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The use and management of water in the Likangala Irrigation Scheme Complex in Southern Malawi
Physics and Chemistry of the Earth 27 (2002) 839–844 www.elsevier.com/locate/pce
The use and management of water in the Likangala Irrigation Scheme Complex in Southern Malawi Wapulumuka O. Mulwafu *, Bryson G. Nkhoma Chancellor College, University of Malawi, P.O. Box 280, Zomba, Malawi
Abstract This paper examines the uses and management of water for agriculture in Lake Chilwa catchment area in Zomba district of Southern Malawi. It focuses on the Likangala Rice Irrigation Scheme Complex situated along the Likangala River. The scheme is one of the largest government-run schemes. Established in the late 1960s by the government to meet the growing demand for rice, the scheme contributes greatly to the agricultural industry of the country. Besides, the scheme was established to ensure maximum utilization of MalawiÕs largest wetland, which, due to its hydromorphic soils and the littoral floodplains, does not favour the production of traditional upland seasonal crops such as maize. The schemeÕs overdependence on water from the Likangala River has attracted a considerable degree of academic interest in the use and management of the river to ensure that there is equity and efficiency for both productive and domestic users. The paper focuses on four main issues: the historical development of the scheme, the distribution of water to farmers, social relations, and the overall contribution of the scheme towards the social and economic development of the area and the country in general. The paper contends that the growing population of the basin and the increase in the number of formal and informal smallholder farmers, contributes greatly to the growth of competition and conflicts over water, which tends to undermine the economic potential of the scheme. Furthermore, the paper provides clearest indication of the need for a realistic and informed water management policy and strategy to solve the growing problem of social inequity without necessarily compromising the production of rice in the scheme. Ó 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Agriculture; Irrigation; Water; Rice; Scheme; Rehabilitation
1. Introduction This paper examines the use and management of water for agriculture in the Lake Chilwa catchment area in the Zomba district of Southern Malawi. It focuses on the Likangala Rice Irrigation Scheme Complex which is situated along the Likangala River. Since Likangala is the most heavily used river in the entire catchment, stiff competition exists on access to and use of water resources. The establishment of the scheme has increased competition for water which requires a more systematic management strategy. The paper contends that the growing number of different interest groups in the scheme and the Likangala River per se contributes greatly to the growth of competition over water which,
*
Corresponding author. Tel.: +265-524-222; fax: 265-524-046. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (W.O. Mulwafu), [email protected] (B.G. Nkhoma).
in turn, tends to undermine the economic potential of the scheme. This competition is reflected in the manner in which the canals are being managed. One of the greatest challenges of irrigated agriculture in the area remains that of how to increase agricultural production without necessarily destroying the health of the river, farmers and aquatic systems. The paper suggests that there is need for a more realistic and informed water management policy and strategy to solve the growing problem of social inequity without necessarily compromising the production of rice in the scheme. Research for this paper was conducted with financial support from the Water Research Fund for Southern Africa (WARFSA) and USAID under the Broadening Access and Strengthening Input Market Systems (BASIS) Collaborative Research Support Program. Data collection involved interviews, focus group discussions and a review of literature. Fifty households both within and outside the scheme were sampled for interviews. Focus group discussions were also held with farmers and some members of staff at the scheme.
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1.1. Significance of irrigation in Malawi The importance of irrigation farming for increasing agricultural productivity has long been recognized. Most recently, the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation has been using phrases like ‘‘irrigation a must’’, ‘‘intensifying’’ or ‘‘revolutionizing irrigation farming’’ in a bid to avert food shortages in the country. In countries with erratic or inadequate rainfall, irrigation provides the surest and most efficient way of providing water for agricultural production. In Malawi, irrigation has not been fully developed in spite of the recognition by government of its significance for enhancing economic development. 1 The total area of irrigated land in Malawi is estimated at 57,040 hectares, this figure having just gone up from 24,048 hectares in 1994 (The Nation Newspaper of 30 August, 2001; Kaluwa et al., 1997). According to government, this expansion has largely been due to adoption of motorized and teadle pumps by smallholder farmers. But it also reflects the growing realization of the importance of irrigation for promoting MalawiÕs economic development. Some of the largest irrigation schemes in the country include Lueya in Nkhata Bay, Nkopola in Mangochi, each cultivating about 800 hectares. Most recently, the 800 hectares Bwanje Irrigation Scheme was launched in May 2001 at the cost of K1.3 billion or $17 million with financial assistance from the Japanese Agency for International Cooperation (JICA). The scheme has a total number of 2240 farmers, of which 760 are women. (Daily Times, 2001; The Nation of 20 May, 2001). Each farmer works about 0.4 hectares of irrigated land. It is projected that this scheme will be able to produce a variety of food and cash crops to generate income for farmers as well as contribute to economic development of the country. Irrigation is also widely used in sugar production in the countryÕs two largest estates of Nchalo and Dwangwa. Small dams and irrigation facilities exist on some private estates in the country, particularly those involved in tea, coffee and tobacco production. Given the large number of wetlands and other areas that could be productively used for agricultural production, the potential for expansion still exists in the country. For example, the Lower Shire Valley has long been recognized as a potential area for the development of irrigation. A government minister recently said that the country needed about 20,000 hectares of well-irrigated and efficiently managed land to yield surplus in food crops.
1 The Department of Irrigation states that its mission is ‘‘to manage and develop water and land resources for diversified, economically sound and sustainable irrigation and drainage systems under organized smallholder and estate management institutions and to maintain an effective advisory service’’.
The rapid population growth and the recurrence of drought the country has experienced in the past two decades calls for a policy shift from rain fed to irrigated agriculture. Irrigation has the potential to expand cropping opportunities for smallholder farmers in which a wide variety of crops could be grown in both the dry and wet seasons. This cropping approach is projected to contribute to growth of farmersÕ income and hence a means of poverty alleviation and of improving the nutritional status of rural people. The governmentÕs decision to lay emphasis on small-scale irrigation for smallholder farmers may indicate a desire to follow this goal. There is also a strong possibility that small-scale irrigation attracts governments because it is cheaper, that is, it shifts the costs onto the small farmer. The most critical aspect for the success of irrigated agriculture is the use and management of water in the irrigation schemes. The agricultural productivity and the social and economic relationships among farmers depend greatly on water (Magadlela, 1999). This is why it became necessary for us to systematically analyse how water is managed and the kind of relationships that are shaped as the farmers and other outside users interact with each other in attempt to share water for both domestic and productive activities.
2. Development of the Likangala Rice Irrigation Scheme Complex After independence in 1964, the Malawi government established a number of rural development projects with the idea of modernizing agriculture and increasing peasant productivity. Three pilot projects were set up in Chikwawa, Salima and Karonga districts as agents of rural development. Unemployed youths were ideally supposed to be integrated into agricultural development through the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP) who operated settlement schemes throughout the country. Unfortunately, these schemes were politicized so that by the time the country was undergoing political transition in the early 1990s, state support had dwindled and most of the schemes were in a moribund state. Irrigation schemes were a significant component of Dr. BandaÕs development strategy to promote rural development (Chilivumbo, 1978). Throughout BandaÕs rule (1964–1994), irrigation schemes served not only as means of increasing agricultural productivity but also as training bases for the youth of the country in various vocational skills. The MYP movement spearheaded this idea. Dr. BandaÕs government established settlement/ irrigation schemes in such places as Wovwe, Hara, Limphasa, Likangala and Nkhate. In most cases, these schemes offered training and employment opportunities to primary school graduates. With the passage of time, the schemes tended to serve the interests of the countryÕs
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leadership. In the opinion of the Scheme Manager, these schemes run efficiently and productivity increased under the management of the MYP. It was in the interaction with the MYP that farmers were able to learn and comply rigorously with the regulations and discipline required of irrigated farming in the scheme. 2 Likangala Rice Irrigation Scheme, one of the largest government-run schemes in the country, was established in the late 1960s with the aim of meeting the growing demand for rice as an alternative staple crop in Malawi. The scheme also sought to ensure maximum utilisation of MalawiÕs largest wetlands which, due to its hydromorphic soils and littoral flood plains, does not favour the production of traditional upland seasonal crops such as maize. Likangala Scheme is a complex set of five schemes namely, Tsegula, Njala, Chilikho, Khanda and Likangala proper, three of which get water from the Likangala River itself. Likangala River, with its source on the Zomba plateau, passes through the urban areas of Zomba Municipality and a number of estates before emptying its water into Lake Chilwa, an inland drainage lake situated to the southeastern part of Zomba district. Located downstream, a few kilometres before the river joins the lake, the scheme is the last institutional user of water from the Likangala River. The scheme has a total of 405 hectares of land and, out of this figure, 397 hectares are irrigable. Divided into 15 blocks, the scheme provides farming land to 1300 farmers, of whom 260 are female heads of households. This number represents 97% of the plot holders from the neighbouring villages, although some of them let out their plots to outsiders. The neighbouring villages are Ramsey I, Ramsey II, Chilikho, Mbalame and Makhasu. Apart from the Likangala River, the scheme and the neighbouring villages have boreholes, protected and unprotected hand dug shallow wells and a few gravity fed taps constructed by the Domasi Rural Water Supply Programme. Most of the shallow wells, which also constitute the main water supply facilities are privately owned, but are freely open to the public for domestic purposes such as drinking, cooking, washing, and bathing. There is one main canal, which connects the Likangala River to a network of small canals that further distribute water to the plots on the scheme. From these canals, water passes through a network of channels constructed at different points on the schemes to be channelled into the cultivating fields. The canals are about two kilometers long, three metres wide and two metres deep. They are maintained annually by the farmers under the supervision of agricultural officials and the scheme management committee (SMC). 2
2
Interview: Mr. M.B. Chilimbiro, the Scheme Manager dated 21 February 2001.
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The management of the scheme is a combined force of the government and the farmers. The government encourages increased participation of the beneficiary farmers in the planning and decision-making process with the purpose of instilling a sense of ownership among them. This has become particularly critical now that the government intends to hand over the schemes to the farmers. The scheme manager is a civil servant who, assisted by three extension officers, undertakes the overall management of the scheme in terms of providing technical and agronomic advice to the farmers. A SMC was formed to ensure maximum participation of the farmers in the management of the scheme. Consisting of ten members, two of whom are women, the committee is theoretically a powerful force to reckon with in the allocation of plots, settlement of disputes among farmers and other interested groups. In practice, the committee has not registered much success in enforcing its regulations, particularly those pertaining to disputes over allocation of plots.
3. Agricultural production at the scheme The desired output of irrigation development is increased food production, and as much as possible diversify away from the predominant production of rice in the scheme. There are four varieties of rice grown in the scheme: phusa 33, faya IET, 4094 or changu, and TCG 10. Rice is generally grown in wet season (November– March), even though, depending on availability of sufficient quantities of water, it can also be grown in dry season (April–October). In addition, farmers have turned to the production of crops of their choice such as maize, vegetables, watermelons and sweet potatoes when the scheme started to function poorly and the farmers did not get adequate water in the dry season. Farmers obtain credit facilities for agricultural inputs such as fertiliser and seeds from private organizations such as Agricultural Development and Marketing Corporation (ADMARC) and Malawi Rural Finance Company (MRFC). About 25% of the farmers use organic fertiliser such as compost and khola manure to reduce the cost and also improve the natural fertility of the soils. Water from the Likangala River is generally enough for agricultural activities. But during times of water shortages the main canal on the Likangala River is closely regulated to allow more water to flow into the scheme. However, this brings the farmers at loggerheads with other users of water downstream. The income levels of the farmers in the scheme are generally much higher than those outside the scheme who, depending solely on rain, are vulnerable to drought and inadequate rainfall. 2 However, according to the Scheme Manager, the farmers face a number of problems. The first one is that
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of the failure of some farmers to repay loans from MRFC. This has resulted in the withdrawal of the organization from offering credit facilities to the farmers. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that the MRFC offers these credits to farmers as a group. This means that the failure of one farmer to pay back his/her portion of the credit results in the withdrawal of the organization to give the facilities to the entire group. Secondly, the scheme is situated in an extremely lowlying land which makes it vulnerable to floods and water logging of the soil. Consequently, crops grown are sometimes swept away by floods. Those cultivating in the wet season sometimes fail to harvest their crops due to the increase of water that comes with the early heavy rains, and that the water logging attracts the spread of rice blast diseases common in phusa 33 (Field Notes: 17 November, 2001). This may also be a reflection of the failures of scheme management to deal with flooding waters. The other problem is lack of a reliable market for rice, especially now that ADMARC has stopped buying farm produce. Consequently, farmers are depending on private traders who, besides their infrequent turn-up, do not buy in large quantities and insist on buying rice at low prices. In a liberalised economy, there is a lot of haggling for prices and the terms of trade often work to the disadvantage of farmers. This market unreliability makes farmers easily lose their bargaining power and resort to selling at low prices. Eventually, their financial gains do not correspond favourably with the cost of investment they make in the production of rice. This presents a major threat to the sustainability of rice production in the scheme. The last problem is that of encroachment onto the scheme by the original inhabitants who were resettled in other places when the scheme was first established. Some people have started claiming their land back. Although the issue was presented to the District Commissioner, the so-called original inhabitants of the land have started stopping the farmers from cultivating the plots and others have gone to the extent of actually growing rice in the scheme without prior approval of the SMC.
4. The management of water in the irrigation canal The irrigation canal is an integral part of the management of the scheme. The success of the scheme at management, social, sanitation and production levels depends on the manner in which the canal is managed. The irrigation canal is what brings all these different aspects together. Although the primary function of the canals is to distribute water to the farmers, the scheme management uses them as means of controlling various social and farming activities in the scheme. The canal, for instance,
is constantly closed down to allow the farmers plant and harvest crops, clear their fields, and effectively carry out some maintenance work in the canal. Besides, the closing of the canal reduces water from the fields that may get over half a metre high in the rainy season. Once the river is closed off to the scheme, more water is made available to other farms along the river downstream (Field Notes: 7 March, 2001). The manner in which these canals are managed plays a crucial role in shaping human and social relations in the scheme. In many cases, a number of misunderstandings and conflicts emerge among farmers in response to the technical implications of canal management. The freedom that the farmers are given to grow crops of their choice in addition to the conventional rice, for example, creates stress among farmers who require different quantities of water at different times for their crops. Studies elsewhere have shown that this is quite feasible. According to Manzungu and van der Zaag, the unacceptable long intervals and inequities among the Nyanyadzi farmers who collected as much water as they needed had to be avoided by formulating a time-based roster of irrigation in which each gets a precise time allocation, proportion to the land that a farmer owns and the crops he/she grows (Manzungu and van der Zaag, 1996). The situation becomes worse during the dry season and periods of droughts when the flow of water is too low to meet the farming needs of the farmers in the scheme. During these periods water distribution depends on the goodwill of farmers. In most cases, the farmers have to pass on water from one to another. In the absence of trust and the failure of the irrigation organization to work, the farmers begin to develop survival strategies that tend to undermine the rights of other farmers in accessing water. One of these survival strategies is to block the canals or dig trenches in the canals in order to increase the level of water to irrigate their plots easily and for a longer period of time. Our studies show that this tendency often results in the development of tensions among farmers with undesirable consequences. Where fighting is not possible, a kind of cold war develops among the farmers when the breakdown of effective organization of canal use and management results in the souring of relations (Field Notes: 20 March, 2001). Another source of stress is the increased interaction between institutional and public uses of the canals. Although the canals were constructed to facilitate agricultural production, people from neighbouring villages use them for all sorts of domestic and productive purposes such as washing, bathing, fishing, moulding bricks, washing maize before taking it to a maize mill, and so forth. Some people are even compelled to drink water from the canal, in the absence of other sources. Ferguson and Mulwafu (2001) argue that the depen-
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dency of the people on institutional sources overshadows the distinction between public and private provision, and the subsequent lack of clarity about priority of use and responsibility. They further argued that this use of water by the public could interfere with the effective use of water by the farmers. As will be shown below, this has implications for the relationship among farmers and the villagers, on health and sanitation and the intensification of rural hardships as the farmers need the canals to be frequently closed and opened in order to effectively carry out their activities. Because the use of water by the public interferes with the interests of the farmers, the scheme management constructed concrete terraces at two points on the main canal where villagers can bathe or wash their clothes. In the past, water guards were employed to arrest those who failed to wash and bathe at these points. However, the enforcement of these by-laws and restrictions has been crippled by, among other things, indigenous perceptions of the uses of water by both the farmers and the villagers. Some villagers view water as a natural good which God provided for the benefit of all mankind and that no one should bar anybody from using it. This conflicting perception on the uses of water is generally acknowledged in the water literature. In the case of Zimbabwe, Dumisani Magadlela noted that there is a conflict between traditional ownership of water and modern legal and institutional rights (Magadlela, 1999). What is problematic is the fact that the water in the canal is not good for human consumption and some domestic activities. The water in the canal comes from the Likangala River, which is heavily polluted with raw sewage and industrial disposals (Chavula and Mulwafu, 2000). Moreover, there are no toilet facilities in the scheme and, since the farmers spend long hours working in the field, they presumably defecate (‘‘help themselves’’ in local terminology) in the fields and canals. Our studies also show that some hospital and clinic staff, faced with the problem of inadequate water supplies, sometimes resort to washing beddings in the canals (Field Notes: 1 March, 2001). The villagers as well as the farmers are aware of the pollution of the water, but still insist on using it. They argue that the water in the canal is available in a volume that is convenient for their activities. Second, that the water is not salty. Furthermore, they contend that since private owners of wells do not allow them to use their wells for productive activities, they have little choice but to use canal water. In view of this situation, it is not surprising that the Likangala Health Centre registers large numbers of people suffering from cholera, bilharzia, diarrhoea and typhoid fever. Management of water resources in the scheme also involves conflicts between the different users, particularly when different parties find ways of securing water monopoly during times of drought and water shortages.
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Water scheduling and rationing that the SMC adopts in these critical times causes stress among farmers who more often than not engage into scrambling for water in the scheme. Witchcraft accusations have also been levelled at some farmers for withholding rains. Anecdotal evidence shows that one farmer was accused of withholding rains so that he could harvest crops grown during dry season. The crops of this particular farmer had not completely dried in the field. So although the rainy season had come and heavy clouds had gathered, no rains could fall. People in the area began to suspect that the accused farmer was responsible for failure of the rains to fall. This is not an unusual accusation in the area at times of delayed rains or extended drought. Although the SMC is a body that is entrusted with the responsibility of settling disputes among farmers, existing social relations also have a mitigating effect on the way such matters are resolved. Some SMC members show a great deal of sympathy and favouritism when trying cases involving farmers who are related to them. 4.1. Rehabilitation programme The change in the political system in the country and the withdrawal of government subsidies for large-scale irrigation schemes has led to a change in thinking about the management of irrigation schemes. The new democratic government did not favour the idea of maintaining schemes that were connected with the oppressive activities of the MYP. But macro-economic factors also had an influence on this; neo-liberal theories of development tended to promote market-oriented principles in the management of schemes. This meant that irrigation schemes could no longer function in the same way they did before. As stipulated in the National Irrigation Policy and Development Strategy (June 2000), the government has embarked on an ambitious programme of preparing schemes for rehabilitation and eventual handing over to the beneficiary farmers. This costly exercise will involve the reconstruction of the canals, building water control structures, head works for diverting water, and the maintenance of roads to improve accessibility of the schemes and the training of farmers (Malawi Government, 2002). This process will require a substantial amount of financial and technical resources, which the government does not have. A senior government official emphatically pointed out that ‘‘we shall not hand over the schemes anyhow. We are rehabilitating infrastructure, like head works and main canals in the schemes so that we leave the schemes in the hands of the farmers in good shape as some of them were in dilapidated condition’’. (The Nation Newspaper of 30 August, 2001). Consequently, the donor community has been approached for
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assistance. At the moment, donor funding has already been identified for the three pilot schemes of Wovwe, Domasi and Nkhate. The main sponsor is the International Fund for Agriculture Development (IFAD). For Likangala Scheme, no donor has as yet been identified. The other schemes scheduled for rehabilitation and handing over to farmers are Lufira, Hara, Bua and Lufuwa. The government is also in the process of elevating some small irrigation farms into high performance ones, such as Khwisa Rice scheme in Balaka, Njolomole in Ntcheu, and Songani in Zomba. The restructuring of these schemes entails the provision of education on irrigation to local farmers as well as inputs in order to sustain the schemes. Currently, there are over 40,000 smallholder farmers cultivating in public irrigation schemes, but these will soon be allowed to manage the schemes on their own in line with the new policy. 5. Conclusion By way of concluding, it is important to note that irrigated agriculture has become the last resort for increasing agricultural production in a country faced with a recurrence of drought and rapid population growth. However, the expected output of agricultural production is mitigated by factors that have a social dimension as noted in the case study. The management of irrigation canals in the Likangala rice irrigation scheme influences the human and social relations among farmers, between farmers and the villagers, and also between farmers in the scheme and those outside the scheme. These relationships have a direct effect on the production of crops in the scheme. Where the management of canal is poor, especially in critical times of drought and in the dry season, the commonest result is breakdown of communication among the parties concerned; a situation that hinders the development and productivity of the scheme. Entrusted with the management of conflicts in the scheme, the SMC faces the challenge of ensuring fairness and equity without necessarily compromising the ordinary social relations the members have with plot owners on the scheme. Like many other African countries, the Malawi government plans to shift the management of irrigation schemes from the state to beneficiary users. This is based on the assumption that state-run irrigation schemes are inefficient or a burden on the state. However, the key
question still remains that of establishing whether irrigation schemes under new management will work more efficiently. The experience of the Likangala scheme has shown that the process of rehabilitation and change of management will only solve part of the problem. The success of irrigation schemes depends largely on the creation of a conducive environment for the farmers including providing the classic factors of production such as good markets, credit and transport facilities. The other problem is the failure of the management of the canal. While the irrigation canal was constructed primarily to channel water into the fields, it is also providing public service which, although essential for the social relationships in the area, is undermining the development of an efficient irrigation industry. This problem calls for a different approach in the management of water resources; an approach that incorporates proper water scheduling taking into consideration the water requirements of each crop which at present does not exist.
References Chavula, G., Mulwafu, W., 2000. Hazardous Water: An Assessment of the Quality of Water Resources in the Likangala Catchment Area for Domestic Purposes (Unpublished paper). Chilivumbo, A., 1978. On rural development: a note on MalawiÕs programmes of development for exploitation. Africa Development 2, 41–55. Ferguson, A., Mulwafu, W. Decentralisation and Access to Water Resources in Malawi’’, Paper Presented at the BASIS Southern Africa Workshop, Magalieburg, South Africa, 23–25 July, 2001, p. 23. Field Notes: December 1999 through October 2001. Kaluwa, P.W.R., Mtambo, F.M., Fachi, R., 1997. The Country Situation Report on Water Resources in Malawi (Lilongwe: UNDP/SADC Water Initiative, 1997). Magadlela, D., 1999. Whose water? A look at irrigators and catchment farmersÕ watered relations in Nyamaropa. In: Manzungu, E., Senzani, A., van der Zaag, P. (Eds.), Water for Agriculture in Zimbabwe: Policy and Management Options for the Smallholder Sector. University of Zimbabwe Press, Harare, pp. 153–167. Malawi Government, 2002. National Irrigation Policy and Development Strategy. Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation, Lilongwe. Manzungu, E., van der Zaag, P., 1996. Continuity and controversy in smallholder irrigation. In: Manzungu, E., van der Zaag, P. (Eds.), The Practice of Smallholder Irrigation: Case Studies from Zimbabwe. University of Zimbabwe Press, Harare. The Daily Times of 20 May, 2001. The Nation Newspaper of 20 May, 2001. The Nation, Newspaper of 30 August, 2001. Ministry Intensifies Irrigation Farming, Agriculture Supplement, p. 3.
The use and management of water in the Likangala Irrigation Scheme Complex in Southern Malawi Wapulumuka O. Mulwafu *, Bryson G. Nkhoma Chancellor College, University of Malawi, P.O. Box 280, Zomba, Malawi
Abstract This paper examines the uses and management of water for agriculture in Lake Chilwa catchment area in Zomba district of Southern Malawi. It focuses on the Likangala Rice Irrigation Scheme Complex situated along the Likangala River. The scheme is one of the largest government-run schemes. Established in the late 1960s by the government to meet the growing demand for rice, the scheme contributes greatly to the agricultural industry of the country. Besides, the scheme was established to ensure maximum utilization of MalawiÕs largest wetland, which, due to its hydromorphic soils and the littoral floodplains, does not favour the production of traditional upland seasonal crops such as maize. The schemeÕs overdependence on water from the Likangala River has attracted a considerable degree of academic interest in the use and management of the river to ensure that there is equity and efficiency for both productive and domestic users. The paper focuses on four main issues: the historical development of the scheme, the distribution of water to farmers, social relations, and the overall contribution of the scheme towards the social and economic development of the area and the country in general. The paper contends that the growing population of the basin and the increase in the number of formal and informal smallholder farmers, contributes greatly to the growth of competition and conflicts over water, which tends to undermine the economic potential of the scheme. Furthermore, the paper provides clearest indication of the need for a realistic and informed water management policy and strategy to solve the growing problem of social inequity without necessarily compromising the production of rice in the scheme. Ó 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Agriculture; Irrigation; Water; Rice; Scheme; Rehabilitation
1. Introduction This paper examines the use and management of water for agriculture in the Lake Chilwa catchment area in the Zomba district of Southern Malawi. It focuses on the Likangala Rice Irrigation Scheme Complex which is situated along the Likangala River. Since Likangala is the most heavily used river in the entire catchment, stiff competition exists on access to and use of water resources. The establishment of the scheme has increased competition for water which requires a more systematic management strategy. The paper contends that the growing number of different interest groups in the scheme and the Likangala River per se contributes greatly to the growth of competition over water which,
*
Corresponding author. Tel.: +265-524-222; fax: 265-524-046. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (W.O. Mulwafu), [email protected] (B.G. Nkhoma).
in turn, tends to undermine the economic potential of the scheme. This competition is reflected in the manner in which the canals are being managed. One of the greatest challenges of irrigated agriculture in the area remains that of how to increase agricultural production without necessarily destroying the health of the river, farmers and aquatic systems. The paper suggests that there is need for a more realistic and informed water management policy and strategy to solve the growing problem of social inequity without necessarily compromising the production of rice in the scheme. Research for this paper was conducted with financial support from the Water Research Fund for Southern Africa (WARFSA) and USAID under the Broadening Access and Strengthening Input Market Systems (BASIS) Collaborative Research Support Program. Data collection involved interviews, focus group discussions and a review of literature. Fifty households both within and outside the scheme were sampled for interviews. Focus group discussions were also held with farmers and some members of staff at the scheme.
1474-7065/02/$ - see front matter Ó 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII: S 1 4 7 4 - 7 0 6 5 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 0 7 3 - 6
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1.1. Significance of irrigation in Malawi The importance of irrigation farming for increasing agricultural productivity has long been recognized. Most recently, the Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation has been using phrases like ‘‘irrigation a must’’, ‘‘intensifying’’ or ‘‘revolutionizing irrigation farming’’ in a bid to avert food shortages in the country. In countries with erratic or inadequate rainfall, irrigation provides the surest and most efficient way of providing water for agricultural production. In Malawi, irrigation has not been fully developed in spite of the recognition by government of its significance for enhancing economic development. 1 The total area of irrigated land in Malawi is estimated at 57,040 hectares, this figure having just gone up from 24,048 hectares in 1994 (The Nation Newspaper of 30 August, 2001; Kaluwa et al., 1997). According to government, this expansion has largely been due to adoption of motorized and teadle pumps by smallholder farmers. But it also reflects the growing realization of the importance of irrigation for promoting MalawiÕs economic development. Some of the largest irrigation schemes in the country include Lueya in Nkhata Bay, Nkopola in Mangochi, each cultivating about 800 hectares. Most recently, the 800 hectares Bwanje Irrigation Scheme was launched in May 2001 at the cost of K1.3 billion or $17 million with financial assistance from the Japanese Agency for International Cooperation (JICA). The scheme has a total number of 2240 farmers, of which 760 are women. (Daily Times, 2001; The Nation of 20 May, 2001). Each farmer works about 0.4 hectares of irrigated land. It is projected that this scheme will be able to produce a variety of food and cash crops to generate income for farmers as well as contribute to economic development of the country. Irrigation is also widely used in sugar production in the countryÕs two largest estates of Nchalo and Dwangwa. Small dams and irrigation facilities exist on some private estates in the country, particularly those involved in tea, coffee and tobacco production. Given the large number of wetlands and other areas that could be productively used for agricultural production, the potential for expansion still exists in the country. For example, the Lower Shire Valley has long been recognized as a potential area for the development of irrigation. A government minister recently said that the country needed about 20,000 hectares of well-irrigated and efficiently managed land to yield surplus in food crops.
1 The Department of Irrigation states that its mission is ‘‘to manage and develop water and land resources for diversified, economically sound and sustainable irrigation and drainage systems under organized smallholder and estate management institutions and to maintain an effective advisory service’’.
The rapid population growth and the recurrence of drought the country has experienced in the past two decades calls for a policy shift from rain fed to irrigated agriculture. Irrigation has the potential to expand cropping opportunities for smallholder farmers in which a wide variety of crops could be grown in both the dry and wet seasons. This cropping approach is projected to contribute to growth of farmersÕ income and hence a means of poverty alleviation and of improving the nutritional status of rural people. The governmentÕs decision to lay emphasis on small-scale irrigation for smallholder farmers may indicate a desire to follow this goal. There is also a strong possibility that small-scale irrigation attracts governments because it is cheaper, that is, it shifts the costs onto the small farmer. The most critical aspect for the success of irrigated agriculture is the use and management of water in the irrigation schemes. The agricultural productivity and the social and economic relationships among farmers depend greatly on water (Magadlela, 1999). This is why it became necessary for us to systematically analyse how water is managed and the kind of relationships that are shaped as the farmers and other outside users interact with each other in attempt to share water for both domestic and productive activities.
2. Development of the Likangala Rice Irrigation Scheme Complex After independence in 1964, the Malawi government established a number of rural development projects with the idea of modernizing agriculture and increasing peasant productivity. Three pilot projects were set up in Chikwawa, Salima and Karonga districts as agents of rural development. Unemployed youths were ideally supposed to be integrated into agricultural development through the Malawi Young Pioneers (MYP) who operated settlement schemes throughout the country. Unfortunately, these schemes were politicized so that by the time the country was undergoing political transition in the early 1990s, state support had dwindled and most of the schemes were in a moribund state. Irrigation schemes were a significant component of Dr. BandaÕs development strategy to promote rural development (Chilivumbo, 1978). Throughout BandaÕs rule (1964–1994), irrigation schemes served not only as means of increasing agricultural productivity but also as training bases for the youth of the country in various vocational skills. The MYP movement spearheaded this idea. Dr. BandaÕs government established settlement/ irrigation schemes in such places as Wovwe, Hara, Limphasa, Likangala and Nkhate. In most cases, these schemes offered training and employment opportunities to primary school graduates. With the passage of time, the schemes tended to serve the interests of the countryÕs
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leadership. In the opinion of the Scheme Manager, these schemes run efficiently and productivity increased under the management of the MYP. It was in the interaction with the MYP that farmers were able to learn and comply rigorously with the regulations and discipline required of irrigated farming in the scheme. 2 Likangala Rice Irrigation Scheme, one of the largest government-run schemes in the country, was established in the late 1960s with the aim of meeting the growing demand for rice as an alternative staple crop in Malawi. The scheme also sought to ensure maximum utilisation of MalawiÕs largest wetlands which, due to its hydromorphic soils and littoral flood plains, does not favour the production of traditional upland seasonal crops such as maize. Likangala Scheme is a complex set of five schemes namely, Tsegula, Njala, Chilikho, Khanda and Likangala proper, three of which get water from the Likangala River itself. Likangala River, with its source on the Zomba plateau, passes through the urban areas of Zomba Municipality and a number of estates before emptying its water into Lake Chilwa, an inland drainage lake situated to the southeastern part of Zomba district. Located downstream, a few kilometres before the river joins the lake, the scheme is the last institutional user of water from the Likangala River. The scheme has a total of 405 hectares of land and, out of this figure, 397 hectares are irrigable. Divided into 15 blocks, the scheme provides farming land to 1300 farmers, of whom 260 are female heads of households. This number represents 97% of the plot holders from the neighbouring villages, although some of them let out their plots to outsiders. The neighbouring villages are Ramsey I, Ramsey II, Chilikho, Mbalame and Makhasu. Apart from the Likangala River, the scheme and the neighbouring villages have boreholes, protected and unprotected hand dug shallow wells and a few gravity fed taps constructed by the Domasi Rural Water Supply Programme. Most of the shallow wells, which also constitute the main water supply facilities are privately owned, but are freely open to the public for domestic purposes such as drinking, cooking, washing, and bathing. There is one main canal, which connects the Likangala River to a network of small canals that further distribute water to the plots on the scheme. From these canals, water passes through a network of channels constructed at different points on the schemes to be channelled into the cultivating fields. The canals are about two kilometers long, three metres wide and two metres deep. They are maintained annually by the farmers under the supervision of agricultural officials and the scheme management committee (SMC). 2
2
Interview: Mr. M.B. Chilimbiro, the Scheme Manager dated 21 February 2001.
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The management of the scheme is a combined force of the government and the farmers. The government encourages increased participation of the beneficiary farmers in the planning and decision-making process with the purpose of instilling a sense of ownership among them. This has become particularly critical now that the government intends to hand over the schemes to the farmers. The scheme manager is a civil servant who, assisted by three extension officers, undertakes the overall management of the scheme in terms of providing technical and agronomic advice to the farmers. A SMC was formed to ensure maximum participation of the farmers in the management of the scheme. Consisting of ten members, two of whom are women, the committee is theoretically a powerful force to reckon with in the allocation of plots, settlement of disputes among farmers and other interested groups. In practice, the committee has not registered much success in enforcing its regulations, particularly those pertaining to disputes over allocation of plots.
3. Agricultural production at the scheme The desired output of irrigation development is increased food production, and as much as possible diversify away from the predominant production of rice in the scheme. There are four varieties of rice grown in the scheme: phusa 33, faya IET, 4094 or changu, and TCG 10. Rice is generally grown in wet season (November– March), even though, depending on availability of sufficient quantities of water, it can also be grown in dry season (April–October). In addition, farmers have turned to the production of crops of their choice such as maize, vegetables, watermelons and sweet potatoes when the scheme started to function poorly and the farmers did not get adequate water in the dry season. Farmers obtain credit facilities for agricultural inputs such as fertiliser and seeds from private organizations such as Agricultural Development and Marketing Corporation (ADMARC) and Malawi Rural Finance Company (MRFC). About 25% of the farmers use organic fertiliser such as compost and khola manure to reduce the cost and also improve the natural fertility of the soils. Water from the Likangala River is generally enough for agricultural activities. But during times of water shortages the main canal on the Likangala River is closely regulated to allow more water to flow into the scheme. However, this brings the farmers at loggerheads with other users of water downstream. The income levels of the farmers in the scheme are generally much higher than those outside the scheme who, depending solely on rain, are vulnerable to drought and inadequate rainfall. 2 However, according to the Scheme Manager, the farmers face a number of problems. The first one is that
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of the failure of some farmers to repay loans from MRFC. This has resulted in the withdrawal of the organization from offering credit facilities to the farmers. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that the MRFC offers these credits to farmers as a group. This means that the failure of one farmer to pay back his/her portion of the credit results in the withdrawal of the organization to give the facilities to the entire group. Secondly, the scheme is situated in an extremely lowlying land which makes it vulnerable to floods and water logging of the soil. Consequently, crops grown are sometimes swept away by floods. Those cultivating in the wet season sometimes fail to harvest their crops due to the increase of water that comes with the early heavy rains, and that the water logging attracts the spread of rice blast diseases common in phusa 33 (Field Notes: 17 November, 2001). This may also be a reflection of the failures of scheme management to deal with flooding waters. The other problem is lack of a reliable market for rice, especially now that ADMARC has stopped buying farm produce. Consequently, farmers are depending on private traders who, besides their infrequent turn-up, do not buy in large quantities and insist on buying rice at low prices. In a liberalised economy, there is a lot of haggling for prices and the terms of trade often work to the disadvantage of farmers. This market unreliability makes farmers easily lose their bargaining power and resort to selling at low prices. Eventually, their financial gains do not correspond favourably with the cost of investment they make in the production of rice. This presents a major threat to the sustainability of rice production in the scheme. The last problem is that of encroachment onto the scheme by the original inhabitants who were resettled in other places when the scheme was first established. Some people have started claiming their land back. Although the issue was presented to the District Commissioner, the so-called original inhabitants of the land have started stopping the farmers from cultivating the plots and others have gone to the extent of actually growing rice in the scheme without prior approval of the SMC.
4. The management of water in the irrigation canal The irrigation canal is an integral part of the management of the scheme. The success of the scheme at management, social, sanitation and production levels depends on the manner in which the canal is managed. The irrigation canal is what brings all these different aspects together. Although the primary function of the canals is to distribute water to the farmers, the scheme management uses them as means of controlling various social and farming activities in the scheme. The canal, for instance,
is constantly closed down to allow the farmers plant and harvest crops, clear their fields, and effectively carry out some maintenance work in the canal. Besides, the closing of the canal reduces water from the fields that may get over half a metre high in the rainy season. Once the river is closed off to the scheme, more water is made available to other farms along the river downstream (Field Notes: 7 March, 2001). The manner in which these canals are managed plays a crucial role in shaping human and social relations in the scheme. In many cases, a number of misunderstandings and conflicts emerge among farmers in response to the technical implications of canal management. The freedom that the farmers are given to grow crops of their choice in addition to the conventional rice, for example, creates stress among farmers who require different quantities of water at different times for their crops. Studies elsewhere have shown that this is quite feasible. According to Manzungu and van der Zaag, the unacceptable long intervals and inequities among the Nyanyadzi farmers who collected as much water as they needed had to be avoided by formulating a time-based roster of irrigation in which each gets a precise time allocation, proportion to the land that a farmer owns and the crops he/she grows (Manzungu and van der Zaag, 1996). The situation becomes worse during the dry season and periods of droughts when the flow of water is too low to meet the farming needs of the farmers in the scheme. During these periods water distribution depends on the goodwill of farmers. In most cases, the farmers have to pass on water from one to another. In the absence of trust and the failure of the irrigation organization to work, the farmers begin to develop survival strategies that tend to undermine the rights of other farmers in accessing water. One of these survival strategies is to block the canals or dig trenches in the canals in order to increase the level of water to irrigate their plots easily and for a longer period of time. Our studies show that this tendency often results in the development of tensions among farmers with undesirable consequences. Where fighting is not possible, a kind of cold war develops among the farmers when the breakdown of effective organization of canal use and management results in the souring of relations (Field Notes: 20 March, 2001). Another source of stress is the increased interaction between institutional and public uses of the canals. Although the canals were constructed to facilitate agricultural production, people from neighbouring villages use them for all sorts of domestic and productive purposes such as washing, bathing, fishing, moulding bricks, washing maize before taking it to a maize mill, and so forth. Some people are even compelled to drink water from the canal, in the absence of other sources. Ferguson and Mulwafu (2001) argue that the depen-
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dency of the people on institutional sources overshadows the distinction between public and private provision, and the subsequent lack of clarity about priority of use and responsibility. They further argued that this use of water by the public could interfere with the effective use of water by the farmers. As will be shown below, this has implications for the relationship among farmers and the villagers, on health and sanitation and the intensification of rural hardships as the farmers need the canals to be frequently closed and opened in order to effectively carry out their activities. Because the use of water by the public interferes with the interests of the farmers, the scheme management constructed concrete terraces at two points on the main canal where villagers can bathe or wash their clothes. In the past, water guards were employed to arrest those who failed to wash and bathe at these points. However, the enforcement of these by-laws and restrictions has been crippled by, among other things, indigenous perceptions of the uses of water by both the farmers and the villagers. Some villagers view water as a natural good which God provided for the benefit of all mankind and that no one should bar anybody from using it. This conflicting perception on the uses of water is generally acknowledged in the water literature. In the case of Zimbabwe, Dumisani Magadlela noted that there is a conflict between traditional ownership of water and modern legal and institutional rights (Magadlela, 1999). What is problematic is the fact that the water in the canal is not good for human consumption and some domestic activities. The water in the canal comes from the Likangala River, which is heavily polluted with raw sewage and industrial disposals (Chavula and Mulwafu, 2000). Moreover, there are no toilet facilities in the scheme and, since the farmers spend long hours working in the field, they presumably defecate (‘‘help themselves’’ in local terminology) in the fields and canals. Our studies also show that some hospital and clinic staff, faced with the problem of inadequate water supplies, sometimes resort to washing beddings in the canals (Field Notes: 1 March, 2001). The villagers as well as the farmers are aware of the pollution of the water, but still insist on using it. They argue that the water in the canal is available in a volume that is convenient for their activities. Second, that the water is not salty. Furthermore, they contend that since private owners of wells do not allow them to use their wells for productive activities, they have little choice but to use canal water. In view of this situation, it is not surprising that the Likangala Health Centre registers large numbers of people suffering from cholera, bilharzia, diarrhoea and typhoid fever. Management of water resources in the scheme also involves conflicts between the different users, particularly when different parties find ways of securing water monopoly during times of drought and water shortages.
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Water scheduling and rationing that the SMC adopts in these critical times causes stress among farmers who more often than not engage into scrambling for water in the scheme. Witchcraft accusations have also been levelled at some farmers for withholding rains. Anecdotal evidence shows that one farmer was accused of withholding rains so that he could harvest crops grown during dry season. The crops of this particular farmer had not completely dried in the field. So although the rainy season had come and heavy clouds had gathered, no rains could fall. People in the area began to suspect that the accused farmer was responsible for failure of the rains to fall. This is not an unusual accusation in the area at times of delayed rains or extended drought. Although the SMC is a body that is entrusted with the responsibility of settling disputes among farmers, existing social relations also have a mitigating effect on the way such matters are resolved. Some SMC members show a great deal of sympathy and favouritism when trying cases involving farmers who are related to them. 4.1. Rehabilitation programme The change in the political system in the country and the withdrawal of government subsidies for large-scale irrigation schemes has led to a change in thinking about the management of irrigation schemes. The new democratic government did not favour the idea of maintaining schemes that were connected with the oppressive activities of the MYP. But macro-economic factors also had an influence on this; neo-liberal theories of development tended to promote market-oriented principles in the management of schemes. This meant that irrigation schemes could no longer function in the same way they did before. As stipulated in the National Irrigation Policy and Development Strategy (June 2000), the government has embarked on an ambitious programme of preparing schemes for rehabilitation and eventual handing over to the beneficiary farmers. This costly exercise will involve the reconstruction of the canals, building water control structures, head works for diverting water, and the maintenance of roads to improve accessibility of the schemes and the training of farmers (Malawi Government, 2002). This process will require a substantial amount of financial and technical resources, which the government does not have. A senior government official emphatically pointed out that ‘‘we shall not hand over the schemes anyhow. We are rehabilitating infrastructure, like head works and main canals in the schemes so that we leave the schemes in the hands of the farmers in good shape as some of them were in dilapidated condition’’. (The Nation Newspaper of 30 August, 2001). Consequently, the donor community has been approached for
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assistance. At the moment, donor funding has already been identified for the three pilot schemes of Wovwe, Domasi and Nkhate. The main sponsor is the International Fund for Agriculture Development (IFAD). For Likangala Scheme, no donor has as yet been identified. The other schemes scheduled for rehabilitation and handing over to farmers are Lufira, Hara, Bua and Lufuwa. The government is also in the process of elevating some small irrigation farms into high performance ones, such as Khwisa Rice scheme in Balaka, Njolomole in Ntcheu, and Songani in Zomba. The restructuring of these schemes entails the provision of education on irrigation to local farmers as well as inputs in order to sustain the schemes. Currently, there are over 40,000 smallholder farmers cultivating in public irrigation schemes, but these will soon be allowed to manage the schemes on their own in line with the new policy. 5. Conclusion By way of concluding, it is important to note that irrigated agriculture has become the last resort for increasing agricultural production in a country faced with a recurrence of drought and rapid population growth. However, the expected output of agricultural production is mitigated by factors that have a social dimension as noted in the case study. The management of irrigation canals in the Likangala rice irrigation scheme influences the human and social relations among farmers, between farmers and the villagers, and also between farmers in the scheme and those outside the scheme. These relationships have a direct effect on the production of crops in the scheme. Where the management of canal is poor, especially in critical times of drought and in the dry season, the commonest result is breakdown of communication among the parties concerned; a situation that hinders the development and productivity of the scheme. Entrusted with the management of conflicts in the scheme, the SMC faces the challenge of ensuring fairness and equity without necessarily compromising the ordinary social relations the members have with plot owners on the scheme. Like many other African countries, the Malawi government plans to shift the management of irrigation schemes from the state to beneficiary users. This is based on the assumption that state-run irrigation schemes are inefficient or a burden on the state. However, the key
question still remains that of establishing whether irrigation schemes under new management will work more efficiently. The experience of the Likangala scheme has shown that the process of rehabilitation and change of management will only solve part of the problem. The success of irrigation schemes depends largely on the creation of a conducive environment for the farmers including providing the classic factors of production such as good markets, credit and transport facilities. The other problem is the failure of the management of the canal. While the irrigation canal was constructed primarily to channel water into the fields, it is also providing public service which, although essential for the social relationships in the area, is undermining the development of an efficient irrigation industry. This problem calls for a different approach in the management of water resources; an approach that incorporates proper water scheduling taking into consideration the water requirements of each crop which at present does not exist.
References Chavula, G., Mulwafu, W., 2000. Hazardous Water: An Assessment of the Quality of Water Resources in the Likangala Catchment Area for Domestic Purposes (Unpublished paper). Chilivumbo, A., 1978. On rural development: a note on MalawiÕs programmes of development for exploitation. Africa Development 2, 41–55. Ferguson, A., Mulwafu, W. Decentralisation and Access to Water Resources in Malawi’’, Paper Presented at the BASIS Southern Africa Workshop, Magalieburg, South Africa, 23–25 July, 2001, p. 23. Field Notes: December 1999 through October 2001. Kaluwa, P.W.R., Mtambo, F.M., Fachi, R., 1997. The Country Situation Report on Water Resources in Malawi (Lilongwe: UNDP/SADC Water Initiative, 1997). Magadlela, D., 1999. Whose water? A look at irrigators and catchment farmersÕ watered relations in Nyamaropa. In: Manzungu, E., Senzani, A., van der Zaag, P. (Eds.), Water for Agriculture in Zimbabwe: Policy and Management Options for the Smallholder Sector. University of Zimbabwe Press, Harare, pp. 153–167. Malawi Government, 2002. National Irrigation Policy and Development Strategy. Ministry of Agriculture and Irrigation, Lilongwe. Manzungu, E., van der Zaag, P., 1996. Continuity and controversy in smallholder irrigation. In: Manzungu, E., van der Zaag, P. (Eds.), The Practice of Smallholder Irrigation: Case Studies from Zimbabwe. University of Zimbabwe Press, Harare. The Daily Times of 20 May, 2001. The Nation Newspaper of 20 May, 2001. The Nation, Newspaper of 30 August, 2001. Ministry Intensifies Irrigation Farming, Agriculture Supplement, p. 3.