their own embedded in an old Roman Catholic tradition of authority. Soon, the lay leaders were confronted with traditional power relations they had tried to escape and saw their influence over the parish staffing erode which resulted in friction and conflicts. One of these conflicts was the battle between the Polish National Alliance (PNA) and the Polish Roman Catholic Union (PRCU). These societies were competing over which organization was the main unifying group of the Poles in the United

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States. According to Helena Znaniecki Lopata, the reason why the PRCU lost this contest was that many Poles opposed the authority of Polish Roman Catholic leaders. The PRCU had given the priests extensive rights and power in the church associations, but had not given any authority to the laymen. Moreover, the PRCU attempted to strengthen the local priest’s control by federating parish associations into a Polonia-wide Roman Catholic fraternal organization (Kantowicz 1975, p. 31).8 Because of this, many Poles preferred the PNA over the PRCU. Another major confrontation was the split in the Roman Catholic Church. Not satisfied with the dominance of the Irish and German priests, the masses in Latin, the control over church property by the priests, and the structure of the Roman Catholic Church, Father Francis Hodur, in 1894, founded the Polish National Catholic Church (PNCC) in Scranton (Fox 1970, pp. 113–114). The Saint Stanislaus church was the first parish of this church. Although the PNCC adhered to a different philosophy and religious conviction than the Roman Catholic Church, it provided to its members the same services. The church was a community center, and organized parochial schools offering classes in Polish history and catechism (Romanek n. d., p. 13a).9 The PNCC also raised a fraternal organization, the Polish National Union, with Straz (the Guardian) as its newspaper (interview with Joseph Wieczerzak who is the main editor of the journal of the PNCC, PNCC-Studies, October 25, 1995). By comparison with the Roman Catholic Church, Hodur made many changes in the PNCC. New was that the power and property of the parish were in the hands of both the lay leaders and the priest. Masses were performed in Polish, the language of the common people, and not in Latin, which was considered the language of the intellectuals. Moreover, the priests of the PNCC could choose to marry. Instead of following the doctrine of the pope, every man had a right to interpret the Bible in the way he wanted. Participants of the PNCC were attracted either by these changes or became a member of the PNCC as a protest against the Roman Catholic Church. The PNCC built churches all over the United States. Nationwide, it had 15,473 members in 1906 which had increased to 28,245 in 1916, and 189,620 in 1938 (Kubiak 1982, p. 121) (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1919, p. 6). Pennsylvania accommodated about 25 percent of its members in 1916, which was only surpassed by New York State. The break in the Polish church also caused a division in the Polish community. A bitterness existed between the members of the PNCC and the Roman Catholic Church that sometimes resulted in violence (Earl n. d.g, pp. 4–5). The Polish community was not as homogenous as it seemed at first glance, and some controversies between different groups existed. The goals of the networks were not always in harmony, some favored Americanization and others focused on the Polish heritage, which resulted in friction and confusion. In addition, although the community was for many a safe haven, it was not a shelter for everybody to the same degree, and belonging to the Polish community could involve some drawbacks as well. A disadvantage of staying in the Polish neighborhood was that social control was enormous. “Everybody knew everybody, and when new people came in they would try to move in next door to someone that knew America, and what they were doing. People have extreme respect for America . . . and marriages were hard because you were limited to the number of people you met.” Apparently, the Polish community did not provide enough marriage candidates. Initially, the Poles

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did not choose a partner from another migrant group. In 1890, only eight percent of all marriages in Luzerne county were mixed, and in 1905, only 11 percent of the marriages were mixed.10 However, in 1930 the rates had changed. Of all marriages in Washington County that included Poles, 48 percent were mixed. Eleven percent of these mixed marriages were between Poles and Americans and the rest between immigrants from Polish origin and someone who belonged to another migrant group.11 This might indicate loosening ethnic ties. Marrying someone from another ethnic group could mean stepping outside the ethnic group (Krause n. d.b, p. 20). A woman who had married an Irish-English man, left the Polish church shortly afterwards. At the same time, ethnicity had lost its meaning for her. Being a member of the Polish community could involve financial sacrifices as well. The formalization of the institutions and subsequent dues made life in Polonia more expensive. There also existed the obligation of sending money home to family in Poland. More spending was required for building the church, attending the church, a cousin’s christening, or a passage for another family member who wanted to come to the United States (Romanek n. d., pp. 14a–15a; Morawska 1985, p. 126). This extra spending weighed heavily on the budgets of Polish migrants. Another drawback of living in an ethnic enclave concerned learning the English language. Language acquisition was limited in the Polish community since living in a Polish environment limited the need to learn English as everybody spoke Polish and almost no one English (Mahlick n. d.d, p. 14a). Without the knowledge of English, however, immigrants were at the mercy of their surroundings and could not improve the situation. Still, language acquisition did not always have a high priority among the first generation migrants. These Polish migrants learned only enough English to get by.12 Some Poles did not learn English at all as they were not forced to master it properly. Probably only the most ambitious Polish migrants learned English in order to obtain better jobs. Language acquisition was mostly an issue for the first generation Poles. Their children learned English when they went to public schools and had American playmates (Bodnar n. d.a, pp. 14–16, 19; Krause n. d.a, pp. 6–7). Yet, most of the second generation no longer learned the Polish language (Walaszek 1996, p. 205). They also lost interest in the mother country and in Polish festivities (Bodnar n. d.a, p. 15; Vauter n. d.c, p. 6). That second generation Polish migrants were no longer concerned with their heritage might have to do with generational conflicts since they mostly learned the Polish language and culture from their (grand)parents who spoke Polish at home (Gottlieb n. d.b, pp. 5, 7; Mahlick n. d.b, p. 2). Because children rebelled against their parents they also rejected their culture. “She (her grandmother, P. V.) tried to talk to me in German and Polish, and, just like all children, you resent that. You want to be like everybody on the block. And, I regretted it very much” (Krause n. d.b, p. 4). Polish youth considered the language and customs of the old country old-fashioned and focused on the American culture instead. We have seen that the Poles in the family and the neighborhoods relied on each other for support. However, when the Polish community became too large, they needed more complex organizations for assistance (Lopata 1994, pp. 4–5).13 To fulfill this need, the Poles established an extended fraternal institutional network after their arrival in the United States. These fraternal organizations (or societies as the

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Poles called them) started as an insurance corporation. There was a need for this initiative since the company for which the Poles worked did not provide any financial support in times of crisis. When an employee died during his work the body was dropped off at the employee’s house, leaving the funeral and future to the widow’s concern (Bodnar n. d.d, p. 34; Earl n. d.c, pp. 10–11). Although during hard times people could rely on family, friends, and neighbors, there was a need for a more formal sort of support as an insurance in case of death and sickness that would replace the loss of income (Krause n. d.a, p. 14; Vauter n. d.e, p. 4). Compensation for disabilities caused by accidents was also not provided by the company (Earl n. d.c, p. 11). Taking into consideration that the majority of the Poles worked in highrisk industries, such as the coal extraction and the steel industry, we might conclude that the Polish fraternal organizations fulfilled a need for assurance (Testimony of M. Remak n. d.). Membership rates of the fraternal organizations were therefore high. Approximately three-fourths of the Poles in the United States joined at least one of the associations (Bukowczyk 1987, p. 39). The societies did not limit their services only to men. Women could be insured too, but mainly for a smaller benefit and only as the wives of members (Knothe 1997, p. 332).14 Some societies provided other forms of financial services and gave out loans. These organizations provided services the American institutions did not supply. A Polish steelworker who could not get a loan from the bank to buy a house borrowed money from the Polish Lodge “Building and Loan” (Mahlick n. d.d, p. 26a). Moreover, depending on their philosophies, the societies developed supplementary ways to support their participants and defended the interests of Polish immigrants. Most societies were either organized around a nationalistic-patriotic or religious theme.15 Nationalistic-patriotic organizations, like the PNA and the Polish Falcons, cultivated the Polish heritage. When Poland was divided among its neighbors, before 1918, these institutions were focused on the resurrection of Poland and living in a free Poland (“The Polish National Alliance” n. d. [unless reported otherwise, this paragraph is based on this pamphlet]). However, when Poland became a free nation again after the First World War, only a few Poles returned, and the ones who did came back to the United States were disappointed with the homeland because of the bad living conditions there (Krause n. d.b, p. 3). Many Poles stayed in the United States because they had settled down and their children were Americanized (Kantowicz 1975, pp. 169–170). With disappointing remigration figures, these organizations realized that the majority of the Poles in the United States would not go back. They adapted their philosophies to the new developments and began to focus on living in America, in addition to cultivating the Polish heritage among the Poles in the United States. Most Polish societies in the United States tried to keep the Polish heritage and culture alive indicating that many Polish migrants kept the thought of going back. Polish language courses for the children point to this as well. Still, after realizing that most Poles in the United States would stay, the Polish associations focused a great deal of their energy on living in the United States and helping newly arrived Polish migrants to get adjusted. “They had classes to teach them American when they’d (the immigrants) come . . . and that’s another way they got acquainted with everybody” (Krause n. d.a, p. 15).

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So far, we have discussed the nationalistic-patriotic institutions. They were not anti-religious; religion was just not their primary goal. The majority of the other Polish societies were religious, like the PRCU. These religious societies intended to form a front against the “creeping anti-religiousness.” But they had additional missions, such as to alleviate the family financial sufferings which usually followed when the head of the family died, to promote welfare and to stimulate Americanization along with propagating Polish traditions and customs (Program of the American Union Polish Brotherhood of Saint Joseph. XXV Convention, Pittsburgh October 3–5 1950). The religious institutes favored living in the United States more than the nationalistic-patriotic organizations, but were rather ambivalent in this: Americanization in a Polish way. The Polish-American Citizens League of Pennsylvania, for instance, mentioned in its statutes: “The object of the League shall be to unite American Citizens of Polish extraction in order that a concerted effort may be exerted in matters pertaining to their welfare, to inculcate the principles of true American citizenship among our compatriots by descent; to proffer aid to those who seek to become naturalized; to foster the language, traditions and culture of Poland” (Constitution of the Polish-American Citizens’ League of Pennsylvania n. d.). In addition, the league required that its officers (president, vice-president, and treasurer) had to be citizens of the United States. However, being PolishAmerican was, for many, a pragmatic choice that helped them to achieve their dreams in the United States. The Polish-American historian, John J. Bukowczyk, formulates this as follows: “Immigrant Poles wanted to have their cake and eat it too: they wanted to be American on the outside but culturally Polish within” (Bukowczyk 1987, p. 71). Most societies tried in their way to create a bridge between the old and the new country. Yet, they also had an emancipatory function for the Poles. Felix L. Pietrowicz, the founder of the Polish Falcons, put it this way: “A ‘Falcon’ is the modern transformation of an ancient man into a modern man and . . . into a ‘new’ and different, better Pole and therefore a better United States citizen” (Waldo 1975, pp. 2–3). Pietrowicz saw the condition of the Polish migrants in the United States and how the foremen in the mines and factories discriminated against those who could not understand English fast enough (like many Poles). To him, Falconism was a way to give the Poles pride and a Polish spirit, a direct response to the adversities migrants faced daily. We suggest that fraternal organization offered support to the Polish immigrants as an extension of the family. Contacts with friends/fellow countrymen, as well as the ethnic institutions, supplemented the family networks. The family was not thwarted by the other networks; on the contrary, it was reinforced by them. By providing life or sick insurance these Polish societies helped the Polish family in times of crisis. In some cases, the societies even took over the task of the family networks. “It shall be the duty of the Polish Union to educate his or her children in the mother tongue and raise them in the Roman Catholic faith” (Konstytucya i Ustawy Unii Polskiej w Ameryce Inkorporowanej Podlug Praw Stanu Pennsylvanii 13-go Lutego, 1907 Roku 1907, p. 45). Instead of learning the Polish language at home, children were educated in it at school.

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FAMILY STRATEGIES, CULTURAL VALUES, AND ECONOMIC RESPONSE The majority of the Polish migrants originated from rural areas in Poland and arrived to an urban setting in the United States (Morawska 1985, pp. 22–78; Versteegh 1994, pp. 39–54).16 A transition as such might have affected the economic organization in the family. In the homeland, the family functioned as an economic unit where all family members worked together and incomes were pooled (Morawska 1985, pp. 112, 117). Initially, the family economy, as it existed in Poland, did not change after the arrival in the United States. As in Poland, all efforts were combined in order to survive (Bodnar n. d.b, p. 4; Bodnar n. d.e, p. 5). Grown-ups and children were part of the family economy. When needed, children left school and found a job to supplement the family income (Mahlick n. d.a, pp. 8–9, n. d.c, p. 2a, n. d.d, p. 3,). Until they were married and had a household of their own, the sons and daughters kept donating their wages to the family (Bodnar n. d.e, p. 9; Mahlick n. d.a, p. 35, n. d.b, p. 11). “We used to say this that the mother had an apron, and you throw the money in her apron. You didn’t dare open your envelope.” (Earl n. d.f, p. 7). Contributing to the household could start at a very young age, but every little bit helped. For instance, in the miners village of Eckley it was common that the wife and all the children would pick huckleberries and sell these to a “Huckleberry man” in order to make some extra money (Verasano n. d.h, p. 1, n. d.i, p. 1; Brown n. d., p. 5). Children living in a more urban surrounding found other ways to earn some cash such as selling newspapers or firewood (Gottlieb n. d.a, pp. 5, 27; Mahlick n. d.a, p. 6). Live-in relatives, such as grandparents, contributed to the family unit as well. Grandmothers helped their daughters with household duties and grandfathers helped their sons with their obligations (Brown n. d., p. 13). Not only were incomes pooled, but the family combined efforts to save on household expenses, as was common back in Poland. Picking coal from the slate banks was a way to save on the cost of buying coal. Gardens were tended for the vegetables and animals like cows (milk) and chickens (eggs) were kept in order to save on groceries.17 In addition, food was preserved. They made sauerkraut from cabbage, and when one of the animals was slaughtered, the meat was used for making sausages (Verasano n. d.h, pp. 8ff). Clothes were handmade instead of store-bought, and occasionally whisky was brewed. Living in the United States did not stop the obligations to family in Poland, and many migrants in the United States kept contributing to their relatives in the homeland (Earl n. d.e). Some migrants had even been sent to the United States in order to earn money for their family (Bodnar n. d.a, p. 4). In this fashion, migration was part of a survival strategy of the family. So far, we have seen that traditional production methods did not change very much in the United States. However, staying in the new country did induce some alterations. Traditionally, Polish women did not continue working after they had married (Lopata 1994, p. 75; Morawska 1985, p. 49). After marriage, their duties became taking care of the household, the farm, and the children. When they arrived in the United States this pattern was mostly maintained. “She (the interviewee’s mother) quit the jobs. It was rather customary in those days once you got married

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you left your job also . . . that any woman in order to be a good housekeeper has to devote her full time duties to the housekeeping and to the children and the family” (Gottlieb n. d.a, p. 4). However, some Polish women found ways to earn money within the household. The already mentioned boarding system was a way for Polish women to help family or friends but also to earn extra money at home (Gottlieb n. d.b, p. 4a). Other women took piecework, such as sewing clothes for friends and neighbors (Morawska 1985, p. 196). There were even women who continued working after marrying. These women worked for the greater part as domestic servants and cleaners, although some worked as midwives or in the silk or steel mills.18 One married Polish woman even had a position as a professional, a radiologist (Krause n. d.b, pp. 20–23). Women who became widows worked as well, although they might have been forced to by the bad financial circumstances they found themselves in after their husband died. They had jobs as a hotel keeper, a druggist or worked in a grocery store.19 That married women kept working might indicate a change in the traditional values. Still, the fact that many Polish miners suffered from partial and irregular unemployment might be another important reason for women to work after they got married. “Especially during the depression my mother went to work in different places to help the family because my father didn’t work all the time although he still worked for Phoenix but times were rough and a lot of times he was off. When he was he didn’t get paid so my mother supplied other money” (Mahlick n. d.b, p. 5). In this case, women’s work was part of the survival strategy of the family because men simply did not earn enough to support their families and women were forced to work in order to help the family get by (Mahlick n. d.d, p. 2). Then, women were allowed to work after they were married, although they mostly stopped working when the men earned enough to support the whole family. In this fashion, old family values were adapted to the economic needs in the new environment. The fact that Polish women worked and earned wages might have given them economic power as well which could have influenced the family dynamics. Traditional values were adjusted to the economic needs in more than one respect. Children’s labor was also accommodated to the new country. Initially, children began to contribute to the family economy at a very young age. They left school to work in the mines or the mills at the age of 12, or even younger (Brown n. d., p. 12; Earl n. d.c, pp. 2–3). A Polish miner recalled: “I went to work because all my friends were working and they were shoving me out and saying that such a big boy and there is no work for you here? So they kept on teasing and teasing and I finally went out to work” (Brown n. d., p. 2 [he had a Polish name but was born in Germany in 1898]). All of his earnings went into the household. His brother also worked in the mines in order to contribute to the household. Another Polish man remembered how he was the only one of his siblings who had to work in the mines. All of his brothers went to college and graduated (Vauter n. d.a, p. 2). But later on he could also go to school and he even became a priest. The contribution of children to the household was not to be neglected. For instance, in 1911 Polish children in Scranton (another mining town in the anthracite region) contributed as much as 35 percent of the family income working as breaker boys, mule drivers and door boys, or doing other jobs in the mines (Miller and Sharpless 1985, p. 192).

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Their wages were not always pooled without friction, and how much children should contribute could be a source for conflict within the family (Bukowczyk 1987, p. 72). Although many children left school at an early age in order to work so they could supplement the family income, not all did so, and over the years education became more important. The records of the Polish Union of the United States of North America contain more information on this matter.20 Of all children who died in the beginning of the twentieth century and who were members of this fraternal organization, only one boy (four percent) had been going to school.21 Of the other children, 61 percent had been working in the mines or the textile mills and the rest worked elsewhere.22 About 20 years later more children went to school. Of all children who died, 36 children (49 percent) had been going to school before their death.23 Only eight children (11 percent) had been working in the mines or the mills, and the rest had been either at home or a skilled laborer.24 These results might suggest that education became more important than immediate income, and that children stopped contributing to the family economy. Success through education, as was customary in the United States, replaced the old values of success through hard work, as was customary in Poland (Mahlick n. d.d, p. 3a). We suggest that individual interests began to prevail over the group’s. Again, traditional patterns, as they existed in Poland, were adapted to the new country. This might have been enforced by the second generation Poles. Children and teenagers revolted against the patriarchal domination, the Polish customs, and preferred the American way. They realized that what they learned at home was not necessarily sufficient to familiarize them with the American values and they subsequently questioned the old Polish rules. In some cases, the children even felt embarrassed by their parents with their old traditions. “And the children of the ethnic parents due to their Anglo-Saxon teaching in the schools, were ashamed of their parents and ashamed of their names and different things” (Gottlieb n. d.b, p. 22). Second generation migrants identified themselves with the American culture and not with the one from their parents. The family proved to be pragmatic and, when needed, old values were adjusted to the economic requirements of the new country. At the same moment, women gained economic power which could be important for the family dynamics.

FAMILY DYNAMICS AND DECISION-MAKING Originally, the Polish family was patriarchally structured (Lopata 1994, p. 72). The man was the head of the family and decided what would happen. When Polish immigrants arrived in the United States, the male head of the family remained in charge. For instance, the father decided if his children could go to school or if they had to get a job (Mahlick n. d.a, p. 9). Also, on issues of partner choice, the father decided whom his children should marry (Verasano n. d.i, p. 2). This did not mean that children did not have a voice in this matter, but the father had the final say. That obedience was an important Polish value might have strengthened the position of the Polish patriarch. “You had to obey and listen to the teachers. You had to obey and listen to your father. You had to obey and pay respects to the clergy and so forth and so on” (Mahlick n. d.a, p. 11). However, the migration process might

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have corroded the patriarchal family structures. We have already seen how children turned away from the old family values. Subsequently, the position of the patriarch was affected. For women also, migration could be a way to emancipation and getting more control of their destiny. Women who brought their parents and siblings over, or who were wage earners sponsoring and advising their family, could get increased status within the family (Seller 1994, pp. 127–131). Migration could also corrode traditional sex roles as the spouses were away from the expectations and interference of parents and traditional communities (Knothe 1997, p. 326; Zand 1987, pp. 27–28). Thus, we expect that migration caused more independence for Polish women than simply a change in the traditional sex roles. However, what was the influence of the networks on this? So far, the results have implied that most networks cherished the Polish traditions and were restrictive on women. The following story might shed some light on this matter. The next citation reveals that Polish women in the United States had to defer to the wishes of their husbands. “She could give him no argument at all even when she was right, or she was slapped by her husband” (Verasano n. d.j, p. 1). Women were forced to accept abuse and had to keep quiet because they had no place to go and no way to support themselves in the case they left their husbands. This might indicate that networks kept women in their “place.” As long as they did what was considered right they could rely on the networks, but when they broke the rules (e.g., when they left an abusive husband) they had no one to rely on. In this way, the networks controlled the behavior of Polish women and kept the traditional patriarchal family dynamics intact. However, according to Thaddeus C. Radzilowski, Polish women in Chicago were quick to turn to the police and social service agencies in case of abuse, nonsupport, or desertion (Radzilowski 1996, p. 70). In this fashion, American institutions replaced the older Polish ones. That women who left their husband were more or less expelled from the Polish community might be the reason that divorce rarely occurred (Zand 1959, p. 30). When a Polish couple separated, it seemed to be on the man’s initiative and not the woman’s. The few divorces of Polish couples listed in the records of Register of Wills and Clerk of the Orphans’ Court of Washington could make this matter somewhat clearer.25 In two cases the divorce was discussed. One woman “wilfully and maliciously” deserted and absented herself from the habitation of the complainant, “without a reasonable cause.”26 The other woman had “offered such indignities to the person of the libellant as to render his condition intolerable and life burdensome.”27 No details were given about what these women had done. It is striking, however, that in both cases the woman was blamed for the failure of the marriage, and that the man had filed for the divorce. Apparently, he did not have to fear expulsion from the Polish community. The practice of arranging marriages by parents or other relatives might have contributed to the continuation of traditional family patterns as well (Mahlick n. d.a, p. 5; Verasano n. d.i, pp. 2–3 Verasano n. d.j, p. 3). Moreover, arranging marriages was a way of controlling the homogeneity of the community and most likely to strengthen the family. Mixed religious marriages (Catholic with Protestant) were especially frowned upon, and children who pursued such marriages were disowned (Verasano n. d.i, pp. 2–3). Female family members (aunts and mothers)

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meddled in the girls’ decision to accept a proposal or not. The role of these family members might have to do with the fact that the Polish women married at a very young age—between 15 and 18 years (Brown n. d., p. 12; Vauter n. d.b-e, p. 7). In some cases, the girls were even younger, and they were wedded at the age of 14. Girls married young when they were still dependent on their family, which might have reinforced the role of older women in the family. Although these older family members played a prominent role in Poland, their position was corroded in the United States, partly because young women started households of their own and did not live with their in-laws (Knothe 1997, pp. 325–326; Radzilowski 1996, p. 61). Men usually married when they were in their early 20s. Women who left their spouses were ostracized from the Polish community, so therefore women had limited ways out of a bad or abusive marriage. In this fashion, traditional patriarchal family patterns were reinforced by the networks. The PWA challenged the old values and urged abused women to turn to the police for help, or to take matters in their own hands (Walaszek 1996, p. 200). In cases when women were not to blame for a broken relationship, when their husband had left them, they could rely on family, friends, and the community for support. Then, the networks proved to be essential for the survival of abandoned women. Widows could also count on the networks for relief (Lopata 1977, p. 8). They received help from family, neighbors, and friends when their husbands had died. Ethnic institutions provided financial relief such as life insurance. So that when the women were the victims of the actions of men, they could rely on the networks, but not when they wanted to take matters into their own hands. The PWA was an exception to this. The PWA had an important role in the emancipation of Polish women, although this organization encouraged the domestic role of women as well. For instance, the organization’s newspaper, the Glos Polek, emphasized, on the one hand, the domestic origins of women’s communal responsibilities, but on the other hand, published articles about famous Polish women, the history of women, and their contemporary struggle for justice and rights in the Western world. The activities of the PWA expressed emancipation and liberation of women, but in a Polish way. This is illustrated by a series of articles published by the Glos Polek addressed to girls about their future roles as wives and mothers. Girls were encouraged to grow up as independent women, but this should not conflict with their other roles. The message to these girls was a mixture of traditional role patterns and modern feministic ideas.28 Despite their struggle for women’s issues, the PWA developed few contacts with feminist associations and activists in the United States. It limited its activities to the Polish community. Language obstacles, the difficulties of the immigrant community, and the belief that its feminism was tied to a sense of Polish identity and nationalism caused this limitation. According to the PWA, Polish women were members of both an oppressed sex and an oppressed people, so that their problems were exclusively Polish. Except for the PWA, most networks controlled and restricted the behavior of Polish women and kept the traditional family dynamics intact. Polish men were at the top of the family hierarchy and, in most instances, decided what happened. However, Maria A. Knothe suggests that women gained more control over the household, as men were usually at work and away from home (Knothe 1997, pp. 172–176, 319–320).

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Because women worked mainly at home, it became their territory, more so than in Poland where men and women worked together at the farm. Women decided in matters connected with the home and the household. They often controlled the finances of the family, took care of the rearing of children, and were in charge of the household (Earl n. d.a, p. 7, n. d.b, p. 5, n. d.d, p.. 3, n. d.e., p. 3; n. d.f, p. 7; and Vauter n. d.d). We suggest that traditional gender roles changed over the generations. A first generation migrant recalled: “My husband was delegated to investigate this [the business opportunities] in Poland and I went with him” (Krause n. d.a, p. 12). This woman seemed to be dominated by her husband. When he wanted to go back to Poland, the family followed him, and she did not mention him asking her about what she wanted. Her daughter was one of the first female radiologists in Pennsylvania. Despite the fact that she was higher in rank than her husband, he let her have her career. Nevertheless, he did not help in the household, although it was very difficult for her to combine work with domestic duties (Krause n. d.b, p. 24). Later on, this changed and when he retired he helped her more with the household duties (Krause n. d.b, p. 38). The granddaughter of the woman decided alongside her husband about family matters. Only once did the husband prevail. She wanted to have four children but he wanted only two and they had two children (Shaffer n. d., pp. 12–13). Her husband helped in the household when needed and when it did not interfere with his work. Still, the granddaughter sometimes had the urge to do something for herself and the husband had to babysit while she went out. The life of her friend was described as more “old worldish. They don’t go out very much. Her husband goes out on the weekend and the wife stays at home. Her main social activities are involved with the church and lady groups” (Shaffer n. d., p. 28). In comparison to her friend, the granddaughter could be considered emancipated. Her grandmother lived most of her life in a Polish neighborhood, had primarily Polish friends, and was active in the Polish institutional life. She, for instance, organized the Polish Girls’ Club (Krause n. d.a, p. 15). Her daughter and granddaughter lived in non-Polish communities. Both of their partners were not Polish (the daughter even married someone who was not Roman Catholic), and both had friends of non-Polish origin. The daughter and granddaughter were not part of the Polish community and its networks. This might have caused their break with the traditional patterns and their subsequent independence. Women who went beyond the networks/ethnic community also broke through the traditional role patterns. The Polish family was patriarchally structured, and this was reinforced by the networks. The majority of the institutional networks focused only on Polish men, who held the leading positions. Initially, women had no part in nationalistic-patriotic organizations at all since they were not allowed as members. The Poles’ largest society, the PNA, was established in 1880 and did not admit women until 1900. By then, the PNA granted full rights and privileges only to the wives and daughters of the PNA members (The P.N.A. Story. On the Path of Service 1970, pp. 13–16). After these women were allowed, they became part of the Polish national-patriotic movement, although their role was subordinate and restricted to mainly fundraising. Women were in charge of charity, such as sending foodstuffs, medical supplies and money to relieve their fellow countrymen in Poland during the First and Second World Wars.

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Altogether, Polish women played a minor role in male-dominated societies. Some organizations even excluded women specifically, such as the Boys Club (Mahlick n. d.c, p. 17a). Other societies excluded women from their services. It was explicitly stated in the regulations of the Polish Falcon Society that women had no right to benefits, except if they would raise a group of their own (Konstytucya Prawa Reguli i Przepisy Towarzystwa Sokolow Polskich Grupy 13ej Federacyi Polskiej w Stanachy Zjednoczonych P.A., in Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Balch Collection, Polish Falcon Society, SPC 163, pp. 5, 8). In the religious associations the priests were in charge as well (see for instance The Holy Family Church. Golden Jubilee 1902–1952. October 19th, 1952, Pittsburgh Pennsylvania [Pittsburgh 1952], in State Archives Harrisburg, Ethnic Studies Collection, Joseph A. Borkowski Collection, MG-215, Box 1, Folder 1/25). Although nuns were crucial in the educational and social service system set up by the church, religious women had no executive functions and mainly fulfilled roles as teachers in the parochial schools and social aides in the parish (Accursia 1949, p. 13; Radzilowski 1996, pp. 73–73). Laymen were running the church committees, and both laymen and women operated the jubilee committees. Laywomen were mostly operating activities focused on the family, such as the Mother’s Guild. Their duties were limited to domestic services. That the religious associations were, for the greater part, dominated by the men might be explained by the patriarchal structure of the Roman Catholic Church. As within most Polish institutions, the Polish church was dominated by men. In the religious associations, men were in charge as well. Altogether, Polish women played a minor role in both the national and religious societies.

WOMEN’S NETWORKS We have seen that women played a minor role in the fraternal societies. As a result they created their own organizations of which the PWA was the most important one. It started as a protest, since women were initially refused entry into the PNA. Later on, women could only obtain insurance through their husband (Knothe 1997, p. 332). Many unmarried working women had to join societies of other ethnic groups in order to be insured. Another important goal of the PWA was changing the stereotypical position of Polish women: “Determined not only to exist, but to prove that the Polish woman can be a strong factor in sharing the burden of the stronger sex, these women tightened the bonds of sister-hood, and bravely struggled, overcoming the usual obstacles in those times, that, women cannot govern themselves, and that duty of woman is [giving] only attention to the hearth and home” (Emily Napieralski, “The Polish Women’s Alliance,” in Glos Polek August 22, 1918, p. 9). According to the PWA, the Polish women “could perform their home duties as well as before and notwithstanding that fact could also think broader, take deeper interest in social and national work.” In this fashion, the PWA could be considered as an emancipation movement of Polish women. The PWA was founded in 1898 by a small group of middle class women in the Polish community who were generally well educated in Europe (Radzialowski 1994, pp. 190–196). It is likely that these women saw their chance in the United States to establish a women’s movement which they could not in Poland. The PWA’s

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members originated mainly from the labor classes, although they were the most literate and ambitious ones. The organization offered its members financial and cultural services, such as health and death insurance, and certain cultural activities. In addition to providing insurance, the PWA contributed to the education of Polish women and children in several ways. These activities included, among others, establishment of a reading room for women, conducting schools in the Polish language, history and culture, organizing summer camps for Polish children from the cities, and establishing informal schools for Polish girls where they were taught skills such as typing, sewing, and hat making. Education was important for the PWA and a keynote of success. The PWA, therefore, encouraged the education of Polish children as long as possible to prevent them from spending their lives in manual labor. The PWA also functioned as an interest group for women and children. It favored the emancipation of Polish women and fought against the abuse of them. One target of protest was alcoholism, as it resulted in abuse and neglect of women and children. In addition, this organization protested against the horrendous working conditions of women and children employed in the mines and the mills (Walaszek 1996, pp. 200–201). The Polish church was a target of the organization’s criticisms as well. The PWA acknowledged the importance of the Roman Catholic Church, but commented on the church’s hierarchy position on women’s issues (Radzialowski 1994, p. 193). For example, the opinion of the church that it had “nothing against and certainly does not condemn equal rights for women, except that it is necessary that the women be mature enough for them” was heavily castigated by the PWA. Women should not wait until rights were given to them, but should take them. As with many other Polish organizations, the PWA was nationalistic and patriotic, and cherishing the Polish culture was an important task. The PWA explained Polish migrants’ focus on their culture as follows. Despite the fact that Poland had not existed for more than 150 years,29 Poles abroad were “confirmed in their unshaken faith in the future of their country. That factor [that accomplished this] was the guidance and the teaching of their poets” (Monica M. Gardner, “The Living Voices of Poland,” in Glos Polek April 4, 1940, p. 8). By cherishing the Polish culture Polish migrants kept their hope for a free Poland alive. “To bring the Polish Question [the division of Poland] before the forum of the field is the sacred duty of you Women, who are a new factor, a creative and spiritual one, to be reckoned within the events of history” (The Polish Women’s Alliance of the United States of America, “A Memorial Addressed to the Women’s Peace Conference at the Hague,” in Glos Polek August 22, 1918, p. 9). Nationalism, solidarity and emancipation of women were combined here. Yet after some time the PWA did not limit its activities to the Polish culture only. In 1918, it began to organize classes for adult women to encourage them to learn the English language and American customs (Napieralski, “The Polish Women’s Alliance,” p. 9). Likely because of disappointing remigration figures, the PWA adapted its philosophy and focused more on living in America. It kept ties with the homeland though. During the German occupation of Poland in 1940, the journal voiced anger and concern for the captured Poles (J. L. Gravin, “Poland’s Present Fate,” in Glos Polek April 25, 1940, p. 7; Casimir Smorgorzewski, “A Free Europe or German “Lebensraum”?”, in Glos Polek July 18, 1940, p. 2; “An American Girl Tells Of Purge of Polish Youth” and “Polish Government and

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Army in Britain,” in: Glos Polek August 15, 1940, p. 8). The Glos Polek did not limit itself to words only, it also raised money for food and medication for its needy fellow countrymen. The PWA also raised funds to advocate the independence of Poland and to advance social and political change there (Gabaccia 1994, p. 84). Above is discussed that family and ethnic networks maintained the old traditions. What was the response of the PWA to this? It challenged the traditional Polish customs that restrained women and it stimulated the emancipation of Polish women. Yet, this organization did not reject all traditional values and encouraged the domestic role of women as well. The PWA’s newspaper, the Glos Polek, emphasized, on the one hand, the domestic origins of women’s communal responsibilities. On the other hand, it published articles about their contemporary struggle for justice and rights in the Western world. Furthermore, articles about the struggle for women’s voting rights, admission of women to universities and other feministic issues were printed. Singled out for criticism were traditions according to which the Polish women had to remain in the house (Napieralski, “The Polish Women’s Alliance,” p. 9). Next, the Glos Polek published articles about the unfavorable stereotypes of women and forms of discrimination against them which resulted from the long subordination of women. The philosophy of the PWA, however, contained several ambiguities: domestic obligations and emancipation of women, along with Americanization and Polish nationalism. The message that Glos Polek propagated was a mixture of traditional role patterns and modern feministic ideas (Paluszek, “Rady Starszej Kolezanki,” p. 6). Over the years, the journal showed an interesting development. Initially, only articles about the Polish culture and customs were written, but later on, columns about the American culture and history appeared. The journal published articles in which Polish women were taught new American ways of cooking, cleaning, and fashion (see for instance Glos Polek October 27, 1938, p. 8; Glos Polek December 12, 1940, p. 3). In this way Polish women learned to be good American housewives. This might indicate that the PWA moved with the times and oriented more and more towards the American way of life in order to appeal to the next generation. The activities of the PWA expressed emancipation and liberation of women, but in an exclusive Polish way. The PWA’s organizational success forced other organizations to change their attitude towards women. Not only were women accepted as members by, among others, the PRCU and the PNA, but women won representation rights, and the right to sit in the organizations’ executive committees as well. For instance, in the PNA women held positions such as vice-president and secretary (Pamietnik. 35-Lecia Zalozenia Tow Orlice. Grupa 336 Zw. Polek w Ameryce [Pittsburgh 1957], in State Archives Harrisburg, Ethnic Studies Collection, Joseph A. Borkowski Collection, MG-215, Box 1, Folder 1/18). Although the PWA was established as a protest against the exclusion of women by the PNA, both societies worked together later on. Along with the PWA, Polish women established the Union of Polish Women in America, a Roman Catholic fraternal organization for women. Moreover, the women raised some smaller self-support groups like the Polish Girls’ Club. These clubs had mainly a social function and were a way for the Polish women to keep in contact with each other. “We had a club of women. The men go together: the women get together and we’d go to each other’s home

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and have a luncheon, every month in a different place. It was to keep in touch” (Krause n. d.a, p. 28). The point is the significance of the networks for women. It might be that they were even more important for them than for men. Because of the separation of the sexes in both work and recreation in the homeland it was often customary to rely upon other women (Seller 1994, p. 173). The Polish women in the United States acted no differently. They found assistance from each other not only in formal institutions, but also in family networks. After arrival in the new country, especially for women, family relationships played a central role that could provide a support for adjustment. Women maintained and cultivated these bonds (Gabaccia 1994, pp. 61–76). The importance of kinship ties for women had to do with their obligations which were mainly domestic duties. A way to cultivate kinship ties was through the old rituals. Family rituals became kinship celebrations, for instance, the Polish weddings. Polish weddings, where the whole family gathered were true events and could last for a week (Earl n. d.c, p. 12). Other occasions where women met were at gatherings to make household articles. One of these activities was the making of feather covers (Miller and Sharpless, p. 210). Whenever possible people kept poultry such as chickens, ducks, and geese. After these animals had been slaughtered for food, the feathers were gathered and stored in bags. When several bags had been collected, a number of girls and women were invited to help tear and peel the feathers. This was regarded as a social occasion that gave the women an opportunity to exchange stories, jokes, and gossip. Most likely, women found an outlet here where they could share their problems and find support from others. Quilting was another social activity where women could meet each other. These gatherings had an important social function as young working-age adults dominated migration to the United States, so immigrant women could not always duplicate the family networks they knew in the homeland. During migration they wove new networks that more resembled peer groups than family lineages. In some cases, immediate family replaced the networks with family members of an older generation. According to Radzilowski, Polish women also relied more on immediate family, such as husband and children, in the absence of older family members, such as grandparents (Radzilowski 1996, p. 70). Altogether, family contacts were replaced by new networks. These contacts, mainly with fellow countrywomen, were not meant to take over the function of the family, but were created for the lack of family.

CHANGING VALUES? FIRST, SECOND AND THIRD GENERATIONS We have already noticed that the second generation migrants started to Americanize and to lose interest in the Polish language and culture. That second generation migrants did not master the Polish language was reflected in the newspapers and journals of the Polish organizations. Initially, these publications were in Polish, but later on they became bilingual as the knowledge of the Polish language among the Poles in the United States was decreasing (Vauter n. d.b, p. 8). For instance, the Glos Polek was first written entirely in Polish, but that changed over the years.30 The children’s section was initially written in Polish, but from 1938, children’s stories and drawing games appeared in English. An explanation might be that in this way

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the Glos Polek tried to appeal to the second and following generations of Polish migrants (Glos Polek 1938). Not only the children’s section changed. In addition, columns in which readers could ask questions concerning health issues were written in English since 1938. Readers could write to the journal in either English or Polish and would be answered as such. This might suggest that some adult readers no longer mastered Polish as well, so the Glos Polek was therefore adjusted. Decreasing member rates of the juvenile department impelled these accommodations. The Glos Polek was not the only Polish institution that had problems to appeal to the youth and this might have been related to an overall loss of interest in the Polish culture by the Polish youth (Glos Polek 1940). Americanization started with the second generation. Before the First World War, most Polish children went to ethnic schools, but subsequently they attended public schools in growing numbers (Walaszek 1996, p. 204). That many children, especially during the Depression, had to attend public schools for primarily economic reasons only accelerated the Americanization of the Polish youth (Pula 1995, p. 72). Most likely, remittances sent to the homeland might have added to this, as it resulted in an increasing poverty of Polish families in the United States. In this fashion, parents were forced to send their children to inexpensive public schools instead of to more expensive ethnic schools. In public schools, the Polish children got in touch with the American culture and America (“Testimony of J. Demko,” in Historical Collections & Labor Archives, Pattee Library, Penn State, State College, Michael J. Kosik Collection, Proceedings of the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission October 27, 1902 to February 13, 1903, Box 4, Volume 22). At the same time, the Polish schools Americanized (Earl n. d.e, p. 2). The Polish children who did not go to school got into contact with the American culture at work (“Testimony of J. Demko”). Attending public schools could change the contacts with the Polish neighborhood. The woman from Nanticoke, cited before, went to a public school where she got in contact with the American people. They became her friends and she started to lose touch with her ethnic surrounding (Krause n. d.a, pp. 6–7). The Anglicization of the Polish youth was a concern for most Polish institutions such as, among others, the PWA. To counterattack this, the PWA appointed an instructor of Polish (“Instruktorska z Polski” in Glos Polek January 20, 1938, p. 10). Another way to keep the Polish culture and sentiment among the youngsters alive were the summer schools organized by the PWA. Polish girls spent six weeks in summer camps to learn more about the PWA and the Polish culture (Plutnicki 1940, p. 2). These girls were not only instructed about their “dear Fatherland Poland,” but also learned how to pass this knowledge on to fellow “Americans of Polish descent.” By educating these girls, the PWA tried to transfer the Polish culture to the next generation. The efforts of the PWA were, in this respect, an extension of the efforts of the parents who tried to hand the Polish culture over to their children. The Americanization of second-generation Polish migrants also concerned the newly established Polish government (Pula 1995, pp. 69–73). It viewed the Polish community in the United States as an extension of Poland and therefore felt a moral responsibility towards the Poles abroad. Moreover, these Poles were considered as a source of financial and political support that the Polish government did not want to lose. To stop the process of Americanization of the Polish youth, the

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Polish government initiated a number of cultural and educational programs with the intention to form ties between Poles in the United States and in the homeland. Religious institutions tried to foster the Polish spirit among the youth as well and urged them to enroll in Polish organizations (Bukowczyk 1987, pp. 72–74). The most important tool was the parochial school system. Although the attendance figures at these schools were very impressive (roughly two-thirds of the Polish youth went to a parochial school) some feared that they undermined the Polish spirit among the youngsters even more. Some criticized that these schools eroded the memory of the Polish culture while only the Roman Catholic religion was cultivated and not the Polish heritage. Other initiatives to stimulate the Polish sentiment among the second generation included Polish youth associations, libraries, drama circles, and English columns in the Polish magazines (most second generation could not read Polish any more). Despite these efforts, the second-generation Polish migrants Americanized more and more and lost interest in their Polish heritage. That these efforts had little success was mostly to blame on internal differences in the Polish community in the United States, and on the fact that Polish children went to public schools in increasing numbers. Hence, it was inevitable that the second-generation Polish migrants Americanized. For them, the Polish culture became only folklore such as folk dances, folk songs, special foods, and a few prayers at church. When these children grew up, many tried to forget all about their family background (Kusielewicz 1969, pp. 3–4). The erosion of the Polish spirit among the Polish youth was also reflected in a decline of their memberships in Polish fraternal organizations. The cash surrenders of the Polish Union are demonstrative of this trend. These were the files of members who cashed the policy and quit their affiliation. Although most cash surrenders date from after the Second World War, some Poles had already terminated it before. Primarily, it was young Poles who quit their membership: 21 members cashed in their affiliation in 1939 and their average age was 23 years.31 Most of them had been made a participant of the Polish Union by their parents, but when they became adults they ended their membership. A possible explanation might be the establishing of other nonethnic insurance companies with more advantageous policies. So far, we have seen that Americanization mainly started with the second generation (the children of the first generation) migrants. However, their parents did show some signs of Americanization as well. The adjustment of their names might indicate this. When the Poles arrived in the United States many Americanized their names. Some Poles changed their name a little: Gretz instead of Gretzki (interview with third generation Polish migrant, J. Gretz, October 24, 1995). Some did it very drastically and called themselves Smith (Commonwealth of Pennsylvania 1913, pp. 330–331). The records of the Polish Union of the United States of North America give us a clear view of this matter. Of the Polish members in Pennsylvania who died in the period 1891–1907, 90 percent had their names changed.32 In 1939–1940, 84 percent had their name changed.33 Most modifications were minor—John instead of Jan, and Yanchak instead of Janczak—so that their name could be pronounced and written down more easily by Americans. Still, these figures show us the willingness of Polish immigrants to adjust to the requirements of the new environment. Not only adults changed their names. “When I played ball when I was a young kid I didn’t go by

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Kuprewicz [his last name], I went by Cooper. It was easier because say Kuprewicz and you’re playing with a bunch of Irish fellas, who the hell’s Kuprewicz out there” (Mahlick n. d.d, p. 5). Some second-generation Polish migrants tried to combine both cultures, which could be very confusing. “I remember when I was studying American history in eighth grade, I came home with proud tales from America’s past. Instead of listening to what I was ‘teaching’ him [her father], he matched each incident with one from Poland’s past. The Polish constitution of May 3, he said, was as great if not greater, and he enumerated act and article which humanized the Polish land. I was angry with him in those days of my youth for his stubborn Polishness. Wasn’t he American now?” (Pawlowska 1994, pp. 230–231). However, this woman was very disappointed in the way that Poland’s history was briefly displayed during her history courses. “One third of the page down there was a short paragraph dealing with the ‘sad’ fate of a nation which because of misrule was partitioned by Russia, Germany and Austria. The rest of the page dealt with something else. . . . The tragedy of this experience had far-reaching effects upon me. Even today, I find myself snarling at friends who expect American acculturation to wipe out every vestige of Polish culture within me.” The majority of third-generation migrants did not practice Polish customs any more, nor did they celebrate Polish holidays, although they sometimes mixed them with American holidays (e.g., the Shaffer interview [Shaffer n. d.]). The Polish language became foreign to them and they did not belong to Polish organizations, nor did they feel Polish. Their partners were more and more of non-Polish descent. In addition, religion became an issue of less importance. Nevertheless, not all Polish migrants lost interest in their culture and some aspects were cultivated.34 Customs such as Polish cooking, religious days, Polish weddings, and Polish dances were often kept alive (Vauter n. d.d, pp. 3–8). For them, the Polish heritage continued to have some meaning: “The tie was to the pride of heritage rather than heritage itself” (Krause n. d.b, p. 36). For them, being of Polish ancestry meant belonging to a group, it gave them an identity. Many Poles continued their membership of the Polish organizations (Earl n. d.b, p. 3, n. d.c, p. 6, n. d.d, pp. 3–4; Vauter n. d.b., p. 6, n. d.c, pp. 6–7, n. d.d, p. 3, n. d.e, p. 6). Defending the interest of the group was not important anymore, but through the ethnic networks there remained the feeling of belonging to a group. Some values were adapted, others were cherished. Certain Polish values that matched the American ones were rediscovered such as thrift, hard work, and family cohesiveness (Bukowczyk 1987, p. 83). Therefore, the family kept its importance. Apparently, the Poles selected those aspects of the traditional culture that were the most useful in coping with the new conditions. Moreover, they combined cultural practices and forms brought over from the homeland with Americanisms that had come into their daily lives, such as baseball and pool. This demonstrates that the Polish community was not homogenous. Differences between men and women, between adults and children, between nationalisticpatriotic and religious societies, and between the Roman Catholic Church and the PNCC have been discussed here. But there existed in Polonia other cleavages. The Poles who came to the United States were themelves heterogeneous. Not only had they been divided over Germany, Austria and Russia for more than 150 years, but

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the Poles were also a very mixed population, consisting of different ethnic groups such as the Kashubians, Mazovians, Bohemians, and Silesians (Versteegh 1994, pp. 40–41). Furthermore, most Poles were focused on their region instead of on their nation (Knothe 1997, pp. 331–334; Lopata 1994, p. 2). The structure of the Polish societies reflected this regional orientation. Most organizations were set up nationwide with local lodges, while others were only local.35 Nevertheless, when the Poles arrived in the new country, the differences between them started to disappear when the American natives viewed them as simply Poles (Kantowicz 1975, p. 8). The PNA, the PRCU, the League, and the Polish church added to this as well. They tried to organize all Poles in the United States by stressing their nationality, and used nationalism as a unifying factor. Gradually, nationalism and ethnic consciousness among the Poles in the United States grew. Bit by bit, the differences between the Poles began to disappear as a national Polish sentiment replaced the regional orientation. The unifying efforts of the networks might have been an important contribution to this. But how strong was solidarity among the Poles? The events during the Anthracite Coal Strike in 1902 can shed more light on this matter. During this strike, some Polish miners were forced back to work because after several weeks without work their families were starving.36 These men were attacked by other Poles: union men who thought they were traitors and called them scabs (see, for instance, the testimonies of “Mrs. Klimosefski,” “John Lewondofski,” “Max Lazar,” “Anthony Lirnsky,” “Thomas Washiski,” “Anthony Soboloski,” and “Anthony Kosakovich,” in Historical Collections & Labor Archives, Pattee Library, Penn State, State College, Michael J. Kosik Collection, Proceedings of the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission October 27, 1902 to February 13, 1903, Box 2, Volume 24, 25 and 27, Box 3, Volume 28). The assaults could be very violent. Men were beaten up, their families were threatened, and sometimes their houses were destroyed. Some Poles who worked during the strike were even forced to leave the Polish community (Testimony of John Lubic 1902–1903). In this case, the Polish neighborhood was divided by a class system which replaced ethnicity.

CONCLUSION: NETWORKS, STRENGTH OR WEAKNESS? In the previous sections we dealt with various networks of Polish migrants such as relationships with family and friends, fraternal organizations, and the church. We have been looking at the function of these networks in the settlement of the Poles as being part of their input in their situation. Focusing on these migrants’ actions corrects the point of view that describes them as victims, incapable of shaping their surroundings. Before reviewing their strategic networks, let us first address the research questions: how does the family interact with the ethnic networks such as ethnic organizations and contacts with friends and fellow countrymen; how are certain values adapted to the economic needs of migrants; who in the family group decides which strategy should be followed; whose interest is more important, that of the family group or of the individual; what role does gender play in this; and finally, how does all this change over the generations?

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For the first-generation migrants most of their networks provided a form of socioeconomic support. Family, friends and societies provided work, lodging, insurance, safety, belonging to a group, and a tool to defend the interests of its participants. For the most part, family networks were reinforced by the ethnic networks and contacts with friends/fellow countrymen and ethnic networks supplemented the family where needed. Moreover, the Polish societies stimulated family life in an ideological and material way. The ethnic organizations seemed to function as an extension of the family networks as they continued when the family networks had reached its limits. Insurance, a form of formal support, was an example of this. In addition, these networks created an ethnic neighborhood that worked as a safe haven where the Polish culture and values were cherished and family life as it existed in Poland was continued. The findings, therefore, suggest that the Polish family was not foiled by the ethnic organizations and networks of friends at all, but was reinforced by them instead. Family networks helped to continue the traditional family economy pattern. Old values brought from Poland were kept intact even when the family was transplanted from a rural environment in the old country into an urban surrounding in the new. Initially, the Polish family’s patriarchal structures were kept alive, at least for most of the first generation. The head of the household, the father, decided what was best for the whole family and the interest of the family as a unit prevailed over individual interests. These family dynamics changed over the generations, but not in every family, and it seems that these old values could be very persistent. The conservative role of the networks might have added to this. Still, divergences from the norm occurred and, when necessary, traditional values as they existed in Poland were adapted to the requirements of the new surroundings. That some Polish women continued working after they got married exemplified this, indicating an adjustment of the old values to economic needs. In most cases, women had to work because their husbands did not earn enough money, demonstrating a pragmatic standpoint of the Poles. Still, women not only worked out of necessity, they could pursue a career. This might have resulted in more economic power for women, but more research is needed to investigate this topic. Migration itself could involve more power for women since, in the United States, men no longer worked at home. Because of the absence of their husbands, women could gain more control over the household and how it was run. Some women even challenged the old patriarchal values through their networks, such as the PWA. Moreover, the interest of the family group was adapted. In the homeland, the family functioned as a unit and individual benefits were sacrificed to achieve the goals of the family. In the United States, however, individual interests became more important; above all, those of the less powerful in the family—women and children. This is exemplified by the fact that the second generation stayed in school longer than the first generation. In this way, children invested in their own future instead of contributing to the household. The networks worked differently for men and women (and sometimes for children as well). Although the ethnic community was a safe haven for the migrants in general, it was not to the same degree for everybody. It limited most women and children in their emancipation and freedom while the old patriarchal values (that kept them in their place) were maintained for the most part and sometimes

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even cultivated. On the other hand, Polish women organized their own networks to enhance their position. We suggest that these women saw a chance they did not have in the old country. Finally, coping strategies changed over time and networks got a different purpose for the following generations. Emancipation of women and loosening ethnic ties caused a breakdown of the traditional values as well and individual interests became more important. Ethnic and family ties slackened especially as the subsequent generations Americanized. Nevertheless, not all Polish migrants lost interest in their culture and some aspects were cultivated. Certain customs such as Polish cooking, religious days, Polish weddings, and Polish dances were often kept alive. For these Poles, the Polish heritage continued to have some meaning and many continued their membership in the Polish organizations. Defending the interest of the group was not important any longer, but through the ethnic networks there remained a feeling of belonging to a group. Some values were adapted, others were cherished. We suggest that Polish immigrants chose from the American culture what they could identify with, what corresponded with their own culture and values. During the transitional stage in their adaptation, immigrants modified their attitudes and behavior patterns in relation to the American culture and created a new synthesis between the old and the new. As Americanization among them progressed, the Polish community and its networks were adapted and the Polish and American cultures were mixed. We’ve shown that many positive effects were owed to the Polish networks. Nevertheless, some negative aspects were attached to them as well. Because of the strong ethnic ties, social control, lack of mixed marriages (in particular for the first generation), and closed character of the community, Poles were isolated in an ethnic enclave. Besides, job advancement through relatives and contacts with friends was limited while only their path could be followed. The results of this study have suggested that the networks were dynamic. They adapted, depending on changes and different needs, indicating that Polish migrants made pragmatic choices. Moreover, family networks were extended or supplemented with networks of peers and ethnic organizations when needed. Polish classes were an example of the latter. Instead of learning the Polish language at home, children went to Polish classes organized by the societies or the church. Also, new networks appeared of which the PWA and PNCC were examples. These organizations can be viewed as an emancipation or a revolt against the old established networks and culture. Networks had many functions—some positive and some negative—depending on whose interests we are studying. The actions of the migrants were guided by a set of social and normative rules, but these rules were dynamic and changed according to the needs of the migrants in the new country. These requirements were different for men and women, but they both used networks to pursue their goals. However, the networks did not merely help migrants to improve their situation. Family members (especially women and children) rebelled against the constraints of the family networks and developed a strategy for their own benefit. Over the generations, the traditional values were adapted. New ideas were taken from the American culture and modified to the Polish norm (Americanization and feminism in a Polish way). We might conclude that the Poles survived as a group because of their family and ethnic networks. It was a survival strategy that was successful. Their networks

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served the purpose of improving their socioeconomic position in the host country and were also important for a feeling of safety and belonging for the Poles. Over the generations, their networks lost these practical meanings and are now part of an ethnic heritage. However, networks, as such, have not lost their function and are still important for socioeconomic advancement in the American society, but other, nonethnic, networks have taken over this function—for instance, political parties and insurance companies. Still, more research is needed to verify this. In this article, Polish migrants have been studied as a case study of the influence of migrants’ networks from the standpoint of coping strategies. The networks of Poles can be viewed in this manner and mostly functioned to help coping, although not to the same degree for everyone. Particularly for women and children, most of the networks could have a conservative and restrictive effect. Now, were the Poles an exception in comparison with other migrants? How representative were they compared to other migrant groups? To answer these questions we have to compare the findings with results from other studies of migrants’ networks. Donna Gabaccia, Tamara Hareven, Maxime Schwartz Seller, and Judie Smith have addressed these topics for other migrant groups. They conclude that for most migrants, family and kin relationships were crucial in their coping strategies (Gabaccia 1994; Hareven 1982; Seller 1994; Smith 1985). Ethnic organizations also supplied some form of support, offering insurance and self-help. Nevertheless, most migrant organizations were focused on men, although migrant women had established their own fraternal organizations (Gabaccia 1994, p. 81; Seller 1994, pp. 173–182). Migrants’ organizations varied in structure and program according to the social class, ethnic background, goals, and needs of their members. For all migrants the function of networks was similar. Family and ethnic networks helped migrants to cope with their new environment, but they had also a conservative and limiting role on especially the first and second generation migrant women and children (Gabaccia 1994, pp. 61–92; Seller 1994, pp. 127–137, 173–182). Therefore, we might conclude that the networks of Polish migrants fit in the concept of strategic networks, which was a way of coping with a new and strange environment. For them, networks were a tool to take matters into their own hands.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This article has been made possible by fellowships of the Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies in Philadelphia and the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission in Harrisburg. I would like to thank Priscilla Clement, Theo Engelen, Caroline Golab, Randall Miller, and Silvia Pedraza for their valuable comments.

NOTES 1. The census of 1900 listed 710,156 Poles in the United States. According to the census of 1940 this number had increased to 2,905,859 Poles. 2. The sample consisted of 65 Polish migrants (arbitrarily chosen) (in Index to Philadelphia Passenger Lists 1883–1948. The cards were on microfilm in alphabetic order. All Poles from the section Be-Bro and Cap-Ci were selected. Most of these Polish migrants came at the turn of the century.

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3. Of all tickets, 73 percent were paid by family members. 4. In this case, it was a German miner who was sent back in order to bring more laborers from his homeland. His name indicates a Polish origin. 5. For instance, five Polish miners were involved in an accident on April 9, 1895 in the mine shaft No. 2, eight Polish miners were involved in an accident July 18, 1912, in the Langcliffe mine, and all four miners who were involved in an accident on April 30, 1914, in the Woodward mine, were Polish. 6. Eleven percent of the sample joined friends (from Index to Philadelphia Passenger Lists 1883–1948; see also Bodnar n. d.a, pp. 1–2, n. d.c, p. 2; Romanek n. d., p. 2). 7. Unless reported otherwise, this and the next two paragraphs are based on Lopata (1994). 8. The Poles in the United States called those parts of America in which they settled Polonia: the Polish community in the United States. 9. This school was settled in Pittsburgh: St. Mary’s Polish Church on Versailles Avenue. 10. In 1890, 25 percent of these mixed marriages were between a Pole and someone from another migrant group and 75 percent between a Pole and an American (from “Marriage License Dockets, 1890,” in State Archives Harrisburg, Luzerne County, Register of Wills and Clerk of the Orphan’s Court, Vital Statistics, Marriage License Dockets, 1885–1906, Vol. 15, 1890–1891, role 4390). Of an arbitrarily chosen sample of 112 marriages that involved a Pole, two marriages were between a Pole and someone of another migrant group, seven between a Pole and an American and 103 between two Poles. Most records indicated the migrants’ origin as Polish, although mainly as Russian-Polish, German-Polish, and AustrianPolish. In few cases, only the name could give an indication of the origin. Most Poles married with someone who came from the same part of Poland, like Russia-Poland. Americans were defined as people with an “American” name, and who were born in the United States. Unfortunately, Poles who had changed their name could not be excluded from this group. Still, the overall picture is that Poles showed an endogamous marriage pattern. In 1905, 82 percent of all mixed marriages was with an American and 18 percent with someone from another migrant group (from “Marriage License Dockets, 1905,” in State Archives Harrisburg, Luzerne County, Register of Wills and Clerk of the Orphan’s Court, Vital Statistics, Marriage License Dockets, 1885–1906, Vol. 28, 1904–1906, role 4397). The total sample (arbitrarily chosen) contained 81 marriages. 11. Most of these migrants came from Eastern Europe (from State Archives Harrisburg, Washington County, Register of Wills and Clerk of the Orphans’ Court, Vital Statistics, Marriage records, Marriage licenses, 1885–1932). 12. Two interviews in the Eckley Oral History Project were hindered because of the poor English of the Polish informant. These informants had lived more than 50 years in Eckley. “Interview with J. Banas” (Verasano n. d.f), and “Interview with Mr. and Mrs. Banas” (Verasano n. d.g). It is not clear if these people are related. 13. According to the range of residential and organizational subunits, Lopata makes a distinction between ethnic neighbourhood, settlement, and community. The regional Polish community was the most complexly organized as it was too large to operate on the basis of face-to-face contact alone and needed more intricate forms of communication, organization, and institutions. 14. The P.N.A. Story. On the Path of Service (1970, p. 11). The insurance of men varied between $500 and $1,000. The insurance of women varied between $250 and $500 (from Death Claim Records, in Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Balch Collection, Polish Union of the U.S. of N.A. Records, MSS 57). 15. This distinction should not be handled too strictly. Nationalistic organizations had

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a religious message as well, and religious institutions a nationalistic one, but those messages were not the main theme of the organizations. 16. Sometimes the transition was not that drastic as many Poles had already worked in urban settings in Western Europe. 17. Not only in the miners’ village Eckley did the miners keep gardens, also in cities such as Scranton and Pittsburgh. See, for instance, Earl n. d.b, pp. 3–4; Gottleib, Peter, n.d.b. “Interview with Joe Rudiak,” p. 10. 18. Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Balch Collection, Polish Union of the U.S. of N.A. Records, Death Claim Records 1933, 1935, 1940, 1959, MSS 57, 5/1/A-E (M89-36), Box 21; Bodnar (n .d.a, pp. 5, 20); Golab (1977, p. 152); Verasano (n. d.i, p. 1). 19. Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Balch Collection, Polish Union of the U.S. of N.A. Records, Death Claim Records, July 1938—March 1939, MSS 57, 5/19/A-E, Box 10. 20. Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Balch Collection, Polish Union of the U.S. of N.A. Records, MSS 57. 21. Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Balch Collection, Polish Union of the U.S. of N.A. Records, Death Claim Records 1907–1915, MSS 57, 5/1/A-E (M89-36), Box 2-4. 22. The rest of this group had the following professions: two children worked in the household, one was employed as a shoemaker and five had unknown professions. 23. Balch Collection, Polish Union of the U.S. of N.A. Records, Juvenile Death Certificates 1928–1936, 1939–1941, MSS 57, 5/1/A-E (M89-36), Box 72. 24. It should be noted that working children had a higher risk of dying. It is, therefore, likely that more children went to school than these figures show us. 25. Only three divorces were recorded in the period of 1885–1932. State Archives Harrisburg, Washington County, Register of Wills and Clerk of the Orphans’ Court, Vital Statistics, Marriage records, Marriage licenses, 1885–1932. 26. Decree of divorce between John Rudovsky, libellant, and Hazel Rudovsky, respondent, in State Archives Harrisburg, Washington County, Register of Wills and Clerk of the Orphans’ Court, Vital Statistics, Marriage records, 1930. 27. Decree of divorce between Franke Burke, libellant, and Dorothy Burke (in State Archives Harrisburg, Washington County, Register of Wills and Clerk of the Orphans’ Court, Vital Statistics, Marriage records, 1930). 28. Young women were advised to love God, to honor their parents, to trust their own judgement, to be realistic, to guard their reputation (“good reputation is man’s dearest possession”), to respect themselves, to confine not too much to their friends, not to pursue “glamorous” professions, to be a good and helpful person, but not at their own expense, to be proud of themselves and their capabilities/talents, to be a good wife and mother, but not to lose their identity as a thinking woman, to be ambitious and to pursue goals (from Halina Louise Paluszek, ‘Rady Starszej Kolezanki on the Well-Ordering of Woman’s Life,’ in Glos Polek June 13, 1940, p. 6). 29. Poland did not exist in the period of 1795–1918 because it had been divided between Germany, Austria, and Russia. 30. It was established in 1902. From 1917, English articles appeared in the Glos Polek. 31. Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Cash Surrender Records 1939, 1955, 1954, 1956. 32. These were the names as they were recorded in the doctor’s certificate of death. The sample holds all (83) Polish members who lived in Pennsylvania and died in the period 1891–1907, Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Balch Collection, Polish Union of the U.S. of N.A. Records, Death Claim Records 1891–1907, MSS 57, 5/1/A-E (M89-36), Box 1. 33. These were the names as recorded in the doctor’s certificates. The sample (arbitrarily chosen) holds 153 Polish members who lived in Pennsylvania and died in the period 1939–1940 (in Balch Institute for Ethnic Studies, Balch Collection, Polish Union of the U.S. of N.A.

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Records, Death Claim Records 1917, 1919, 1939–1941, MSS 57, 5/1/A-E (M89-36), Box 8; Death Claim Records 1940–1942, MSS 57, 5/1/A-E (M89-36), Box 23; Death Claim Records July 1938–March 1939, MSS 57, 5/19/A-E, Box 11; and Death Claim Records 1916, 1917, 1940, 1941, MSS 57, 5/1/A-E (M89-36), Box 7. These records contained more individuals so the research period is shorter. 34. Vauter (n. d.b, pp. 9–10). (She was a first generation migrant.) Vauter (n. d.e, pp. 5–6). (This second generation migrant described how her son-in-law loved the Polish customs.) 35. Examples of nationwide organizations with local lodges are: the PNA, the PRCU, the PWA, and the Polish Union. Local organizations are: the John Sobieski Fraternal Association (Philadelphia, PA), the Polish-American Citizens Club of Frankford (PA) and the Polish Intercollegiate Club of Philadelphia (PA). Most of these societies had only a few hundred members. 36. During the strike of 1933, eight percent of the mineworkers who wanted to work in the Ronco Mine (H.C. Frick Coke Company) were Polish (determined by their name), from “Letter from the Sheriff of Fayette County Pa,” Historical Collections and Labor Archives, Pattee Library, Penn State, State College, Ruttenberg Collection, Box 4, Coal Strike Hearings 1934, Folder 14.

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