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Tourism's human conflicts
TOURISM'S HUMAN CONFLICTS Cases from the Pacific
Bryan H. Farrell* University of California Santa Cruz, California, USA
ABSTRACT Farrell, Bryan H., "Tourism's Human Conflicts: Cases from the Pacific," Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. VI, No. 2, April/June 1979, pp. 122-136. Conflicts within tourism in the Pacific area arise through the interaction of numerous forces, many of which are misunderstood or ignored. What goes on in the minds of visitors and hosts is as important as tourism's environmental manifestations. Some visitor behavior is motivated by insecurity. Host behavior often stems from hostility generated in the past. A tourist is a complex symbol, often maligned. Strategies used in tourism are the same as those associated with other development. A complex situation is further complicated by increasing neuroethnological information suggesting that levels of consciousness between outsiders and insiders may be as much physiological as cultural. Keywords: boundary, alienation, sensory overload, habituation, coping
strategies, oppression, crossed transaction, hostility, cognitive style.
*Dr. Bryan Farrell is Director, Center for South Pacific Studies, University of California, Santa Cruz, where he directs a tourism research project focusing on the Pacific. Publications stemming from this work have been published by the Center. Part of the material in this paper was presented to the ×lllth Pacific Science Congress, Vancouver, September 1975, and as an inaugural lecture at the University of California, Santa Cruz, in 1976. 1"~2
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RESUME Farrell, Bryan H., "Les Conflits du tourisme," Annals o f Tourism Research, Vol. VI, no. 2, avril/juin 1979, pp. 122-136. Les conflits qui proviennent du tourisme dans la r6gion de l'oc6an Pacifique sont d~s h l'interaction de nombreuses forces, dont beaucoup sont malcomprises ou mdconnues. Ce qui se passe dans l'esprit des gens qui re(;oivent et de ceux qui visitent est tout aussi important que ies manifestions 6cologiques du tourisme. Quelquefois le comportement des touristes est h cause de l'ins6curit6. Le comportement de la communaut6 qui re~oit revient souvent h une hostilit6 qui a 6t6 g6n6r6e duns le pass6. Un touriste est un symbole complexe et souvent calomni6. Les strat6gies qu'on emploie duns le tourisme sont les m~mes que celles qu'on associe h d'autres formes de dcveloppement. Une situation d6jh complexe se complique davantage par le volume d'informations neuro-6thnoiogiques qui indiquent l'importance du style de cognition pour d6terminer i'efficacit6 de la communications. Mots clef: limites du moi, alienation, surcharge sensoriel, habuation, '°systbme D. '" oppression, malentendu, hostilitY, style de cognition.
INTRODUCTION The academic study of tourism should be conceived as a holistic exercise even though, for convenience, it has already been compartmentalized by most researchers. One compartment, least cultivated, concerns human interactions resulting from tourism. Human consequences may be isolated artifically. In reality, they do not exist alone for they are an integral part of tourism themselves, fed back into the system and modifying future tourism. Visitor-host relationships are frequently highlighted in behavior-oriented studies, but comprehensive psychological studies of tourism are virtually absent. Economic and sociological studies are well underway. Anthropology, a newcomer to the area, is contributing with much greater frequency than previously but sociaUy-oriented studies with a psychological emphasis are notably inconspicuous. Three recent articles from Noronha, UNESCO, and Knox are valuable and, for the meantime, they, together with Hosts and Guests (Valene Smith, ed.), fill some gaps (Knox 1978; Noronha 1977; Smith 1977; UNESCO 1976). What follows concerns relations between hosts and visitors, between groups of visitors, and between groups of local people in the host country. Attention is drawn to tourism symbols and the interaction which takes place between people and the symbolic environment. The occurrences depicted have been experienced directly by the writer during extensive Pacific fieldwork and are documented in two main sources which pay special attention to human relationships: Finney and Watson (1977) and Farrell (1974). The writer has been making observations of tourism over the past decade. Attention is directed to important aspects of tourism about which little has been written. No attempt is made to be comprehensive. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April/June 1979
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A main theme of this article is that much of what is important in tourism is missed in narrowly-focused behavioral approaches. What goes on in the minds of tourists, local people, industry operators, and the developers is quite as important as the outward observation of specific groups comporting themselves in an area. An associated point of note is that an analysis of the thinking of individual tourists or local persons is realistically much more important than the more usual analysis of a group. This former concept is critical for planning, advertising, and for a human, practical approach to tourism. The activity is concerned with many individuals behaving uniquely and thinking in a distinctive personal way. To view it always in group terms is to miss a lot. For this discussion, no attempt is made to define terms precisely, to differentiate, for example, between a visitor or a guest, a tourist or a traveler. The study embraces a wide variety of outsiders with various motives for being where they are, experiencing human interchange with a variety of local people, both directly and at a distance (indirect tourism), sometimes almost by osmosis (Aspelin 1977).
THE VISITOR EXPERIENCE: PRECONTACT Each tourist arrives at a Pacific country or in an island group with his or her preconceived construction of local life and landscape. This is a very imperfect model but, nevertheless, it is for the tourist his gestalt--external, artificial, and contrived. Elements of it come from films and other visual media, or from tales told by former visitors. At this pre-contact level, the mystique of the Pacific stemming from early explorers, from artists such as Gauguin, writers like Stevenson, Louis Becke, or Michener, and articles from the National Geographic or Sunset magazines may help determine the visitor's view. Probably, some public relations-tourist brochures will have assisted in creating the initial images. Some information may be sound, much will be misleading and second rate. Promotional material for Hawaii, Tahiti, and Fiji frequently stresses color, sensuousness, and romantic ambiance, a small part of the total picture. Material promoting Wakaya, Fiji, completely distorts the Pacific context and presents the island as a future sanctuary for the rich away from "egalitarian s o c i e t y . . , where freedom and property rights are determined by the ballot box." The island was described as a place where residents may live in a paradise maintained by Fijians who live apart in " a model village" (Wakaya). New Zealand advertising over-emphasizes the quality of winter resort areas or the " E n g l i s h n e s s " of private schools-- strange advertising in a country known for egalitarianism and ambivalence toward Great Britain. Sights, events, and leisure activities are stressed--the way of life, the real essence of the country, the people, are usually downplayed, more often dismissed. The probability that the reader will be consciously misled is great; that the reader will be led in a certain direction determined by the advertiser is certain. The visiting group has a diverse make-up of dissimilar individuals. Nevertheless, the industry marketers treat all as a homogeneous group with one mind and a not very bright one at that. But then they are not alone, for the intellectual and academic researcher is apt to do the same thing. The public does not appreciate this distortion, nor do they realize that they are being prepared in a manner unlikely to fit them for contact with their hosts. Early misconditioning which is not unusual can insult both visitor and host alike. But
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governments must be aware of the type of promotion used and almost invariably, because of interest group pressure, lobbying, or anxiety for increased income, it is condoned. Ironically, it is frequently paid for out of tax monies. Tourist promotional advertising and travel writing leaves much to be desired. Travel articles unfortunately are frequently promotional and while no one expects dry-as-dust promotion pointing to social difficulties or economic ills, one would expect the industry, if for nothing else for its own interests, to acknowledge and respect cultural integrity of the host country rather than to ignore it completely in favor of the singleminded pursuit of luring visitors to a destination area. For many visitors, information of the above kind is the extent of their preparation for a foray into another, and very different society. Much better preparation would result in the development of greater respect for the host society and the elimination of some sources of conflict between the two groups. Visitors and the tourist industry each has a responsibility for adequate preparation before departure to a new area. Host governments, through their own channels and local industry representatives, could insist that much greater attention is paid to this aspect of travel. If such practices become commonplace, no country would have a competitive advantage over any other..Each group, the industry, the visitor and local public would benefit. Western travelers accept the fact that persons traveling to China receive instruction before they depart and in no way does this seem to dampen a growing demand. Many tourists are responsible individuals who do not wish to offend. Yet usually, up to the point of departure, the likelihood that someone on behalf of the Pacific host country has stressed the need for an awareness of cultural differences, that the destination country has real social and economic problems and that the most valuable trait to be exhibited by a visitor is respect, is minimal. There are notable exceptions to the above. One or two tour wholesalers known to the writer are at pains to instruct their clients but this is quite unusual. THE VISITOR EXPERIENCE: ON SITE With a possibly strange and usually inadequate background, the tourist experiences his first o n - s i t e contact. He is bombarded with an array of stimuli, most of which are highly unusual and to which (unless he is encapsulated in a highly insulated guided-tour structure or by a thick padding of his own culture, which is frequently the case) he is potentially unusually receptive. The array will include much from the natural environment--mountains, water, sounds, warmth or chill--together with those stemming from building, busy streets, quiet rural areas, local people, and other visitors. What is absorbed will be absorbed into an already well-established frame of reference. Familiar stimuli will be selectively perceived. He may not be able to differentiate many components of the host environment: some local people concerned with tourism may be dressed a little differently from the others, speak the visitor's language with greater facility, or show greater sophistication. Experience of the ambiance is a n o w experience and it is ever-changing. This n o w prepares and predisposes the traveler toward the next experience, and so on. Each n o w experience is not too clearly defined, is related intimately to those of the past, and helps determine those experiences which are to come.
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As a result of propinquity and in the interest of personal security, a tourist will identify first with other tourists. In his way, the visitor revises the limits of his ego boundary with which he arrives. This is a small organized territory around himself and extending outward (Perls 1969:7). This boundary includes family and others from the tour group, together with a few local people with whom he has come in contact. This boundary diviaes identification from alienation, self from others. Gradually, the ego boundary is extended to encompass apparent security, persons extending friendship, and other elements of an impermanent (and only slightly familiar) newly-found world. The tourist may dress in a manner which seems offensive or incongruous to local residents. Ironically, he may have been advised what and where to buy in the host country by his local guide. In this way, consciously or unconsciously, local retailers of some countries may help determine what is worn. By outwardly marking a visitor " t o u r i s t , " they contribute toward the creatiml of social distance between " h o s t and g u e s t . " Clothing is frequently new, possibty. ~r'gilter and bolder than local wear, usually unfaded and consequently viewe:~ ',,~,,;y as out-of-place. The visitor has now been clearly identified. Sometimes it appears that the ego boundary encloses only known reality and for him nothing else exists. This is a time when frequently self-conscious tourists (some may very well be arrogant) appear to view the local people as " o b j e c t s . " Some may try to extend the boundary widely, perhaps clusmily, and be rebuffed. Others may try the same thing, possibly with more finesse, be welcomed, and experience the most rewarding aspect of travel, a reasurring response to offered friendship. Similar satisfaction comes from a similar exchange in reverse. This is a time when a more aware visitor experiences people experiencing him, while he in turn experiences them (Laing 1969:17-25). In theory., this goes on forever like an object reflected between two mirrors. The difference is that each experience changes the next. Experience is a function of behavior, and mediates behavior, which in turn mediates experience. This ever-widening activ/ty recalls past experiences and imagery and results in frequent checking back to, and a modification of, the internalized model, the gestalt, the precontact picture. If there is too much conflict between reality as perceived, and the model, and if the visitor is reluctant to modify it, he may start expressing disappointment that the visit has just not come to expectations. Good realistic preparation could readily overcome the disappointment. The dissatisfied visitor may leave early, the satisfied visitor may stay longer. To express this in terms of only outward behavior leaves much to be desired. Between arrival and departure, a whole array of interacting experiences occur to link each overt act with the next. To single out the more concrete and quantifiable acts is to ignore much which is the very stuff of reality. THE VISITOR EXPERIENCE: POST CONTACT Of the stimuli which arrive at the brain, some will have greater impact than others. Much of it is rejected at the start and, due to untutored awareness, is never processed. Considerable amounts may be lost through sensory overload, the case in Hawaii when visitors take a three or four island trip in one day. Some information fleetingly goes into the brain's short-term "input register" only to decay over a very short period of time. Still less, with greater impact, goes into long-term memory storage (Ornstein 1969:20). All is subject to decay. The longer a tourist is back from a 126
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trip and the more competitive activities he experiences after his return, the greater the informational loss will be. An aware tourist can counteract loss by adding new memories generated after the on-site experience by frequent conversations about the trip with friends, selective reading, and looking at movies or slides. Souvenirs or artifacts brought home, symbols of the trip, will enrich and help preserve memories of the past activity. These wol~hwhile new stimuli now contribute to the overall experience and become a new input capable of recall. For a seasoned traveler, they will also help recall e:~rlier experiences in the same environment or even experiences in a similar environment elsewhere. In theory, a sensitive and aware tourist can keep recapturing and enlarging his tour experience indefinite!,.. The total tcerist experience then is at least pre-visit, on-site, and post-visit, all of which contribute to the traveler's ordinary consciousness. A bonus, too, is increased awareness of the visitor's home surroundings, if only temporarily, upon return. THE HOST EXPERIENCE The composite tourist image derived from local people who are in contact with tourists or who feel they theoretically know tourists, has a very shaky basis but is nonetheless real for the host group. Just as hosts become stereotyped by promotional material and word-of-mouth, so too are tourists devastatingly stereotyped by the host community. The manner in which " m a s s " tourists are "processed" by some members of the host groups and representatives of the international tourist establishment makes it virtually impossible for all but tourist-oriented hosts to meet the outsider. Consequently, it is rare that the tourist has th e opportunity to break out of the stereotype category to become an individual. For the short-stay tour group member, pressures inherent and imposed all but prevent this situation. The host, too, has an ego boundary, based on experience, heresay, and conventional stereotyping. The pressures working on him are just as potent and, to him, as real as those working on the visitor. The boundary frequently is redefined when a channel of communication is opened for a special reason between guest and host. Just a pleasant personality on either side may work wonders or an interest evinced by a visitor in local history or dance may ensure a warm welcome. Channels are also likely to be opened when there is the possibility of direct monetary reward to the host. The real estate man, the artifact seller, the restaurant maitre d' may each be expansive toward potential clients at a particular time for a particular purpose, but beyond that time and purpose the same people may not have special channels open to visitors. Special channels of rapport become opened in special areas. McKean (1972) describes these as "narrow bands along which some interaction can take place". Wallace (1961:31-34) calls them "partial equivalence structure." This applies equally well to others with a vested interest in the industry or in some other aspect of society. The economic or social bond may be only partial. A Hawaiian real estate man may be charming in his Wailuku office, but truculent to a tourist harassing him with questions as he nets fish on Sunday at Makena. The channel of rapport provides virtually a ready-made line of communication, a potentially useful addition to intercommunicaANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH. April/June 1979
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tion, a potentially useful addition to intercommunication in an activity where worthwhile understanding is achieved by too small a group other than the most outgoing persons in both host and visitor groups. In Hawaii, the positive side of host-visitor interaction, generated by the host and embodying many open channels goes under the name of aloha spirit: special channels open to visitors. The fact that quite different motivation prompts the opening of channels needs additional emphasis. Two types of motivation have been mentioned. One is vastly different from the other. The former which may be all embracing is associated with an effort to develop genuine social contact. The latter is associated with a particular contact which may be only for self-interest. The second category should not necessarily be considered reprehensible. Along with a monetary gain, an associated social gain may develop. The two categories are not by any means mutually exclusive. The second might be considered " a foot in the door" which could lead eventually to a full rewarding exchange. There may be a possible hierarchy of interchange starting with a well-defined mercenary transaction and ranging through more comprehensive activities to complete social rapport. One may say in general that those who stand to gain from tourism directly have developed a different consciousness from those who don't. This needs some qualification. If the tourist industry provides the only available employment in an area but treats workers badly and disrupts the local community, employees, although paid by the industry, would not be sympathetic towards it. On the other hand, if there were limited areas of obvious dissention, local persons in middle management or above, those with land for sale, those with relatively well paid entertainment talents, taxi owners, tour bus operators, local bankers, rental car firms, automobile agencies and retail store and restaurant owners would probably be enthusiastic about the industry. These persons would be tourism's advocates. Observations suggest that the greater the monetary return from tourism, the greater will be the positive response to tourism. The visitor has a potential for being aware. This can be matched by the host's potential for habituation, the ability to tune out of consciousness constancies which occur over and over again and are predictable. Just as not all visitors are unaware, not all group members are in a state of habituation. There are, however, strong tendencies towards habituation in those areas where the numbers of tourists are great or the ratio between hosts and visitors high, as is the case at Waikiki and, to a lesser extent, in other parts of Hawaii, Papeete, the Coral Coast of Fiji, or Rotorua, New Zealand. Habituation is an important psychological coping mechanism which works in developing areas where construction dust, new hotel building, increased traffic, cement trucks, noise, tour buses, disoriented visitors, and strange accents or language are, after the 500th time, tuned-out of consciousness as though they do not exist. In this way, groups of local people may become dulled to environmental or social change, especially if they feel the situation taking place is inevitable or convinced that such dislocation is worthwhile because it creates jobs, overseas funds, or " k e e p s the children on the island." Visitors may be treated as though they do not exist, the local counterpoint to visitors who see local people as " o b j e c t s " rather than human beings. It is not always possible to become habituated to dramatic change or to remain habituated to conditions becoming no longer acceptable. From time to time, perhaps with increasing frequency, certain new types of stimuli create new input and .will trigger a re-orienting reaction (Ornstein 1972:20). The individual becomes 128
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de-automatized, aware, and may respond to changing conditions in an active rather than a passive manner. This may be the first overt step toward alienation. ALIENATION IN THE HOST COUNTRY In psychiatry, alienation has many definitions. The sense in which the term is used here is that "something is wrong, and it is difficult to be in tune." Estrangement is a key concept. Wyckoff puts it in formula which, with slight modification, can be stated as follows: "Alienation = oppression + mystification" (Steiner 1975:12). When mystification becomes awareness, anger may he the result. Awareness plus contact leads to action and attempted resolution. People in Koloa, Kauai, broke through the mystification of development, planning, investment, and the law when the Ohana o Maha'ulepu was created by local citizens. Evidence was placed before governmental bodies, and two large corporations, at least temporarily, had tourism development plans thwarted in the interests of the common good (Wong 1977:70-72). Oppression is not a necessary accompaniment to alienation. Estrangement without oppression may render communication impossible or, at best, difficult. Persons estranged find predictability difficult. Unpredictability causes fear and anxiety. In considering "oppression" or, in the tourist context of the Pacific, perhaps more appropriately "exploitation" (a sense of being used, manipulated, or having something imposed), two important elements come to mind. First, islands are completely circumscribed territories. All visitors arrive from the outside, and to a greater or lesser degree they are construed as invading a host territory. This is the primary territory of the environmental psychologist and the act is one of intrusion, violation, and invasion (Altman 1975:112-123). Secondly, the remoteness of the Pacific islands has developed a special homeland cultural coherence, frequently a mixture of traditional custom and internalized values derived from past visitors, missionaries, and administrators. What is important is the local person's view of his own culture. Does it shed most outside influence and have its own integrity? Is it a victim of too much imposed change? Remote islands big and small are peculiarly vulnerable to sudden change, and anything more than a mere trickle of outsiders risks being considered a cultural threat. Island inhabitants, then, are likely to be most sensitive, more so than many other groups not living in a closely-defined and environmentally insulated, tight little territory. This situation provides a stage for and a predisposition toward alienation. All islands suffer to some extent. The degree of impact is crucial. New Zealand, with a relatively high population in Pacific terms and a small number of tourists from cultures not too different from its own, suffers less than Tahiti or Guam where the gaps are much wider and the ratios higher (Farrell 1977). Another source of alienation has to do with the visitors' leisure role. Local workers and citizens (many of whom have been raised in a strictly missionary-Puritan work-ethic environment) see only the carefree attitudes and lessened responsibility of the visitors during their leisure. The obvious difference of attitudes and values jars the hosts. This is professed as a cause of discontent in literally dozens of books and articles (Bennett 1970:78-81; Butler 1975:85-88; Farrel11977; Turner 1973; UNESCO 1976). To feel that one is also viewed as an object by such persons htlrts. Ngahuia Te Awekotuku feels this problem deeply as it relates to the tourist town of Rotorua, New Zealand Cre Awekotuku 1977:66-67). ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April/June 1979
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Leisure travel is based on discretionary income and local persons serving the visitor during his leisure may never see, in their lifetimes, sufficient surplus income to do the same thing elsewhere. Rich Westerners appear to flaunt their affluence in the face of poorer Pacific islanders. Herein lies another source of conflict and alienation. This is not unique to the Pacific. Rich New Zealanders, Australians, Canadians, and Americans also appear to flaunt their affluence in the face of those in their home country not so fortunate. Within similar cultures, it is a " p r o b l e m " which most of the population learn to live with or risk being labelled paranoid. The real problem is one of economic disparity between two dissimilar societies. One potent force leading to alienation is the feeling by its members that the local culture is inexorably being whittled away by unacceptable outside influences. Changes that are seen as a consequence are viewed as assaults on local integrity. One must be careful to distinguish between acceptable and unacceptable change. Unacceptability is almost invariably associated with imposed change, or with change which is so rapid it shatters the gestalt of the local person, or both. Certain modification of conditions may tip the balance from unacceptability to acceptability. Self-determination, if not a panacea, can make certain actions, which formerly might have been intolerable, tolerable. High expectations are associated with prospects of independence. At a recent tourism conference, Micronesians were envious of what appeared to them to be others' ability to control tourism, in particular independent Fiji and Western Samoa (Uludong 1977). Self-determination does help and so, too, does community input to decision-making, private and public, but neither works miracles; each is a beneficial contributing factor. Community involvement is essential to any successful tourism activity, especially host-visitor interaction (Sipapu 1973). The time factor involved in change is critical. The slower the change, the more likely that modifications and reorientations are likely to be acceptable or even to pass unnoticed. Slow change also gives time for readjustment, reevaluation, and corrective action, and may be much easier in'terms of national finances (Dommen 1973). It is frequently asserted that tourism provides jobs of lowly status--waitresses, busboys, and chambermaids (Samy 1975). It is perfectly true that in a number of Third World countries, many more local people than at present could be trained for managerial positions, and the situation leaves much room for improvement. However, perceptions of status vary and have depended largely on the influence and values of a dominating metropolitan country. In Hawaii, service occupations carry no derogatory overtones; in New Zealand, they do. In Hawaii and Guam, tipping is acceptable and not considered demeaning; in the Cook Islands, Western Samoa, and Fiji, it is (Farrell 1977:52,59). In each case, a difference in attitude can be traced back, if not wholly at least partially, to an associated Western country. Samy avers that tourist employment of Indians and Fijians in Fiji has caused an industrial caste system (Samy 1975). Resentment, too, has been causea by a Hawaiian being sent to teach Fijians how to comport themselves in front of Western tourists. In Palau, during early 1978, a part-Hawaiian hotel manager and Hawaii-trained-and-led police were a source of annoyance to striking Palauans at the Continental Hotel in Koror (Palau Workers Strike Continental Hotel:1978). Added to this, employee's handbooks were printed only in English rather than Palauan. Many further sources of dissatisfaction can be given, however, the most telling
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source of alienation in the Pacific lies back in history. Attitudes and values engendered in colonial times (or now by colonial counterparts) still remain a most potent force, only the role players have changed. Some call aspects of this situation neocolonialism and attribute its cause to a new breed of outsider, the developer, hotel operator, U.N. consultant, or airline representative. Looming behind the scenes, one finds the same attitudes of oppression and paternalism found previously. Berne (1961) has identified harmonious and disharmonious modes of communication among three major personality states. These are as follows: the judgmental parent, the mature adult, the ingenuous child. Extending this model, it is easy to conceive of parallel group states. In healthy interchange, adult groups communicate with adult groups; otherwise it becomes a crossed transaction and, from the mental health viewpoint, by no means satisfactory. In colonial times, the crossed transaction, parent to child, was the prevalent mode (colonial transaction). Nowadays, with greater political independence, the group transactions are more frequently adult to adult but still too frequently colonial transactions. The expatriate administrator or planter may still be there or may now be replaced by a local bureaucrat, the indigenous elite, the university professor, an outside investor, or a tourist. The point is that the tourist is only one of a number of possible oppressors. For the mass of the people, the oppressor who, it is felt, must be shaken free is the " w h i t e " - - t h e " h a o l e , " popa'a, palagi, or pakeha--shadow from the past. What observers frequently interpret as hostility toward tourists, found to some degree in all areas, is a much more deepseated malady than simple antagonism to an unattractive outsider. Of course, a tourist does cause change, but" no more than the overseas-trained teacher, the expatriate-trained graduate, the churcll minister, or expatriate businessmen. The " r e a l " objects of some or much hostility for which the tourist is an admirable surrogate, may be some of the new elite who act like colonials, old established expatriate families, or influential mercantile and land companies. The commercial establishment and like groups, it is felt, frequently instruct and manipulate rather than engage in equal interchange. RESPONSES AND COPING STRATEGIES With growing awareness of the present situation, numbers of strategies are employed to remove what to some must be the overwhelming dead weight of the past. One strategy is to cause property damage to cars, to commit a variety of criminal acts, to stone tourist buses, and to beat up tourists and campers. To some degree, this type of activity is known in most Pacific islands. Reports on beatings and stonings have become more frequent in Honolulu newspapers and are noted by Knox (1978), Sommarstrom (1974:163) and Kent (in Farrell 1977). Such behavior could reflect rebellion against authoritarian upbringing, a number of social problems of youth not unique to Hawaii, just as well as alienation to outsiders. The direction of hostility toward the tourist is an appropriate choice on the part of the perpetrator. The tourist will have left the area within a few days, he is reluctant to report all but major crimes and those to whom a report is made may have the same attitudes to outsiders as the criminal being reported. Another slightly less destructive reaction is to commercially "rip-off" the outsider, rationalizing that insiders as well as outsiders should receive a piece of the ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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action--and profit (Farrell 1974:203). This strategy combats a feeling of impotence toward stopping or controlling tourist-oriented developments. This may be, too, a way of developing economic, or even social, self-esteem. A third, and most mature strategy, is through sport (rugby football in parts of the South Pacific), education, political processes, and business acumen to prove to one's own satisfaction that the local person is quite the equal of the outsider and is not about to be pushed around by him. This strategy has been developed by Asians in Hawaii and, to an extent but in a different way, by Indians in Fiji. This strategy redresses the balance and results in a better trained business community or bureaucracy. It brings a feeling of greater power to local individuals who have distinguished themselves and although it does not necessarily result in immediately better relations with outsiders, it certainly sets the stage for the possibility of wor~while relationships in the future. An aware tourist, then, may feel a greater or lesser degree of hostility--some of which he earns, some of which he inherits from the past. Tourism p e r s e may be singled out, but in reality it is largely, but not exclusively, part of the total host feeling toward the outsider. THE WHITE KNIGHT SYNDROME Some humanistic psychologists use the term "drama triangle" as a metaphor for three opposing roles in certain human interaction. These are the "victim," "persecutor," and "rescuer." The metaphor may be extended to tourism. Some see tourists and the international tourist establishment as p e r s e c u t o r s . T h e v i c t i m s a r e "the local people," and r e s c u e r s a r e sometimes influencial, Western-educated elite, affluent expatriates who are unlikely to gain much from tourism, or more typically university staff, and possibly members of the Peace Corps and similar groups. Usually the rescuers are metropolitan-motivated and frequently expatriate. They see themselves as having a mission to protect, to advise, to show the path, and "to provide alternatives to the industrial society." Interchanges with local people are considered by them to be adult to adult transactions, where in reality they are merely contemporary versions of the old parent-child colonial transactions. Many rescuers in these and other similar exchanges are imposing middle-class, Western, secular values on indigenous people in a way religious values were implanted over a century ago. A frequent target for their hostility is tourism and in the process their values are oftem implanted in the minds of the youthful elite who are ultimately to fill responsible positions in government and business. SYMBOLS OF TOURISM Temporarily eliminate the tourists themselves and host-group members still may be irritated by symbols of tourism. Such irritations may take many forms; they may be diverse and, of course, they may be unrelated to tourism. They may be merely the presence of incongruous buildings, as in parts of Micronesia, or buildings which show no response to local architectural styles. They may include inflated prices or crowded roads, the proliferation of golf courses or the deterioration of fishing, the noise of loud outboard motors, or the sound of a Caucasian attempting to speak pidgin. Irritation may come in the form of changed landscape--urban golf courses where 132
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once attractive rural forest or familiar shrubs grew, or inappropriately high or massive buildings, entirely out of place in a Pacific setting and completely defiling a coastline which had been part and parcel of a prevailing way of life. The absence of beach access, during adulthood, to a coastline which was freely accessible in the childhood can be galling in the extreme. So, too, can the "no trespassing" signs which say "guests only allowed beyond this point." CirculatiOn seems directed, territory restricted. New primary territories are created and psychological barriers abound. A resort area, an enclave of outsiders, may be technically accessible, but psychologically not. National law may say that beaches are public property, but if they are backed by alien buildings, the territories of their occupants effectively penetrate the beach and provide a very real impediment to local use. For those who look and want to see symbols of tourism, they may be perceived everywhere. Each may suggest another inroad into a treasured life style. On the other hand, if such change is seen as bringing benefits, if it is locally encouraged by a well-represented constituency and not imposed, if the community has involvement in its management, then what might otherwise have been threatening symbols might be perceived quite differently. As much conflict may be in the mind as in the landscape. The cognitive environment varies with time and with the people it supports. CONFLICTS OF CONSCIOUSNESS All persons use the right and left sides of the brain in different ways to develop particular types of consciousness (Orustein 1972:27-30). What is becoming known points to the strong possibility of cultures being differentiated by their characteristic "mode of thinking" or "cognitive style" in terms of their relative reliance on left versus right hemisphere information processing (Eran Zaidel, Division of Biology, California Institute of Technology, Pasadena-Personal Communication, February 1978). So far, little has been done in the area but prospects are exciting. Because of their "left-sided" mode of thinking, Western tourists, it is believed, are not outstandingly adept at appreciating the life styles of Pacific residents. The industry they patronize in its essentialities is Western, although at the host end there may be a greater or smaller local overlay. Industry thinking, with few exceptions, is fundamentally Western, perhaps to an extreme. Industry and tourist resource managers see themselves as super-logical, conforming to the rules of economics and planning. They are indeed verbal, lifieal, logical and causal in their thinking mode. A crucial concern here is that Westerners in the Pacific are coming in contact with Pacific residents whose life model is not constructed in the highly specialized manner of Westerners. It is not a matter of education or technology, but a fundamental one concerning a very different cognitive style: different but not inferior. Pacific islanders tend to be intuitive, non-verbal, and more holistic in the processing of information. Large numbers of persons, not only of a different culture but with a different mode of thinking, come into contact with another culture with a different cognitive style. The stage is set for conflict. This makes for difficult communications even if language were no problem. In North America, the problem could be equated with the lack of communication between a hard-headed bus~essman and a counter-culture organic farmer. However, when languages are different, yet another barrier has to be overcome. This aspect of tourism seems largely unknown to those engaged in the ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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industry or its observation. Its wide-ranging implications should be well imprinted in the minds of planners, industry managers, and those contemplating research. Education can make one group more receptive or predisposed to the other, but no matter how wisely applied it still cannot completely overcome the barriers set by different levels of consciousness. It is true that real frustration exists when contact cannot be made. It just may be that at certain levels contact can never be made, but there are enough bright spots to suggest that many smoother links can be forged. CONCLUSION An attempt has been made to show that much more than economics characterizes the Pacific tourist industry. It is neither purely economic nor purely social. The entire activity is minimally understood either by participants or observers. Much behavior on all sides is deeply rooted in a psychological context. Upon closer analysis, this will be seen to have important economic implications which will probably never be quantified. The path the host countries take should, above all, reflect the values of the culture in which the activity takes place. The tourist tends to be a much maligned individual (sometimes a convenient and radically chic scapegoat), who provides a convenient target onto which contemporary hostilities can be projected. Nevertheless, the tourist can most certainly create conflict by direct action as well as being a subversive influence emphasizing and aggravating the disparities between poor and wealthy countries. Tourists themselves are symbols. They represent conflicts which are still in the Pacific from colonial times. Similar basic conflicts exist throughout the world; only the quality and parameters are different. [] [] Acknowledgements Grateful acknowledgement is made to the University of California, Canada Council, the Long Foundation, and the University of Victoria, all of whom provided financial support in one way or another and to Dr. Charles Gregory, psychiatrist, Vancouver, Canada, who read the manuscript and gave valuable advice. BIBLIOGRAPHY Altman, Irwin 1975 The Environment and Social Behavior. Monterey: Brooks-Cole Publishing Company. Aspelin, Paul L. 1977 Indirect Tourism and Political Economy, Mainainde of Mar'to Grosso, Brazil: An Anthropological Analysis. Annals of Tourism Research IV(3):135-160. Bennett, C.M. 1970 Tourism and Its Effect on Peoples of the Pacific. Proceedings of the 19th Annual Conference, Auckland, PATA. Berne, Eric 1961 Transactional Analysis in Psychotherapy. New York: Grove Press. Butler, R.W. 1975 Tourism As An Agent of Social Change. Proceedings of the International Geographical Union Working Group, Trent.
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Dommen, E.C. 1973 The Impact of Tourism on the Cultures of Fiji: A Commentary on The UNDP/ IBRD/Fiji Tourism Development Programme. Suva, UNDP. Farrell, Bryan H. 1974 The Tourist Ghettos of Hawaii. Themes on Pacific Lands. M.C.R.F.Agell and B.H. Farrell, eds. Western Geographical Series, Vol. 10:203. University of Victoria. Farrell, Bryan, ed. 1977 Research Priorities in Pacific Tourism: A Satellite Discussion on the PEACESAT Network. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies, University of California, and School of Travel Industry Management, Social Science and Linguistics Institute, and the PEACESAT Project, University of Hawaii. 1977 The Social and Economic Impact of Tourism on Pacific Communities. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies. Finney, Ben R. and Karen Ann Watson, eds. 1977 A New Kind of Sugar: Tourism in the Pacific. Second ed. Santa Cruz: East-West Center and the Center for South Pacific Studies. Knox, John M. 1978 Resident Visitor Interaction. Paper presented at PEACESAT Conference. The Impact of Tourism Development in the Pacific. Suva: University of the South Pacific. In Press. Laing, R.D. 1969 The Politics of Experience. New Yot~: Bailantine Books. 1972 Psychology of Consciousness. San Francisco: W.H. Freeman & Co. McKean, Philip Frick 1972 Tourist-Native Interaction in Paradise: Locating Partial Equivalence Structures in Bali. Paper presented Seventy-first Annual Meeting, American Anthropological Association. Noronha, Raymond 1977 Social and Cultural Dimensions of Tourism: A Review of Literature in English. Washington: Tourisn~ Proejcts Department, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Ornstein, Robert E. 1969 On the Experience of Time. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Palau Workers Strike Continental Hotel 1978 Micronesian Support Committee Bulletin 3(3):3. Perls, Frederick S. 1969 Gestalt Therapy Verbatim. LaFayette: Real People Press. Samy, John 1975 Crumbs from the Table? The Workers Share of Tourism. In The Pacific Way: Social Issues in National Development. Sione Tupouniua, Ron Crocombe, and Clair Slatter, eds. Suva, South Pacific Social Science Association. Sipapu Institute 1973 A Report on Tourism Development on Behalf of the Northern Pueblos Enterprises. San Francisco. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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Smith, Valene L., ed. 1977 Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Sommarstrom, Allan 1974 Stress and Competition for Space: The Case of Tourism in Hawaii. In Proceedings of the international Geographical Union Conference Series, No. 8. Palmerston North. Steiner, Claude, ed. 1975 Readings in Radical Psychiatry. New York: Grove Press. Te Awekotuku, Ngahuia 1977 Rotorua: A Century of Tourism. In The Social and Economic Impact of Tourism on Pacific Communities. B. H. Farrell, ed. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies. Turner, Louis and John Ash 1973 The Golden Hordes. New Society 19(4):126-128. Uludong, Moses 1977 Local Control of Tourism in Micronesia. In The Social and Economic Impact of Tourism on Pacific Communities. B.H. Farrell, ed. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies. UNESCO 1976 The Effects of Tourism on Socio-Cultural Values. Annals of Tourism Research IV(2):75-100. Wakaya n.d. A brochure distributed by the promoter. London. Wallace, Anthony, F.C. 1961 Culture and Personality. New York: Random House. Wong, Tamara 1977 An Hawaiian-Chinese-English-Irish Nineteen-year-old-Activist. In The Social and Economic Impact of Tourism on Pacific Communities. B.H. Parrell, ed. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies. Submitted June 1978 Revision submitted November 20, 1978 Accepted November 13, 1978
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Bryan H. Farrell* University of California Santa Cruz, California, USA
ABSTRACT Farrell, Bryan H., "Tourism's Human Conflicts: Cases from the Pacific," Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. VI, No. 2, April/June 1979, pp. 122-136. Conflicts within tourism in the Pacific area arise through the interaction of numerous forces, many of which are misunderstood or ignored. What goes on in the minds of visitors and hosts is as important as tourism's environmental manifestations. Some visitor behavior is motivated by insecurity. Host behavior often stems from hostility generated in the past. A tourist is a complex symbol, often maligned. Strategies used in tourism are the same as those associated with other development. A complex situation is further complicated by increasing neuroethnological information suggesting that levels of consciousness between outsiders and insiders may be as much physiological as cultural. Keywords: boundary, alienation, sensory overload, habituation, coping
strategies, oppression, crossed transaction, hostility, cognitive style.
*Dr. Bryan Farrell is Director, Center for South Pacific Studies, University of California, Santa Cruz, where he directs a tourism research project focusing on the Pacific. Publications stemming from this work have been published by the Center. Part of the material in this paper was presented to the ×lllth Pacific Science Congress, Vancouver, September 1975, and as an inaugural lecture at the University of California, Santa Cruz, in 1976. 1"~2
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RESUME Farrell, Bryan H., "Les Conflits du tourisme," Annals o f Tourism Research, Vol. VI, no. 2, avril/juin 1979, pp. 122-136. Les conflits qui proviennent du tourisme dans la r6gion de l'oc6an Pacifique sont d~s h l'interaction de nombreuses forces, dont beaucoup sont malcomprises ou mdconnues. Ce qui se passe dans l'esprit des gens qui re(;oivent et de ceux qui visitent est tout aussi important que ies manifestions 6cologiques du tourisme. Quelquefois le comportement des touristes est h cause de l'ins6curit6. Le comportement de la communaut6 qui re~oit revient souvent h une hostilit6 qui a 6t6 g6n6r6e duns le pass6. Un touriste est un symbole complexe et souvent calomni6. Les strat6gies qu'on emploie duns le tourisme sont les m~mes que celles qu'on associe h d'autres formes de dcveloppement. Une situation d6jh complexe se complique davantage par le volume d'informations neuro-6thnoiogiques qui indiquent l'importance du style de cognition pour d6terminer i'efficacit6 de la communications. Mots clef: limites du moi, alienation, surcharge sensoriel, habuation, '°systbme D. '" oppression, malentendu, hostilitY, style de cognition.
INTRODUCTION The academic study of tourism should be conceived as a holistic exercise even though, for convenience, it has already been compartmentalized by most researchers. One compartment, least cultivated, concerns human interactions resulting from tourism. Human consequences may be isolated artifically. In reality, they do not exist alone for they are an integral part of tourism themselves, fed back into the system and modifying future tourism. Visitor-host relationships are frequently highlighted in behavior-oriented studies, but comprehensive psychological studies of tourism are virtually absent. Economic and sociological studies are well underway. Anthropology, a newcomer to the area, is contributing with much greater frequency than previously but sociaUy-oriented studies with a psychological emphasis are notably inconspicuous. Three recent articles from Noronha, UNESCO, and Knox are valuable and, for the meantime, they, together with Hosts and Guests (Valene Smith, ed.), fill some gaps (Knox 1978; Noronha 1977; Smith 1977; UNESCO 1976). What follows concerns relations between hosts and visitors, between groups of visitors, and between groups of local people in the host country. Attention is drawn to tourism symbols and the interaction which takes place between people and the symbolic environment. The occurrences depicted have been experienced directly by the writer during extensive Pacific fieldwork and are documented in two main sources which pay special attention to human relationships: Finney and Watson (1977) and Farrell (1974). The writer has been making observations of tourism over the past decade. Attention is directed to important aspects of tourism about which little has been written. No attempt is made to be comprehensive. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April/June 1979
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A main theme of this article is that much of what is important in tourism is missed in narrowly-focused behavioral approaches. What goes on in the minds of tourists, local people, industry operators, and the developers is quite as important as the outward observation of specific groups comporting themselves in an area. An associated point of note is that an analysis of the thinking of individual tourists or local persons is realistically much more important than the more usual analysis of a group. This former concept is critical for planning, advertising, and for a human, practical approach to tourism. The activity is concerned with many individuals behaving uniquely and thinking in a distinctive personal way. To view it always in group terms is to miss a lot. For this discussion, no attempt is made to define terms precisely, to differentiate, for example, between a visitor or a guest, a tourist or a traveler. The study embraces a wide variety of outsiders with various motives for being where they are, experiencing human interchange with a variety of local people, both directly and at a distance (indirect tourism), sometimes almost by osmosis (Aspelin 1977).
THE VISITOR EXPERIENCE: PRECONTACT Each tourist arrives at a Pacific country or in an island group with his or her preconceived construction of local life and landscape. This is a very imperfect model but, nevertheless, it is for the tourist his gestalt--external, artificial, and contrived. Elements of it come from films and other visual media, or from tales told by former visitors. At this pre-contact level, the mystique of the Pacific stemming from early explorers, from artists such as Gauguin, writers like Stevenson, Louis Becke, or Michener, and articles from the National Geographic or Sunset magazines may help determine the visitor's view. Probably, some public relations-tourist brochures will have assisted in creating the initial images. Some information may be sound, much will be misleading and second rate. Promotional material for Hawaii, Tahiti, and Fiji frequently stresses color, sensuousness, and romantic ambiance, a small part of the total picture. Material promoting Wakaya, Fiji, completely distorts the Pacific context and presents the island as a future sanctuary for the rich away from "egalitarian s o c i e t y . . , where freedom and property rights are determined by the ballot box." The island was described as a place where residents may live in a paradise maintained by Fijians who live apart in " a model village" (Wakaya). New Zealand advertising over-emphasizes the quality of winter resort areas or the " E n g l i s h n e s s " of private schools-- strange advertising in a country known for egalitarianism and ambivalence toward Great Britain. Sights, events, and leisure activities are stressed--the way of life, the real essence of the country, the people, are usually downplayed, more often dismissed. The probability that the reader will be consciously misled is great; that the reader will be led in a certain direction determined by the advertiser is certain. The visiting group has a diverse make-up of dissimilar individuals. Nevertheless, the industry marketers treat all as a homogeneous group with one mind and a not very bright one at that. But then they are not alone, for the intellectual and academic researcher is apt to do the same thing. The public does not appreciate this distortion, nor do they realize that they are being prepared in a manner unlikely to fit them for contact with their hosts. Early misconditioning which is not unusual can insult both visitor and host alike. But
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governments must be aware of the type of promotion used and almost invariably, because of interest group pressure, lobbying, or anxiety for increased income, it is condoned. Ironically, it is frequently paid for out of tax monies. Tourist promotional advertising and travel writing leaves much to be desired. Travel articles unfortunately are frequently promotional and while no one expects dry-as-dust promotion pointing to social difficulties or economic ills, one would expect the industry, if for nothing else for its own interests, to acknowledge and respect cultural integrity of the host country rather than to ignore it completely in favor of the singleminded pursuit of luring visitors to a destination area. For many visitors, information of the above kind is the extent of their preparation for a foray into another, and very different society. Much better preparation would result in the development of greater respect for the host society and the elimination of some sources of conflict between the two groups. Visitors and the tourist industry each has a responsibility for adequate preparation before departure to a new area. Host governments, through their own channels and local industry representatives, could insist that much greater attention is paid to this aspect of travel. If such practices become commonplace, no country would have a competitive advantage over any other..Each group, the industry, the visitor and local public would benefit. Western travelers accept the fact that persons traveling to China receive instruction before they depart and in no way does this seem to dampen a growing demand. Many tourists are responsible individuals who do not wish to offend. Yet usually, up to the point of departure, the likelihood that someone on behalf of the Pacific host country has stressed the need for an awareness of cultural differences, that the destination country has real social and economic problems and that the most valuable trait to be exhibited by a visitor is respect, is minimal. There are notable exceptions to the above. One or two tour wholesalers known to the writer are at pains to instruct their clients but this is quite unusual. THE VISITOR EXPERIENCE: ON SITE With a possibly strange and usually inadequate background, the tourist experiences his first o n - s i t e contact. He is bombarded with an array of stimuli, most of which are highly unusual and to which (unless he is encapsulated in a highly insulated guided-tour structure or by a thick padding of his own culture, which is frequently the case) he is potentially unusually receptive. The array will include much from the natural environment--mountains, water, sounds, warmth or chill--together with those stemming from building, busy streets, quiet rural areas, local people, and other visitors. What is absorbed will be absorbed into an already well-established frame of reference. Familiar stimuli will be selectively perceived. He may not be able to differentiate many components of the host environment: some local people concerned with tourism may be dressed a little differently from the others, speak the visitor's language with greater facility, or show greater sophistication. Experience of the ambiance is a n o w experience and it is ever-changing. This n o w prepares and predisposes the traveler toward the next experience, and so on. Each n o w experience is not too clearly defined, is related intimately to those of the past, and helps determine those experiences which are to come.
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As a result of propinquity and in the interest of personal security, a tourist will identify first with other tourists. In his way, the visitor revises the limits of his ego boundary with which he arrives. This is a small organized territory around himself and extending outward (Perls 1969:7). This boundary includes family and others from the tour group, together with a few local people with whom he has come in contact. This boundary diviaes identification from alienation, self from others. Gradually, the ego boundary is extended to encompass apparent security, persons extending friendship, and other elements of an impermanent (and only slightly familiar) newly-found world. The tourist may dress in a manner which seems offensive or incongruous to local residents. Ironically, he may have been advised what and where to buy in the host country by his local guide. In this way, consciously or unconsciously, local retailers of some countries may help determine what is worn. By outwardly marking a visitor " t o u r i s t , " they contribute toward the creatiml of social distance between " h o s t and g u e s t . " Clothing is frequently new, possibty. ~r'gilter and bolder than local wear, usually unfaded and consequently viewe:~ ',,~,,;y as out-of-place. The visitor has now been clearly identified. Sometimes it appears that the ego boundary encloses only known reality and for him nothing else exists. This is a time when frequently self-conscious tourists (some may very well be arrogant) appear to view the local people as " o b j e c t s . " Some may try to extend the boundary widely, perhaps clusmily, and be rebuffed. Others may try the same thing, possibly with more finesse, be welcomed, and experience the most rewarding aspect of travel, a reasurring response to offered friendship. Similar satisfaction comes from a similar exchange in reverse. This is a time when a more aware visitor experiences people experiencing him, while he in turn experiences them (Laing 1969:17-25). In theory., this goes on forever like an object reflected between two mirrors. The difference is that each experience changes the next. Experience is a function of behavior, and mediates behavior, which in turn mediates experience. This ever-widening activ/ty recalls past experiences and imagery and results in frequent checking back to, and a modification of, the internalized model, the gestalt, the precontact picture. If there is too much conflict between reality as perceived, and the model, and if the visitor is reluctant to modify it, he may start expressing disappointment that the visit has just not come to expectations. Good realistic preparation could readily overcome the disappointment. The dissatisfied visitor may leave early, the satisfied visitor may stay longer. To express this in terms of only outward behavior leaves much to be desired. Between arrival and departure, a whole array of interacting experiences occur to link each overt act with the next. To single out the more concrete and quantifiable acts is to ignore much which is the very stuff of reality. THE VISITOR EXPERIENCE: POST CONTACT Of the stimuli which arrive at the brain, some will have greater impact than others. Much of it is rejected at the start and, due to untutored awareness, is never processed. Considerable amounts may be lost through sensory overload, the case in Hawaii when visitors take a three or four island trip in one day. Some information fleetingly goes into the brain's short-term "input register" only to decay over a very short period of time. Still less, with greater impact, goes into long-term memory storage (Ornstein 1969:20). All is subject to decay. The longer a tourist is back from a 126
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trip and the more competitive activities he experiences after his return, the greater the informational loss will be. An aware tourist can counteract loss by adding new memories generated after the on-site experience by frequent conversations about the trip with friends, selective reading, and looking at movies or slides. Souvenirs or artifacts brought home, symbols of the trip, will enrich and help preserve memories of the past activity. These wol~hwhile new stimuli now contribute to the overall experience and become a new input capable of recall. For a seasoned traveler, they will also help recall e:~rlier experiences in the same environment or even experiences in a similar environment elsewhere. In theory, a sensitive and aware tourist can keep recapturing and enlarging his tour experience indefinite!,.. The total tcerist experience then is at least pre-visit, on-site, and post-visit, all of which contribute to the traveler's ordinary consciousness. A bonus, too, is increased awareness of the visitor's home surroundings, if only temporarily, upon return. THE HOST EXPERIENCE The composite tourist image derived from local people who are in contact with tourists or who feel they theoretically know tourists, has a very shaky basis but is nonetheless real for the host group. Just as hosts become stereotyped by promotional material and word-of-mouth, so too are tourists devastatingly stereotyped by the host community. The manner in which " m a s s " tourists are "processed" by some members of the host groups and representatives of the international tourist establishment makes it virtually impossible for all but tourist-oriented hosts to meet the outsider. Consequently, it is rare that the tourist has th e opportunity to break out of the stereotype category to become an individual. For the short-stay tour group member, pressures inherent and imposed all but prevent this situation. The host, too, has an ego boundary, based on experience, heresay, and conventional stereotyping. The pressures working on him are just as potent and, to him, as real as those working on the visitor. The boundary frequently is redefined when a channel of communication is opened for a special reason between guest and host. Just a pleasant personality on either side may work wonders or an interest evinced by a visitor in local history or dance may ensure a warm welcome. Channels are also likely to be opened when there is the possibility of direct monetary reward to the host. The real estate man, the artifact seller, the restaurant maitre d' may each be expansive toward potential clients at a particular time for a particular purpose, but beyond that time and purpose the same people may not have special channels open to visitors. Special channels of rapport become opened in special areas. McKean (1972) describes these as "narrow bands along which some interaction can take place". Wallace (1961:31-34) calls them "partial equivalence structure." This applies equally well to others with a vested interest in the industry or in some other aspect of society. The economic or social bond may be only partial. A Hawaiian real estate man may be charming in his Wailuku office, but truculent to a tourist harassing him with questions as he nets fish on Sunday at Makena. The channel of rapport provides virtually a ready-made line of communication, a potentially useful addition to intercommunicaANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH. April/June 1979
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tion, a potentially useful addition to intercommunication in an activity where worthwhile understanding is achieved by too small a group other than the most outgoing persons in both host and visitor groups. In Hawaii, the positive side of host-visitor interaction, generated by the host and embodying many open channels goes under the name of aloha spirit: special channels open to visitors. The fact that quite different motivation prompts the opening of channels needs additional emphasis. Two types of motivation have been mentioned. One is vastly different from the other. The former which may be all embracing is associated with an effort to develop genuine social contact. The latter is associated with a particular contact which may be only for self-interest. The second category should not necessarily be considered reprehensible. Along with a monetary gain, an associated social gain may develop. The two categories are not by any means mutually exclusive. The second might be considered " a foot in the door" which could lead eventually to a full rewarding exchange. There may be a possible hierarchy of interchange starting with a well-defined mercenary transaction and ranging through more comprehensive activities to complete social rapport. One may say in general that those who stand to gain from tourism directly have developed a different consciousness from those who don't. This needs some qualification. If the tourist industry provides the only available employment in an area but treats workers badly and disrupts the local community, employees, although paid by the industry, would not be sympathetic towards it. On the other hand, if there were limited areas of obvious dissention, local persons in middle management or above, those with land for sale, those with relatively well paid entertainment talents, taxi owners, tour bus operators, local bankers, rental car firms, automobile agencies and retail store and restaurant owners would probably be enthusiastic about the industry. These persons would be tourism's advocates. Observations suggest that the greater the monetary return from tourism, the greater will be the positive response to tourism. The visitor has a potential for being aware. This can be matched by the host's potential for habituation, the ability to tune out of consciousness constancies which occur over and over again and are predictable. Just as not all visitors are unaware, not all group members are in a state of habituation. There are, however, strong tendencies towards habituation in those areas where the numbers of tourists are great or the ratio between hosts and visitors high, as is the case at Waikiki and, to a lesser extent, in other parts of Hawaii, Papeete, the Coral Coast of Fiji, or Rotorua, New Zealand. Habituation is an important psychological coping mechanism which works in developing areas where construction dust, new hotel building, increased traffic, cement trucks, noise, tour buses, disoriented visitors, and strange accents or language are, after the 500th time, tuned-out of consciousness as though they do not exist. In this way, groups of local people may become dulled to environmental or social change, especially if they feel the situation taking place is inevitable or convinced that such dislocation is worthwhile because it creates jobs, overseas funds, or " k e e p s the children on the island." Visitors may be treated as though they do not exist, the local counterpoint to visitors who see local people as " o b j e c t s " rather than human beings. It is not always possible to become habituated to dramatic change or to remain habituated to conditions becoming no longer acceptable. From time to time, perhaps with increasing frequency, certain new types of stimuli create new input and .will trigger a re-orienting reaction (Ornstein 1972:20). The individual becomes 128
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de-automatized, aware, and may respond to changing conditions in an active rather than a passive manner. This may be the first overt step toward alienation. ALIENATION IN THE HOST COUNTRY In psychiatry, alienation has many definitions. The sense in which the term is used here is that "something is wrong, and it is difficult to be in tune." Estrangement is a key concept. Wyckoff puts it in formula which, with slight modification, can be stated as follows: "Alienation = oppression + mystification" (Steiner 1975:12). When mystification becomes awareness, anger may he the result. Awareness plus contact leads to action and attempted resolution. People in Koloa, Kauai, broke through the mystification of development, planning, investment, and the law when the Ohana o Maha'ulepu was created by local citizens. Evidence was placed before governmental bodies, and two large corporations, at least temporarily, had tourism development plans thwarted in the interests of the common good (Wong 1977:70-72). Oppression is not a necessary accompaniment to alienation. Estrangement without oppression may render communication impossible or, at best, difficult. Persons estranged find predictability difficult. Unpredictability causes fear and anxiety. In considering "oppression" or, in the tourist context of the Pacific, perhaps more appropriately "exploitation" (a sense of being used, manipulated, or having something imposed), two important elements come to mind. First, islands are completely circumscribed territories. All visitors arrive from the outside, and to a greater or lesser degree they are construed as invading a host territory. This is the primary territory of the environmental psychologist and the act is one of intrusion, violation, and invasion (Altman 1975:112-123). Secondly, the remoteness of the Pacific islands has developed a special homeland cultural coherence, frequently a mixture of traditional custom and internalized values derived from past visitors, missionaries, and administrators. What is important is the local person's view of his own culture. Does it shed most outside influence and have its own integrity? Is it a victim of too much imposed change? Remote islands big and small are peculiarly vulnerable to sudden change, and anything more than a mere trickle of outsiders risks being considered a cultural threat. Island inhabitants, then, are likely to be most sensitive, more so than many other groups not living in a closely-defined and environmentally insulated, tight little territory. This situation provides a stage for and a predisposition toward alienation. All islands suffer to some extent. The degree of impact is crucial. New Zealand, with a relatively high population in Pacific terms and a small number of tourists from cultures not too different from its own, suffers less than Tahiti or Guam where the gaps are much wider and the ratios higher (Farrell 1977). Another source of alienation has to do with the visitors' leisure role. Local workers and citizens (many of whom have been raised in a strictly missionary-Puritan work-ethic environment) see only the carefree attitudes and lessened responsibility of the visitors during their leisure. The obvious difference of attitudes and values jars the hosts. This is professed as a cause of discontent in literally dozens of books and articles (Bennett 1970:78-81; Butler 1975:85-88; Farrel11977; Turner 1973; UNESCO 1976). To feel that one is also viewed as an object by such persons htlrts. Ngahuia Te Awekotuku feels this problem deeply as it relates to the tourist town of Rotorua, New Zealand Cre Awekotuku 1977:66-67). ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April/June 1979
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Leisure travel is based on discretionary income and local persons serving the visitor during his leisure may never see, in their lifetimes, sufficient surplus income to do the same thing elsewhere. Rich Westerners appear to flaunt their affluence in the face of poorer Pacific islanders. Herein lies another source of conflict and alienation. This is not unique to the Pacific. Rich New Zealanders, Australians, Canadians, and Americans also appear to flaunt their affluence in the face of those in their home country not so fortunate. Within similar cultures, it is a " p r o b l e m " which most of the population learn to live with or risk being labelled paranoid. The real problem is one of economic disparity between two dissimilar societies. One potent force leading to alienation is the feeling by its members that the local culture is inexorably being whittled away by unacceptable outside influences. Changes that are seen as a consequence are viewed as assaults on local integrity. One must be careful to distinguish between acceptable and unacceptable change. Unacceptability is almost invariably associated with imposed change, or with change which is so rapid it shatters the gestalt of the local person, or both. Certain modification of conditions may tip the balance from unacceptability to acceptability. Self-determination, if not a panacea, can make certain actions, which formerly might have been intolerable, tolerable. High expectations are associated with prospects of independence. At a recent tourism conference, Micronesians were envious of what appeared to them to be others' ability to control tourism, in particular independent Fiji and Western Samoa (Uludong 1977). Self-determination does help and so, too, does community input to decision-making, private and public, but neither works miracles; each is a beneficial contributing factor. Community involvement is essential to any successful tourism activity, especially host-visitor interaction (Sipapu 1973). The time factor involved in change is critical. The slower the change, the more likely that modifications and reorientations are likely to be acceptable or even to pass unnoticed. Slow change also gives time for readjustment, reevaluation, and corrective action, and may be much easier in'terms of national finances (Dommen 1973). It is frequently asserted that tourism provides jobs of lowly status--waitresses, busboys, and chambermaids (Samy 1975). It is perfectly true that in a number of Third World countries, many more local people than at present could be trained for managerial positions, and the situation leaves much room for improvement. However, perceptions of status vary and have depended largely on the influence and values of a dominating metropolitan country. In Hawaii, service occupations carry no derogatory overtones; in New Zealand, they do. In Hawaii and Guam, tipping is acceptable and not considered demeaning; in the Cook Islands, Western Samoa, and Fiji, it is (Farrell 1977:52,59). In each case, a difference in attitude can be traced back, if not wholly at least partially, to an associated Western country. Samy avers that tourist employment of Indians and Fijians in Fiji has caused an industrial caste system (Samy 1975). Resentment, too, has been causea by a Hawaiian being sent to teach Fijians how to comport themselves in front of Western tourists. In Palau, during early 1978, a part-Hawaiian hotel manager and Hawaii-trained-and-led police were a source of annoyance to striking Palauans at the Continental Hotel in Koror (Palau Workers Strike Continental Hotel:1978). Added to this, employee's handbooks were printed only in English rather than Palauan. Many further sources of dissatisfaction can be given, however, the most telling
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source of alienation in the Pacific lies back in history. Attitudes and values engendered in colonial times (or now by colonial counterparts) still remain a most potent force, only the role players have changed. Some call aspects of this situation neocolonialism and attribute its cause to a new breed of outsider, the developer, hotel operator, U.N. consultant, or airline representative. Looming behind the scenes, one finds the same attitudes of oppression and paternalism found previously. Berne (1961) has identified harmonious and disharmonious modes of communication among three major personality states. These are as follows: the judgmental parent, the mature adult, the ingenuous child. Extending this model, it is easy to conceive of parallel group states. In healthy interchange, adult groups communicate with adult groups; otherwise it becomes a crossed transaction and, from the mental health viewpoint, by no means satisfactory. In colonial times, the crossed transaction, parent to child, was the prevalent mode (colonial transaction). Nowadays, with greater political independence, the group transactions are more frequently adult to adult but still too frequently colonial transactions. The expatriate administrator or planter may still be there or may now be replaced by a local bureaucrat, the indigenous elite, the university professor, an outside investor, or a tourist. The point is that the tourist is only one of a number of possible oppressors. For the mass of the people, the oppressor who, it is felt, must be shaken free is the " w h i t e " - - t h e " h a o l e , " popa'a, palagi, or pakeha--shadow from the past. What observers frequently interpret as hostility toward tourists, found to some degree in all areas, is a much more deepseated malady than simple antagonism to an unattractive outsider. Of course, a tourist does cause change, but" no more than the overseas-trained teacher, the expatriate-trained graduate, the churcll minister, or expatriate businessmen. The " r e a l " objects of some or much hostility for which the tourist is an admirable surrogate, may be some of the new elite who act like colonials, old established expatriate families, or influential mercantile and land companies. The commercial establishment and like groups, it is felt, frequently instruct and manipulate rather than engage in equal interchange. RESPONSES AND COPING STRATEGIES With growing awareness of the present situation, numbers of strategies are employed to remove what to some must be the overwhelming dead weight of the past. One strategy is to cause property damage to cars, to commit a variety of criminal acts, to stone tourist buses, and to beat up tourists and campers. To some degree, this type of activity is known in most Pacific islands. Reports on beatings and stonings have become more frequent in Honolulu newspapers and are noted by Knox (1978), Sommarstrom (1974:163) and Kent (in Farrell 1977). Such behavior could reflect rebellion against authoritarian upbringing, a number of social problems of youth not unique to Hawaii, just as well as alienation to outsiders. The direction of hostility toward the tourist is an appropriate choice on the part of the perpetrator. The tourist will have left the area within a few days, he is reluctant to report all but major crimes and those to whom a report is made may have the same attitudes to outsiders as the criminal being reported. Another slightly less destructive reaction is to commercially "rip-off" the outsider, rationalizing that insiders as well as outsiders should receive a piece of the ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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action--and profit (Farrell 1974:203). This strategy combats a feeling of impotence toward stopping or controlling tourist-oriented developments. This may be, too, a way of developing economic, or even social, self-esteem. A third, and most mature strategy, is through sport (rugby football in parts of the South Pacific), education, political processes, and business acumen to prove to one's own satisfaction that the local person is quite the equal of the outsider and is not about to be pushed around by him. This strategy has been developed by Asians in Hawaii and, to an extent but in a different way, by Indians in Fiji. This strategy redresses the balance and results in a better trained business community or bureaucracy. It brings a feeling of greater power to local individuals who have distinguished themselves and although it does not necessarily result in immediately better relations with outsiders, it certainly sets the stage for the possibility of wor~while relationships in the future. An aware tourist, then, may feel a greater or lesser degree of hostility--some of which he earns, some of which he inherits from the past. Tourism p e r s e may be singled out, but in reality it is largely, but not exclusively, part of the total host feeling toward the outsider. THE WHITE KNIGHT SYNDROME Some humanistic psychologists use the term "drama triangle" as a metaphor for three opposing roles in certain human interaction. These are the "victim," "persecutor," and "rescuer." The metaphor may be extended to tourism. Some see tourists and the international tourist establishment as p e r s e c u t o r s . T h e v i c t i m s a r e "the local people," and r e s c u e r s a r e sometimes influencial, Western-educated elite, affluent expatriates who are unlikely to gain much from tourism, or more typically university staff, and possibly members of the Peace Corps and similar groups. Usually the rescuers are metropolitan-motivated and frequently expatriate. They see themselves as having a mission to protect, to advise, to show the path, and "to provide alternatives to the industrial society." Interchanges with local people are considered by them to be adult to adult transactions, where in reality they are merely contemporary versions of the old parent-child colonial transactions. Many rescuers in these and other similar exchanges are imposing middle-class, Western, secular values on indigenous people in a way religious values were implanted over a century ago. A frequent target for their hostility is tourism and in the process their values are oftem implanted in the minds of the youthful elite who are ultimately to fill responsible positions in government and business. SYMBOLS OF TOURISM Temporarily eliminate the tourists themselves and host-group members still may be irritated by symbols of tourism. Such irritations may take many forms; they may be diverse and, of course, they may be unrelated to tourism. They may be merely the presence of incongruous buildings, as in parts of Micronesia, or buildings which show no response to local architectural styles. They may include inflated prices or crowded roads, the proliferation of golf courses or the deterioration of fishing, the noise of loud outboard motors, or the sound of a Caucasian attempting to speak pidgin. Irritation may come in the form of changed landscape--urban golf courses where 132
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once attractive rural forest or familiar shrubs grew, or inappropriately high or massive buildings, entirely out of place in a Pacific setting and completely defiling a coastline which had been part and parcel of a prevailing way of life. The absence of beach access, during adulthood, to a coastline which was freely accessible in the childhood can be galling in the extreme. So, too, can the "no trespassing" signs which say "guests only allowed beyond this point." CirculatiOn seems directed, territory restricted. New primary territories are created and psychological barriers abound. A resort area, an enclave of outsiders, may be technically accessible, but psychologically not. National law may say that beaches are public property, but if they are backed by alien buildings, the territories of their occupants effectively penetrate the beach and provide a very real impediment to local use. For those who look and want to see symbols of tourism, they may be perceived everywhere. Each may suggest another inroad into a treasured life style. On the other hand, if such change is seen as bringing benefits, if it is locally encouraged by a well-represented constituency and not imposed, if the community has involvement in its management, then what might otherwise have been threatening symbols might be perceived quite differently. As much conflict may be in the mind as in the landscape. The cognitive environment varies with time and with the people it supports. CONFLICTS OF CONSCIOUSNESS All persons use the right and left sides of the brain in different ways to develop particular types of consciousness (Orustein 1972:27-30). What is becoming known points to the strong possibility of cultures being differentiated by their characteristic "mode of thinking" or "cognitive style" in terms of their relative reliance on left versus right hemisphere information processing (Eran Zaidel, Division of Biology, California Institute of Technology, Pasadena-Personal Communication, February 1978). So far, little has been done in the area but prospects are exciting. Because of their "left-sided" mode of thinking, Western tourists, it is believed, are not outstandingly adept at appreciating the life styles of Pacific residents. The industry they patronize in its essentialities is Western, although at the host end there may be a greater or smaller local overlay. Industry thinking, with few exceptions, is fundamentally Western, perhaps to an extreme. Industry and tourist resource managers see themselves as super-logical, conforming to the rules of economics and planning. They are indeed verbal, lifieal, logical and causal in their thinking mode. A crucial concern here is that Westerners in the Pacific are coming in contact with Pacific residents whose life model is not constructed in the highly specialized manner of Westerners. It is not a matter of education or technology, but a fundamental one concerning a very different cognitive style: different but not inferior. Pacific islanders tend to be intuitive, non-verbal, and more holistic in the processing of information. Large numbers of persons, not only of a different culture but with a different mode of thinking, come into contact with another culture with a different cognitive style. The stage is set for conflict. This makes for difficult communications even if language were no problem. In North America, the problem could be equated with the lack of communication between a hard-headed bus~essman and a counter-culture organic farmer. However, when languages are different, yet another barrier has to be overcome. This aspect of tourism seems largely unknown to those engaged in the ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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industry or its observation. Its wide-ranging implications should be well imprinted in the minds of planners, industry managers, and those contemplating research. Education can make one group more receptive or predisposed to the other, but no matter how wisely applied it still cannot completely overcome the barriers set by different levels of consciousness. It is true that real frustration exists when contact cannot be made. It just may be that at certain levels contact can never be made, but there are enough bright spots to suggest that many smoother links can be forged. CONCLUSION An attempt has been made to show that much more than economics characterizes the Pacific tourist industry. It is neither purely economic nor purely social. The entire activity is minimally understood either by participants or observers. Much behavior on all sides is deeply rooted in a psychological context. Upon closer analysis, this will be seen to have important economic implications which will probably never be quantified. The path the host countries take should, above all, reflect the values of the culture in which the activity takes place. The tourist tends to be a much maligned individual (sometimes a convenient and radically chic scapegoat), who provides a convenient target onto which contemporary hostilities can be projected. Nevertheless, the tourist can most certainly create conflict by direct action as well as being a subversive influence emphasizing and aggravating the disparities between poor and wealthy countries. Tourists themselves are symbols. They represent conflicts which are still in the Pacific from colonial times. Similar basic conflicts exist throughout the world; only the quality and parameters are different. [] [] Acknowledgements Grateful acknowledgement is made to the University of California, Canada Council, the Long Foundation, and the University of Victoria, all of whom provided financial support in one way or another and to Dr. Charles Gregory, psychiatrist, Vancouver, Canada, who read the manuscript and gave valuable advice. BIBLIOGRAPHY Altman, Irwin 1975 The Environment and Social Behavior. Monterey: Brooks-Cole Publishing Company. Aspelin, Paul L. 1977 Indirect Tourism and Political Economy, Mainainde of Mar'to Grosso, Brazil: An Anthropological Analysis. Annals of Tourism Research IV(3):135-160. Bennett, C.M. 1970 Tourism and Its Effect on Peoples of the Pacific. Proceedings of the 19th Annual Conference, Auckland, PATA. Berne, Eric 1961 Transactional Analysis in Psychotherapy. New York: Grove Press. Butler, R.W. 1975 Tourism As An Agent of Social Change. Proceedings of the International Geographical Union Working Group, Trent.
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Dommen, E.C. 1973 The Impact of Tourism on the Cultures of Fiji: A Commentary on The UNDP/ IBRD/Fiji Tourism Development Programme. Suva, UNDP. Farrell, Bryan H. 1974 The Tourist Ghettos of Hawaii. Themes on Pacific Lands. M.C.R.F.Agell and B.H. Farrell, eds. Western Geographical Series, Vol. 10:203. University of Victoria. Farrell, Bryan, ed. 1977 Research Priorities in Pacific Tourism: A Satellite Discussion on the PEACESAT Network. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies, University of California, and School of Travel Industry Management, Social Science and Linguistics Institute, and the PEACESAT Project, University of Hawaii. 1977 The Social and Economic Impact of Tourism on Pacific Communities. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies. Finney, Ben R. and Karen Ann Watson, eds. 1977 A New Kind of Sugar: Tourism in the Pacific. Second ed. Santa Cruz: East-West Center and the Center for South Pacific Studies. Knox, John M. 1978 Resident Visitor Interaction. Paper presented at PEACESAT Conference. The Impact of Tourism Development in the Pacific. Suva: University of the South Pacific. In Press. Laing, R.D. 1969 The Politics of Experience. New Yot~: Bailantine Books. 1972 Psychology of Consciousness. San Francisco: W.H. Freeman & Co. McKean, Philip Frick 1972 Tourist-Native Interaction in Paradise: Locating Partial Equivalence Structures in Bali. Paper presented Seventy-first Annual Meeting, American Anthropological Association. Noronha, Raymond 1977 Social and Cultural Dimensions of Tourism: A Review of Literature in English. Washington: Tourisn~ Proejcts Department, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. Ornstein, Robert E. 1969 On the Experience of Time. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Palau Workers Strike Continental Hotel 1978 Micronesian Support Committee Bulletin 3(3):3. Perls, Frederick S. 1969 Gestalt Therapy Verbatim. LaFayette: Real People Press. Samy, John 1975 Crumbs from the Table? The Workers Share of Tourism. In The Pacific Way: Social Issues in National Development. Sione Tupouniua, Ron Crocombe, and Clair Slatter, eds. Suva, South Pacific Social Science Association. Sipapu Institute 1973 A Report on Tourism Development on Behalf of the Northern Pueblos Enterprises. San Francisco. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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Smith, Valene L., ed. 1977 Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Sommarstrom, Allan 1974 Stress and Competition for Space: The Case of Tourism in Hawaii. In Proceedings of the international Geographical Union Conference Series, No. 8. Palmerston North. Steiner, Claude, ed. 1975 Readings in Radical Psychiatry. New York: Grove Press. Te Awekotuku, Ngahuia 1977 Rotorua: A Century of Tourism. In The Social and Economic Impact of Tourism on Pacific Communities. B. H. Farrell, ed. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies. Turner, Louis and John Ash 1973 The Golden Hordes. New Society 19(4):126-128. Uludong, Moses 1977 Local Control of Tourism in Micronesia. In The Social and Economic Impact of Tourism on Pacific Communities. B.H. Farrell, ed. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies. UNESCO 1976 The Effects of Tourism on Socio-Cultural Values. Annals of Tourism Research IV(2):75-100. Wakaya n.d. A brochure distributed by the promoter. London. Wallace, Anthony, F.C. 1961 Culture and Personality. New York: Random House. Wong, Tamara 1977 An Hawaiian-Chinese-English-Irish Nineteen-year-old-Activist. In The Social and Economic Impact of Tourism on Pacific Communities. B.H. Parrell, ed. Santa Cruz: Center for South Pacific Studies. Submitted June 1978 Revision submitted November 20, 1978 Accepted November 13, 1978
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