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Tourist development in Estonia
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Tourism Management, Vol. 17, No. 4. pp. 265~276, 1996 Copyright © 1996 Elscvier Science Ltd Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved 0261-5177/96 $15.(~) + 0.{KI
Pergamon
S026I-5177(96100018--0
Tourist development in Estonia Images, sustainability, and integrated rural development Tim Unwin Departrnent of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, Surrey TW20 OEX, UK This paper examines three themes in the development of tourism in Estonia since independence in 1991: the role of tourism in integrated rural development, the symbolic imagery of contemporary tourism and its sustainability. It draws attention to conflicts between the economic advantages of an expansion in tourism and its sociocultural and environmental influences. In particular, it argues that the benefits of rural tourism may not be as large as has sometimes been suggested, and that many of these will accrue more directly to the urban sector of the economy. Copyright © 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd Keywords: Estonia, sustainability, rural development
The Republic of Estonia, situated at the eastern end of the Baltic Sea and with a population of around one and a half million, is undergoing considerable economic restructuring following its formal independence from the Soviet Union in 1991.1 Rural areas, and the agricultural sector in particular, have been seriously disadvantaged in this transformation 2-4 and tourism is widely seen as providing an alternative source of income for those still wishing to live and work in the countryside. It is estimated that in 1994 tourism already accounted for approximately 13.5% of total foreign exchange earnings and that the sector represented about 8% of the country's total employment. 5 However, any expansion in tourism raises important issues concerned with its sustainability and influence on the environment.~s This paper explores three particular aspects of the development of tourism in Estonia: the role of rural tourism as an element of integrated rural development; tourist imagery and the construction of national identity; and the sustainability of rural tourism. In the context of integrated rural development. the paper examines key issues concerning regional planning, and the rural-urban balance of economic benefits of such policies. As Wood 7 has emphasized, though, such a normative economic
cost-benefit framework fails to capture the crucial cultural significance of tourism in rapidly changing societies. He stresses (p 66) that the central questions that need to be addressed 'are about process, and about the complex ways tourism enters and becomes part of an already on-going process of symbolic meaning and appropriation'. Within the context of the former Soviet Union, such issues are of fundamental significance, since they are related centrally to the ways in which these newly independent states are seeking to create specific national identities. The imagery with which such states are portrayed in the tourist literature, and the experiences that foreigners gain in visiting them, are thus crucial to their emerging international identities. A second broad section of this paper therefore addresses the symbolic imagery associated with the expansion of tourism in Estonia. Third, the debate over sustainability and the influence of tourism on Estonia's physical and cultural environment is considered. Although the ecological sustainability of tourism is widely discussed in the literature, it is of particular significance in the Estonian context, since environmental issues played a significant role in the state's independence movement that emerged in the 1980s. 9 Moreover, eco-tourism has been advocated as a viable form of economic enterprise by Estonian
265
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin farmers' organizations j° and also by international groups such as the European Centre for Eco Agro Tourism (ECEAT). ~'11"12
Rural restructuring: from command economy to the free market The implementation of change through macroeconomic policy instruments A key feature of the Estonian economic reform programme has been its emphasis on the creation of a free market with as few government controls or subsidies as possible.13 This has been implemented primarily t h r o u g h the i n t r o d u c t i o n of macroeconomic policy instruments, 14 influenced in large p a r t by W o r l d B a n k and I M F f u n d i n g and advice. 15,16 A crucial feature of the adoption of this policy emphasis has been that relatively little attention has been paid to micro-economic issues. Moreover, regional development matters have been insufficiently addressed by national governments, and the local influences of specific macro-economic policies have been largely ignored. This is particularly evident in the distribution of investment in different parts of the country, with the vast majority of this having been located in the capital Tallinn, and its immediate vicinity in Harju Maakond (County). 17 The agricultural sector, and more generally rural areas as a whole, have been severely disadvantaged by the adoption of these policies. 2-4 While Estonian agricultural statistics need treating with considerable caution, most indicators show a substantial fall in all types of agrarian production in 1991 and 1992 from the levels obtained in the 1980s, although there are some signs that figures for 1993 and 1994 may indicate the beginnings of a recovery. The most striking changes have taken place in the numbers of recorded livestock, which have fallen dramatically. ~s Moreover, gross agricultural output has declined from 223 million kroons in 1990 to 160.8 million kroons in 1993, and the contribution of agriculture, forestry and hunting to G D P has fallen from 16% in 1991 to 10% in 1993. ~s Tourism and integrated rural development It is estimated that the percentage of the working population employed in agriculture fell from around 14% in 1992 to 8% in 1993, j~ and to only some 4.5% in 1995 (Ruve Sank, personal communication, 16 June 1995). While this reduction may in part be a result of elderly people retiring and leaving the productive economy altogether, it is evident that for rural areas to retain their economic vitality it is important for alternative sources of income to be created therein. Five possible sources of enhanced employment and increased foreign exchange earnings are: specialization in agrarian products for which the country is environmentally suited, an expansion of forestry and timber production, the 266
development of environmental tourism, an expansion of high-quality handicraft production and the enhancement of fishing. 3 Of these alternatives, tourism is widely seen as being one of the most likely sectors of the economy to succeed, and it already employs some 54 000 people, approaching double the number estimated still to be in agricultural employment. 5 As a recent report on the potential of tourism comments (p 1), 'Estonia has the potential to become a key destination in the Baltics for tourism. Virgin and beautiful landscape and the Baltic islands offer an environment attractive to tourists . . . There are many excellent nature r e s e r v e s . . , which though they lack facilities of an international standard, still contain many rare species of plants, birds, and other animals, no longer found in the rest of Europe . . . . The country is rich in both history and culture. "5
Estonian tourism past and present Tourism in the Soviet period Estonian tourism has traditionally been based on its curative muds and on the sea.l'~ In the early 19th century establishments for providing mud baths and cures were built at P~irnu, at Haapsalu on the western coast and at Kuressaare on the island of Saaremaa, and during the country's first period of independence in the 1920s and 1930s its coastal resorts attracted visitors from many parts of northern and central Europe. Following the forced incorporation of Estonia into the Soviet Union during the 1939-45 war, '~ the country became effectively closed to international tourism. Its attractive coastal locations and tradition of health resorts nevertheless provided the basis for the development of dachas for the Soviet 61ire, as well as sanatoria and holiday centres, many of which were run by industrial unions. Estonia thus became a popular summer location for Russians who came in large numbers to resorts such as P~irnu and Narva-J6esuu. In the 1960s this situation changed with the opening of an office in Tallinn by the Soviet tourist organization Intourist. The hotel Tallinn, which was originally planned to accommodate collective farmers, first opened its doors to western tourists in 1963. j'~ Travel beyond the capital Tallinn, though, was generally prohibited, and by the end of the 1960s only some 15 000 non-Soviet tourists a year visited the country. The opening in 1972 of the Hotel Viru, specifically designed to cater for international tourists, presaged a slow expansion of tourist facilities, and by the end of the 1970s between 40 000 and 50 000 tourists a year were accommodated. I'~ The next significant impetus for tourist development was the holding of the yachting events of the Moscow Olympic Games in Tallinn in 1980. This led to the construction of a new hotel, the Olfimpia, the yach-
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin Table !
Estonian Nature Reserves and National Parks created before 1991
Name
Status
Date established
Area iha)
International Biosphere Rcser,,e
1989
1 51~)1174
State Nature Reserve Wetland Area of International hnportance Especially as Waterfowl Habitat hnportant Bird Area State Nature Reserve Ishmd of Vaika expanded to State Nature Reserve Important Bird Area Slate Nature Reserve Slate Nature Reserve
1957 1975
National Park
1971
64 90t)
Landscape Landscape expanded Landscape Landscape Landscape Landscape Landscape Landscape Landscape
1971 1957 1971 1987 1957 1979 1979 1979 1987 1964
313 21 720
t~io.where Reserves
West-Estonian lshmds Biosphere Rcservc ,~'lal~' Nature Reserves Matsalu State Nature Rescrvc
Viidum~_ie Statc Nature Reserve Vilsandi Stale Nature Reserve
Nigula State Nature Reserve
Fmdla Stale Nature Reservc National Park
Lahemaa National Park
1989 1957 19111 1957 1989 1957 1986
48 64tl
1194 I0 94(I 2 771 8 162
l.andscalw Reserves
ttimmaa Islets State Landscape Reserve Kdrvcmaa Stale Landscape Reservc Kurtna State Landscape Reserve Nceruti Stale Landscape Reserve Karula Slatc Landscape Reserve ()tcpiiii State Landscape Reserve Paganamaa State Landscape Reserve Rebala State Landscape Reserve Vooremaa State Landscape Rescrve
Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve
2 541 885 1t) 318 23 tl31 1107 2 495 9 9t1(/
Olher re:;('ri,c,~'
31 Mire Reserves 2 Ornithological Reserves S Botanical Rcscrvcs Kaalli meteorite craters 5 Natural Monuments t laania Nature Park Pandiverc ftydrological Reserve
Mire Reserve Ornithok)gical Reserve Botanical Reserves Geological Reserve Natural Monument Protected area (part) Landscape Reserve Nature Park Hydrological Reserve
most 1981 1989
1957 1979 1991 1988
9 163 3511 875
Source: derived from Nature Conservation in Estonia, Ministry' of En,dronment, Tallinn (1993)
ling m a r i n a n e a r b y at Pirita, a n d to a g e n e r a l r e f u r b i s h m e n t a n d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of m a n y of the historical b u i l d i n g s in Tallinn. T o u r i s t d e v e l o p m e n l o u t s i d e T a l l i n n was n e v e r theless s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d d u r i n g the S o v i e t p e r i o d . E v e n in T a r t u , the o l d u n i v e r s i t y c e n t r e and s e c o n d largest t o w n , f o r e i g n e r s w e r e p r o h i b i t e d f r o m s p e n d ing a night b e c a u s e of the p r o x i m i t y o f the m i l i t a r y a i r p o r t . E l s e w h e r e , e x t e n s i v e c o a s t a l a r e a s , islands a n d tracts o f forest b e c a m e r e s t r i c t e d m i l i t a r y z o n e s , a n d access was p r o h i b i t e d to b o t h the local p o p u l a tion a n d f o r e i g n e r s alike. T h e r e w e r e thus 350 Soviet military a r e a s t o t a l l i n g s o m e 83 000 ha within the t e r r i t o r y o f t h e E s t o n i a n R e p u b l i c d u r i n g the 19Ntis. 2d O u t s i d e these a r e a s a l o n g m u c h of the n o r t h e r n coast, a r o l l e d b a n d of s a n d , f r e q u e n t l y spaced watch-towers and border patrols prevented p e o p l e f r o m g a i n i n g access to the sea a n d the possibility of e s c a p i n g across the Baltic to F i n l a n d o r S w e d e n . W h i l e Soviet m i l i t a r y b a s e s w e r e an i m p o r tant cause o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l p o l l u t i o n , this p o l i c y of
r e s t r i c t e d access has n e v e r t h e l e s s m e a n t that most of the E s t o n i a n coastline is very s p a r s e l y i n h a b i t e d , anti r e c e n t b u i l d i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s have sought t o m a i n t a i n the u n s p o i l t n a t u r e o f the coast. A f u r t h e r i m p o r t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t d u r i n g the S o v i e t p e r i o d was the c r e a t i o n of a n u m b e r oI' p r o t e c t e d n a t u r a l a r e a s , first in 1957 with the State N a t u r e R e s e r v e s at M a t s a l u , Viidumfie, Vilsandi and N i g u l a , a n d t h e n in 1971 with the c r e a t i o n of L a h e m a a National Park on the central northern coast, the first such p a r k in the e n t i r e Soviet U n i o n ( T a b h ' 1). T h e s e p r o t e c t e d a r e a s p r o v i d e a r e s o u r c e of cons i d e r a b l e i m p o r t a n c e for the f u t u r e d e v e l o p m e n t of t o u r i s m in E s t o n i a , a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y t h e i r o r g a n i z a tion has b e e n s u b s t a n t i a l l y r e v i s e d since i n d e p e n d e n c e , w i t h , for e x a m p l e , V i l s a n d i , K a r u h l a n d S o o m a a b e i n g reclassified as N a t i o n a l P a r k s in 1993.
E s t o n i a n t o u r i s m in t h e 1 9 9 0 s
In M a y 1990 a N a t i o n a l T o u r i s t B o a r d was estab-
267
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin
lished with the remit of developing tourism and implementing governmental policies, ~ and in 1992 the government adopted policies to enhance tourism as a priority export sector.19 Since then the number of western tourists visiting Estonia has increased substantially, although obtaining precise statistics on the volume and origins of such tourists is far from easy. Official statistics based on tourists served by travel agencies illustrate an increase from some 341 520 international tourists in 1991 to 586 818 in 1994 (Table 2). However, as Table 2 indicates, this figure is well below the figure for tourists visiting the country in 1989, when substantial numbers of visitors arrived from Russia and other parts of the Soviet Union, a flow which has now diminished markedly. Two other important conclusions can be drawn from Table 2. First, the source of origin of tourists is heavily dominated by Finland, accounting for 80% of all tourists visiting Estonia in 1994. Sweden is the next most frequent source of origin with some 8.5% of the total, followed by Germany (4.5%) and the USA (2.6%). All other countries therefore account for less than 4.5% of the visitors to Estonia who use travel agents. Second, less than 20% of visitors to the country spend a night there, with the vast majority being cruise passengers. While these figures do not include those who have made their own holiday arrangements, and only reflect the numbers served by travel agencies, they provide a clear picture of the overall structure of this segment of current tourism in Estonia; indeed, a staggering 67% of all such inbound tourists to Estonia in 1993 were day-visiting Finns on cruise ships. For an estimate of total numbers of people visiting Estonia, as yet unpublished figures suggest that in 1994 border guards noted some 1 million visitors to the country with visas, and there may have been as many as 1.9 million visitors of all sorts, an increase of some 300 000 on the 1993 figures (Ivo Volt, personal communication, 29 June 1995). The popularity of Estonia as a destination for Finnish cruise visitors can be explained largely by the low cost of everyday shopping items in Estonia relative to those pertaining in Finland, the ease of access by sea from Helsinki, and the similarity between the Finnish and Estonian languages. Indeed many Finnish products are obtainable much more cheaply in Estonia than they are in Finland, largely as a result of Finnish export subsidies. According to a recent unpublished survey, at least half of Finnish day visitors claimed to be coming to Estonia to shop for such products as food, alcohol and clothes (Ivo Volt, personal communication, 29 June 1995). The popularity of Tallinn as a source of cheap prostitution must also be seen as attracting a certain percentage of the Finnish and Swedish cruise passengers. Many Finns are also seeking to take advantage of cheap medical and ophthalmic services, and increasing numbers are now travelling further afield during
268
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summer months to benefit from the sanatoria located in Pfirnu. The overall impression of the dominance of Finnish cruise visitors to Tallinn is reinforced when the regional balance of tourism facilities and visits is examined in more detail (Figure 1). Figure 1 illustrates the main tourist accommodation facilities in Estonia, and, although not providing a complete list of all such facilities, gives a reasonably accurate indication of their distribution. 22 The Estonian Tourist Board is currently (1995) implementing a system of certification for all tourist accommodation, and when this is completed in 1996, it will then be possible to obtain a more accurate indication of regional distribution (lvo Volt, personal communication, 29 June 1995). Nevertheless, from Figure 1 the dominance of Tallinn, and then the other more important towns such as Tartu and P~irnu as centres for the provision of tourist facilities is clear. In seeking to expand tourism, an Indicative Development Master Plan has been prepared identifying the key role that tourism can play in the development of the economy, s This highlights among other things tourism's importance as a labour-intensive industry, its ability to generate hard-currency foreign exchange, its regional spread, its tax-generation opportunities, its multiplier effects on other sectors of the economy and its considerable potential for expansion. In order to achieve economic, social and environmental benefits, the report recommends government support in the enhancement of basic infrastructure such as sea access and roads, the establishment of appropriate institutional arrangements, the development of a well-trained workforce, and enhanced marketing. Based on a survey of European tour operators, the most positive image factors about Estonia were its cultural heritage, its natural environment and its friendly people.Z3The report (p 41) therefore recommends that 'Estonia's image should be built around these factors - an eco-tourism destination with extensive opportunities to participate in leisure activities in a peaceful, pleasant, unpolluted countryside with a range of things-to-seeand-do, a distinctive cultural heritage and history, medieval antiquities and museum towns - a place to relax in the midst of warm and friendly people'. 23 The remainder of this paper therefore seeks to examine the potential for such rural tourism to benefit integrated rural development, the symbols and images used in promoting Estonian tourism, and whether such eco-tourism policies are sustainable.
Rural tourism and integrated rural development The rural environment and landscape have played central roles in the development of Estonian national identity. Following the Treaty of Tartu in 1920, when Russia acknowledged the country's independ-
ence, Estonia embarked on a period of considerable agricultural expansion. 24 This was grounded in the 1919 Land Reform Law which created some 83 514 small new independent holdings out of the 1149 large landed estates which had previously owned more than 2.3 million ha of land. By 1939 around 140 000-150 000 farms, 25'2~' the majority of which were about 2(I ha in size, provided the basis for a thriving agrarian economy, with considerable exports of butter and pork to Britain and Germany. This is highly significant, since the recent privatization of land in the early 1990s has been based on the arrangements that existed in 1939. Moreover, substantial numbers of Estonians retained ties to rural areas throughout the Soviet period even though they lived in the major urban centres, and they are now seeking to regain title to their families' farms although many of them have little interest or experience in farming. 2 Another indication of the importance attributed to rural areas is the practical and symbolic role of the forest in Estonian culture. Thus forests have played a significant role in Finno-Ugric mythology and the practice of Shamanism, and in a very practical way they also served as a place of escape during the Soviet occupation, indeed, the main focus for opposition during the early period of Soviet repression was a guerilla group of some 30 000 people, known as the metsavennad, or forest brothers, who took refuge first in huts in the forest, and then in underground cellars." One of the central problems facing Estonia since 1991 has thus been the need to balance the economic interests of a market economy, which has meant that the main focus of economic activity has been in the vicinity of the capital Tallinn, with the cultural importance of rural areas. At one level, it could be argued that if Estonia is to develop as rapidly as possible towards an economic situation whereby it can enter the European Union on competitive terms, then there needs to be a painful period of structural readjustment in rural areas, leading to the creation of a relatively small number of successful enterprises. This, though, is at odds with the political philosophy which acknowledged the significance of rural culture in creating the large number of small private holdings emerging today. It is here that rural tourism has been seen as possibly contributing to the successful maintenance of rural lifestyles, particularly given the :importance that the European Union has attributed to this sector of the economy in providing an economic basis for people living in peripheral rural areas. 27 Moreover, rural tourism has been advocated both by official bodies as well as by individual farmers. The former are seeking to disperse the economic benefits of tourism away from the capital Tallinn, and the latter, witnessing its benefits in countries such as Denmark, are keen to develop farm tourism as a supplement to their other forms of income.
269
Tourist development in Estonia." T Unwin
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Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin
Figure 2 A typical Estonian monastery.
Figure 1 indicates that, although Tallinn dominates in terms of the provision of tourist accommodation, most parts of the country are currently served by hotels, motels and campsites. Moreover, the nature reserves (Table 1), cultural monuments such as castles and archaeological sites, and scenic landscapes are also widely distributed. Three main factors nevertheless limit the direct benefits of these apparent advantages to the rural population. The first is that given the small size of the country, many of the "tourist attractions' are within easy driving distance of Tallinn, enabling visitors to stay there and benefit both from the advantages of the capital's facilities and central location, as well as from the opportunity to explore sites and landscapes in the surrounding rural areas. Second, even within rural areas the types of tourist attraction are not ones which will bring in substantial income to rural inhabitants. Third, many of the facilities available in rural areas are below the quality expected by most international tourists, thus restricting their desire to visit them. This is true not only of the campsite and hotel accommodation, 5 but also of the potential cultural sites. While some excellent accommodation and well-maintained cultural sites are to be found (see, for example, Figure 2) considerable investment is thus needed in the building of new hotels and in the restoration of many of the country's monuments.
One of the most direct potential economic benefits of tourism to rural people is through the provision of farm accommodation, and two main organizations have already been established to market such holidays (Figure 3): the Eston!ian Guesthouse Association, founded in 1992 and currently with 60 properties on its books: and the Estonian Farmers" Central Union's ( E T K L ) Department of Tourism, which started work officially in 1993 and currently serves some 40 properties (Viia Esko, Estonian Central Farmers' Union, Department of Tourism, personal communication, 21 July 1995; Andrus Kivi, Estonian Guesthouse Association, personal communication, 19 July 1995). In addition, some 10 farms are listed in the E u r o p e a n Centre for Eco Agro Tourism's brochure on the Baltics, and other farms are also advertised locally. ~ At present occupancy rates are relatively low, with the majority of tourists coming from Finland, Hollandi Denmark, Sweden and Germany, and spending an average of only two or three nights per farm. Five key management problems present themselves in the enhancement of such farm tourism: first, the short season (from May to August) in which the climate is sufficiently appealing; second, the cost of improving accommodation facilities; third, the small number of people for which each farm can cater (Andrus Kivi, personal eommunica271
Tourist development in Estonia." T Unwin
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tion, 19 July 1995); fourth, the difficulties of marketing such holidays in the competitive environment of farm tourism across Europe; and fifth, the need to enhance the provision of appropriate infrastructure. In more general terms, a problem facing the whole tourist sector in Estonia is concern among some potential visitors about the activities of various 'Mafia' groups in the country. Furthermore, if the broader rural economy is to be enhanced, it is essential for tourist developments to be integrated with other activities. Prime among these could be the expansion of handicraft production, the development of sports such as fishing, hunting, riding and skiing, and specialist high-quality food production, all of which could provide direct employment possibilities for people living in rural areas. In this context it is salient to note that of the 26 schemes approved for funding under the European Union's Estonian Rural Business Development Project by June 1995, four were associated with tourism (Andrus Ristkok, EU/PHARE Estonian Rural Business Development Project, personal communication, 16 June 1995). This indicates that some limited attention is already being given to this sector of the economy, although 272
the total anticipated number of jobs that these schemes will create is only 62 out of a total of 850.
S y m b o l s , i m a g e s and national identity Given the cultural importance of rural areas to much of the Estonian population, it is salient to examine the tourist images of the country being promoted in the literature and brochures. Not only does such literature provide the first images many potential tourists will encounter, but it also creates a lens through which those who visit the country interpret what they subsequently see. Currently, the main positive images of Estonia among European tour operators are its culture and heritage, its nature and natural environment and its friendly people. 23 All of these concepts, though, are problematic. In particular it should be noted that most of Estonia's cultural and historical monuments date from periods when the country was dominated by outside powers, and are thus Danish, German or Russian in origin. Likewise, although many Estonians are indeed 'friendly' and eager to encounter 'western' Europeans after years in which such contact was largely
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin Table
3
Classification
of images
Image
portrayed
in the Estonian
English
Tourist
brochure
Board's
brochures Frequency German brochure
15
15
Coastlines Wilderness (lorest, bogs) Rural lamlscapc t !than landscape Rivers
2 4 1 7
2
(
;em'ral landscapes
4
Finnish
14 3
1
I
7
7
1
1
1
'Natural' M~fl,cts
5
4
5
Birds Wild berries Fungi Wild flowers Farm animals
1 1 1
1 1
2
I
1
I I
2 I
"( "tdtural' objects
21
21
Churches or monasteries ('aslles Manor houses Ships Handicrafts Windmills Prehistoric monument thmsc interior I '.niversitv /]rban feature Sanatorium
3 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 12 1 I 1 l 3
21 3 fi
11
12
1 1 1 1
I I I I
3
3
thtma/! activities
t lunting Sunhalhing on beach t torso rMiFig ,Skiing People in town (cafd, pla~ing music, walking) Song fcstiwd Other ct, ltural event ('amping Walking m countryside (over image
1 2 1 1 Toompeia castle
p r o h i b i t e d by the Soviet p o w e r s , C r i c k ' s (p 331) w a r n i n g that ' N o m a t t e r how o f t e n t o u r i s m i n d u s t r y b r o c h u r e s s p e a k of the n a t u r a l f r i e n d l i n e s s o f p e o ple, g e n e r o s i t y usually has little to d o with the p r o v i s i o n o f t o u r i s m s e r v i c e s ' n e e d s to be h e e d e d . > O n e insight into an official view o f E s t o n i a as a tourist d e s t i n a t i o n can be d e r i v e d f r o m the 12-page b r o c h u r e p r o d u c e d by the E s t o n i a n T o u r i s t B o a r d in 1994, a n d t r a n s l a t e d into F i n n i s h , E n g l i s h a n d G e r m a n . > This was f u n d e d by the E u r o p e a n U n ion's P H A R E d e v e l o p m e n t p r o g r a m m e , a n d by July 1995 was the m a i n tourist b r o c h u r e p r o d u c e d by the B o a r d . T h e text a n d i l l u s t r a t i o n s o f t h e s e b r o c h u r e s vary slightly d e p e n d i n g on the p e r c e i v e d i n t e r e s t s o f each tourist g r o u p . T h e first f o u r p a g e s p r o v i d e a g e o g r a p h i c a l , historical a n d cultural i n t r o d u c t i o n to the c o u n t r y , e m p h a s i z i n g its n a t u r a l b e a u t y , its political i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d its a t t r a c t i v e n e s s at different seasons. This is f o l l o w e d by f o u r p a g e s on the c a p i t a l , T a l l i n n , o n e p a g e on the t o w n s of T a r t u , Pfirnu, N a r v a a n d H a a p s a l u , o n e p a g e on the n a t i o n -
1
l
2
2
1 -
I 1
Toompeia castle
brochure
Woman in traditional dress
al p a r k s a n d the islands o f S a a r e m a a a n d H i u m a a , a n d a final p a g e on travel i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e d o m i n a n c e o f u r b a n i m a g e s is e v i d e n t from this s i m p l e s u m m a r y , as it is f r o m the p i c t u r e s used to illustrate the text, of which only s o m e 23 ( 4 3 % ) in t h e English text are in anv w a y rural. This i m a g e r y w o u l d s e e m b o t h to be r e i n f o r c i n g the c o n c e p t of E s t o n i a as an u r b a n d e s t i n a t i o n , but also as trying to e n c o u r a g e g r e a t e r d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of t o u r i s m into rural areas. T h u s , as i n d i c a t e d in "Fable 3, t h e r e are s o m e 13 (25'/0) illustrations of rural l a n d s c a p e s o r ' n a t u r a l ' o b j e c t s in the English version, a n d at least half of the h u m a n activities illust r a t e d are also r u r a l - b a s e d . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , o n l y 17 (English v e r s i o n ) o f the i l l u s t r a t i o n s include p e o p l e , a n d in a l m o s t all of t h e s e t h e r e is a mix of m e n and w o m e n . T h e i m a g e r y b e i n g a d v o c a t e d d o e s not t h e r e f o r e a p p e a r to be s t r o n g l y m a s c u l i n i z e d or f e m i n i z e d , in c o n t r a s t with s o m e of that used in o t h e r parts o f the w o r l d . 3a In the i m a g e s o1: the physical e n v i r o n m e n t used, it is also difficult to
273
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin
accept the views of authors such as Kinnaird and Hall that 'Stereotyped, gender-specific leisure activities may mean that different landscapes take on a gendered perception' (p 214). 31 In particular, their interpretation that 'the rough rugged natural environment of wild national parks, Arctic tundra or high mountains are there to be "conquered", usually by men' (p 214), 31 does not seem appropriate for the images used for Estonia's rural environments. The symbolism and imagery used in advertising Estonia as a tourist destination also has bearing on the power relationships between Estonia and the countries from which tourists come, as well as between people living in urban and rural areas more generally. It is evident that one of the main factors leading to the expansion of tourism in Estonia is that it is a cheap destination for most people from Scandinavia as well as from other parts of the European Union. If prices were to rise substantially, it is highly likely that this would lead to a reduction in the number of tourists visiting the country, and foreign tourists can therefore be seen as exploiting the price differences that exist. Moreover, a critical issue of power is involved here, since the continuation of such tourism is based on the maintenance of the price differentials, and thus on the continued relative economic weakness of Estonia. The dilemma for Estonia, as for so many other countries, is that the relationship is not purely one-sided, since such tourists do bring a substantial amount of much needed foreign exchange into the country. For people living in rural areas such power relationships and inequalities are exacerbated, since it is primarily those from urban centres and societies who are seeking to utilize rural areas for recreational purposes.3~The image of Estonia being promoted in tourist literature is thus one of unspoilt 'natural' landscapes, with considerable areas of woodland and animals that are rare elsewhere in Europe. An overt and direct implication of this is the exploitation of Estonia by hunters from other parts of Europe, keen to shoot animals they are unable to kill in their own countries. More generally, though, the rural landscapes that exist in Estonia are the creation of particular economic conditions and systems of agrarian production. Within the former Soviet Union these were designed to ensure maximum food production at lowest possible costs, and the shift to a m a r k e t e c o n o m y since i n d e p e n d e n c e has only worsened the relative economic position of the majority of those living in rural areas. These tensions raise doubts over the sustainability of such rural tourism, and it is therefore to this key issue that the final section of this paper now turns.
Sustainable rural tourism? Estonia today has a wealth of cultural, ecological and landscape resources which could provide the
274
basis for a considerable expansion in the number of tourists visiting the country. Indeed, even in the north-east, the most heavily industrially polluted part of the country, there are considerable such resources, and the local government in Ida-Viru Country is actively seeking to expand its volume of tourism. 33 The key issue which nevertheless needs to be resolved is the level at which such tourism is sustainable. While many advocates of rural tourism see it as eminently sustainable, ~' and there is also a growing ecological movement in Estonian agriculture seeking to enhance the sustainability of the agrarian systems used in the country, H~ there are those who nevertheless remain sceptical. 34'~5 Three central and interconnected tensions underlie the debate over the sustainability of rural tourism in Estonia: the level of such tourism necessary to provide sufficient economic returns; the level of environmental change deemed to be acceptable; and the cultural and power relationships involved in such tourism. Currently, the levels of tourism in rural areas of Estonia are relatively low, and the investment involved in constructing premises for increased numbers of tourists in rural areas is quite high, requiring considerable levels of occupancy in order to provide any economic returns. Moreover, the main tourist season in the summer from May until August is short and with the long nights and low temperatures of winter it is unlikely that large numbers of tourists will be attracted to rural areas at this time, despite the limited amount of cross-country skiing available. Taking these factors together means that, while farm tourism is undoubtedly viable, it is unlikely that in the long term the provision of very large numbers of low-cost rural holidays for tourists will be particularly profitable as a sole source of income. The main alternative is therefore to provide high-cost specialist options, directed at for example small groups wishing to undertake specific ornithological or ecological excursions. The difficulty with this option is that it is not easy to find sufficient accommodation for such groups in rural areas, and there are doubts as to whether its provision would in any case provide sufficient financial returns. Consequently, it is highly likely that such small group tours would have to be based in urban areas, once again therefore reducing the economic returns to those living in the countryside. For rural people who wish to develop farm tourism it is therefore crucial that it is seen as but one e l e m e n t of a blend of income-generating alternatives. Allied to the above Qbservations are management issues associated with the environmental results of such rural tourism. Relatively little research has yet been undertaken on the likely environmental influence of increased human interaction in Estonian nature reserves and protected areas, but experiences from elsewhere suggest that for such tourism to be in
Tourist development in Estonia: 7 Unwin
any sense sustainable, considerable investment needs to be undertaken in their environmental management, s'3~ In the Estonian context, many of the least economically utilized parts of the country that might appear most attractive to potential tourists are areas of marsh, bog or fen, which are particularly sensitive to human interference. Likewise, tensions arise even in the maintenance of managed agrarian landscapes. With the current restructuring of agriculture and land holding in Estonia, large areas which were cultivated in collective or state farms are now lying fallow and are rapidly reverting to scrubland and eventually forest. Given the prevailing economic conditions there are insufficient farmers who deem it profitable to cultivate these fields, and substantial subsidies would be required for farmers to cultivate them in ways that would create the 'traditional' landscapes represented in much of the tourist literature. Finally, some mention should be made of the cultural and power relationships influencing the 'sustainability' of rural tourism in Estonia. As Crick emphasized (p 335) 'Most academics writing about sociocultural change and tourism from sociological and anthropological viewpoints have adopted a negative stance '2s on this issue. 37 There is thus little doubt that any increase in rural tourism will have profound influences on Estonian society, and it is most likely that it will lead to increased, rather than diminished, differences between rural and urban areas. 3~ While in the first years of independence there was indeed a move back to the countryside by many younger people seeking to establish their own farms and rural properties, a substantial number of them have already become disillusioned with the opportunities available for productive economic activity in rural areas, and have returned to the towns, leaving an ageing population in the countryside. Any increase in the number of rich foreign visitors in rural Estonia is likely to exacerbate this tendency, encouraging young people in even greater nurnbers to leave in search of the benefits accrued by those outsiders they encounter visiting their homes, fields and monuments.
Conclusions This paper has suggested that there are fundamental environmental and sociocuitural implications if rural tourism is to be expanded substantially within Estonia. While there are sound economic reasons for its development, both at a national and an individual level, there are important issues concerning its longterm sustainability which appear as yet to have been insufficiently considered in consultancy reports or policy developments. Nevertheless, it is important not to separate tourism changes from those taking place in other parts of the economy and in Estonian society. Those eager to
see Estonia enter the European Union would also argue that too much emphasis should not be placed on the significance of rural landscapes and identity in Estonian culture. Such an emphasis focuses excessively on the past, and ignores the role of contemporary human agency in influencing the future identity of Estonians. While there is no doubt of the traditional cultural importance of rural life, as reflected for example in the recent land reform legislation, questions do need to be asked about the future balance of economic activity, symbolic significance and lived experiences of people in different parts of the country. The expansion of rural tourism might well be one way of providing an increased source of foreign exchange for the Estonian eco~nomy as a whole, but the crucial decisions that need to be made concern the allocation of benefits from such income. It seems likely that the net influence will favour the urban economy, and that the development of rural tourism will in the end continue to disadvantage the rural poor. However, there are paradoxes involved in reaching even this conclusion. A key feature of many Estonians living today in urban areas is that they retain close links with their rural past. Many have access to summer cottages in rural areas, and large numbers are now seeking to reclaim farms once owned by their families in the 1930s. The division between urban and rural is thus not one that is clear cut and simple.
Acknowledgements Funding for this research from The British Academy and the Estonian Academy of Sciences is gratefully acknowledged, as is the assistance and advice of Anton Laur and Reet Karuk~ipp.
References ILugus, O and Hachey, Jr, G A (eds) Tran,~forrning the E~'tonian Economy Institute of Economics, Estonian Academy of Sciences, Ta[linn (1995) -'Unwin. T 'Structural change in Estonian agriculture: from command economy to privatisation" Geot~raphy 1994 79 (3) 246~261 ~Unwin, T 'Agrarian change and integrated rural development m a policy vacuum: the case of Estonia" European Urban and Regional Studies 1994 I (2) 180-185 ~*Maide, H "Transformation of agriculture', in Lugus, O and Haehey, Jr, G A (eds) TransJorming the Estonian Economy Institute of Economics, Estonian Academy of Sciences, Tallinn (1995) 169-186 ~ITC Consulting Tourism to £stonia - Indicative Development Master Plan (Draft Final ReportL #L~:ecutive Suntmarv IT(" Consuiting (April 1995J ~'Council of Europe The Challenges Facing European Society with the Approach (ff the Year 2000:Strategie5 fi)r Sustainable Quality Tourism European Regional Planning, No 53, Council of Europe, Strasbourg, 1992 7Wood, R E 'Tourism, culture and the sociology of development', in Hitchcock, M. King, V T and Parnwell, M J G (eds) 7)ntrism ht South-East Asia Routledge, London (1993), 48-70 XShaw, G and Williams, A Critical Issues in Tourism: a (,eo t~-
275
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin raphical Perspective Blackwell, Oxford (1993) '~Faagepera, R Estonia: Return to Independence Westview Press, Boulder, CO (1993) J°Mikk, M and Mauring, R (eds) Miks peaks Eesti POllumajandus olema 6koloogiline? Okoinsenerikeskuse Publikatsioonid, Tartu (1994) ~ECEAT Holiday on an Organic Farm in the Baltics ECEAT, Amsterdam (19951 12Hitchcock, M, King, V T and Parnwell, M J G (eds) Tourism in South-East Asia Routledge, London (1993) ~3Taaler, J 'Economic reforms: the main stages, programmes and evaluations', in Lugus, O and Hachey, Jr, G A (eds) Transforming the Estonian Economy Institute of Economics, Estonian Academy of Sciences, Tallinn (19951 1-15 ~4Rajasalu, T 'Macro-economic stabilization and development', in Lugus, O and Hachey, Jr, G A (eds) Transforming the Estonian Economy Institute of Economics, Estonian Academy of Sciences, Tallinn (1995) 16--51 ~SWorld Bank Estonia: the Transition to a Market Economy World Bank, Washington, DC (1993) ~"Odling-Smee, J led) Economic Review: Estonia International Monetary Fund, Washington, DC (1992) WEesti Statistikaamet Eesti Piirkondlik Statistika 1993 Eesti Statistikaamet, Tallinn (1995) ~Eesti Statistikaamet Statistika Aastaraamat 1994 Eesti Statistikaamet, Tallinn (1994) V~Informare Estonia: the New Tourist Destination Informare, Tallinn (no date, c. 1993) -'°Pylv~imiinen, M led) Keskkond 1992 Environmental Report 6, Environment Data Centre, National Board of Waters and the Environment, Helsinki (1993) 21J6este, M led) Estonia: a Reference Book, 1993 Estonian Encyclopaedia Publishers, Tallinn (1993) 22Bluman, E led) Estonian Hotel & Lodging Directory 1994 Eve Bluman, Tallinn (1994) 2-~ITC Consulting European Demand and Strategy Stud), fi~r Es'tonia - Sub-component o f the Touris'm Technical Assistance
276
Programme 1TC Consulting (1995) 24pullerits, A led) Estonia: Population, Culture and Economic Life Tallinna Eesti Kirjastus-0hisuse Triikikoda, Tallinn (1937) 25Aunap, R and Mandcr, 0 'Estonian agriculture" in Sepp, K led) European Workshop on Human Impact on Environment: Northeast Es'tonia Institute of Ecology and Marine Research, Estonian
Academy of Sciences, Tallinn (1991) 73--80 2~Raud, V R Estonia: a Reference Book Nordic Press, New York (19531 27Bethemont, J led) L'Avenir des" Paysages Ruraux EuropPens Laboratoire de G6ographie Rhodanienne, Lyon (19941 2XCrick, M "Representations of international tourism in the social sciences: sun, sex, sights, savings and servility" Annual Review ()[ Anthropology 1989 18 3(17-344 2'~Viro (Finnish), Eesti/Estonia (English), Eesti/Estland (German), Estonian Tourist Board, Tallinn (1994) ~°Kinnaird, V and Hall, D (eds) Tourism: a Gender Analysis Wiley, Chichester (1994) 3~Kinnaird, V and Hall, D "Conclusion: the way forward" in Kinnaird, V and Hall, D (eds) Tourism: a Gender Analysis' Wiley, Chichester (1994) 2111-216 32Mormont, M 'Tourism and rural change: the symbolic impact', in Bouquet, M and Winter, M (eds) Who from their Labours Res't? Conflict and Practice in Rural Tourism Avebury, Aldcrshot (1987) 35-44 ~3Ida-Viru County Administration Ida-Viru County Ida Vira County Government, J6hvi (no date, 1995) 34Cater, E and Lowman, G (eds) Ecotourism: u Sustainable Option? Royal Geographical Society/Wiley, Chichester (19941 ~Smith, V L and Eadington, W R (eds) Touris'm Alternatives University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia (1992) 3'~Cater, E 'Environmental considerations in sustainable tourism" GeographicalJ 1995 161 (1) 21-28 37Smith, V led) Hosts and Gues'ts: the Anthropology o f Tourism Blackwell, Oxford (1978) ~SUrry, J The Tourist Gaze: Leis'ure attd Travel in (~mtemporury Societies Sage, London (1990)
Tourism Management, Vol. 17, No. 4. pp. 265~276, 1996 Copyright © 1996 Elscvier Science Ltd Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved 0261-5177/96 $15.(~) + 0.{KI
Pergamon
S026I-5177(96100018--0
Tourist development in Estonia Images, sustainability, and integrated rural development Tim Unwin Departrnent of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, Surrey TW20 OEX, UK This paper examines three themes in the development of tourism in Estonia since independence in 1991: the role of tourism in integrated rural development, the symbolic imagery of contemporary tourism and its sustainability. It draws attention to conflicts between the economic advantages of an expansion in tourism and its sociocultural and environmental influences. In particular, it argues that the benefits of rural tourism may not be as large as has sometimes been suggested, and that many of these will accrue more directly to the urban sector of the economy. Copyright © 1996 Elsevier Science Ltd Keywords: Estonia, sustainability, rural development
The Republic of Estonia, situated at the eastern end of the Baltic Sea and with a population of around one and a half million, is undergoing considerable economic restructuring following its formal independence from the Soviet Union in 1991.1 Rural areas, and the agricultural sector in particular, have been seriously disadvantaged in this transformation 2-4 and tourism is widely seen as providing an alternative source of income for those still wishing to live and work in the countryside. It is estimated that in 1994 tourism already accounted for approximately 13.5% of total foreign exchange earnings and that the sector represented about 8% of the country's total employment. 5 However, any expansion in tourism raises important issues concerned with its sustainability and influence on the environment.~s This paper explores three particular aspects of the development of tourism in Estonia: the role of rural tourism as an element of integrated rural development; tourist imagery and the construction of national identity; and the sustainability of rural tourism. In the context of integrated rural development. the paper examines key issues concerning regional planning, and the rural-urban balance of economic benefits of such policies. As Wood 7 has emphasized, though, such a normative economic
cost-benefit framework fails to capture the crucial cultural significance of tourism in rapidly changing societies. He stresses (p 66) that the central questions that need to be addressed 'are about process, and about the complex ways tourism enters and becomes part of an already on-going process of symbolic meaning and appropriation'. Within the context of the former Soviet Union, such issues are of fundamental significance, since they are related centrally to the ways in which these newly independent states are seeking to create specific national identities. The imagery with which such states are portrayed in the tourist literature, and the experiences that foreigners gain in visiting them, are thus crucial to their emerging international identities. A second broad section of this paper therefore addresses the symbolic imagery associated with the expansion of tourism in Estonia. Third, the debate over sustainability and the influence of tourism on Estonia's physical and cultural environment is considered. Although the ecological sustainability of tourism is widely discussed in the literature, it is of particular significance in the Estonian context, since environmental issues played a significant role in the state's independence movement that emerged in the 1980s. 9 Moreover, eco-tourism has been advocated as a viable form of economic enterprise by Estonian
265
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin farmers' organizations j° and also by international groups such as the European Centre for Eco Agro Tourism (ECEAT). ~'11"12
Rural restructuring: from command economy to the free market The implementation of change through macroeconomic policy instruments A key feature of the Estonian economic reform programme has been its emphasis on the creation of a free market with as few government controls or subsidies as possible.13 This has been implemented primarily t h r o u g h the i n t r o d u c t i o n of macroeconomic policy instruments, 14 influenced in large p a r t by W o r l d B a n k and I M F f u n d i n g and advice. 15,16 A crucial feature of the adoption of this policy emphasis has been that relatively little attention has been paid to micro-economic issues. Moreover, regional development matters have been insufficiently addressed by national governments, and the local influences of specific macro-economic policies have been largely ignored. This is particularly evident in the distribution of investment in different parts of the country, with the vast majority of this having been located in the capital Tallinn, and its immediate vicinity in Harju Maakond (County). 17 The agricultural sector, and more generally rural areas as a whole, have been severely disadvantaged by the adoption of these policies. 2-4 While Estonian agricultural statistics need treating with considerable caution, most indicators show a substantial fall in all types of agrarian production in 1991 and 1992 from the levels obtained in the 1980s, although there are some signs that figures for 1993 and 1994 may indicate the beginnings of a recovery. The most striking changes have taken place in the numbers of recorded livestock, which have fallen dramatically. ~s Moreover, gross agricultural output has declined from 223 million kroons in 1990 to 160.8 million kroons in 1993, and the contribution of agriculture, forestry and hunting to G D P has fallen from 16% in 1991 to 10% in 1993. ~s Tourism and integrated rural development It is estimated that the percentage of the working population employed in agriculture fell from around 14% in 1992 to 8% in 1993, j~ and to only some 4.5% in 1995 (Ruve Sank, personal communication, 16 June 1995). While this reduction may in part be a result of elderly people retiring and leaving the productive economy altogether, it is evident that for rural areas to retain their economic vitality it is important for alternative sources of income to be created therein. Five possible sources of enhanced employment and increased foreign exchange earnings are: specialization in agrarian products for which the country is environmentally suited, an expansion of forestry and timber production, the 266
development of environmental tourism, an expansion of high-quality handicraft production and the enhancement of fishing. 3 Of these alternatives, tourism is widely seen as being one of the most likely sectors of the economy to succeed, and it already employs some 54 000 people, approaching double the number estimated still to be in agricultural employment. 5 As a recent report on the potential of tourism comments (p 1), 'Estonia has the potential to become a key destination in the Baltics for tourism. Virgin and beautiful landscape and the Baltic islands offer an environment attractive to tourists . . . There are many excellent nature r e s e r v e s . . , which though they lack facilities of an international standard, still contain many rare species of plants, birds, and other animals, no longer found in the rest of Europe . . . . The country is rich in both history and culture. "5
Estonian tourism past and present Tourism in the Soviet period Estonian tourism has traditionally been based on its curative muds and on the sea.l'~ In the early 19th century establishments for providing mud baths and cures were built at P~irnu, at Haapsalu on the western coast and at Kuressaare on the island of Saaremaa, and during the country's first period of independence in the 1920s and 1930s its coastal resorts attracted visitors from many parts of northern and central Europe. Following the forced incorporation of Estonia into the Soviet Union during the 1939-45 war, '~ the country became effectively closed to international tourism. Its attractive coastal locations and tradition of health resorts nevertheless provided the basis for the development of dachas for the Soviet 61ire, as well as sanatoria and holiday centres, many of which were run by industrial unions. Estonia thus became a popular summer location for Russians who came in large numbers to resorts such as P~irnu and Narva-J6esuu. In the 1960s this situation changed with the opening of an office in Tallinn by the Soviet tourist organization Intourist. The hotel Tallinn, which was originally planned to accommodate collective farmers, first opened its doors to western tourists in 1963. j'~ Travel beyond the capital Tallinn, though, was generally prohibited, and by the end of the 1960s only some 15 000 non-Soviet tourists a year visited the country. The opening in 1972 of the Hotel Viru, specifically designed to cater for international tourists, presaged a slow expansion of tourist facilities, and by the end of the 1970s between 40 000 and 50 000 tourists a year were accommodated. I'~ The next significant impetus for tourist development was the holding of the yachting events of the Moscow Olympic Games in Tallinn in 1980. This led to the construction of a new hotel, the Olfimpia, the yach-
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin Table !
Estonian Nature Reserves and National Parks created before 1991
Name
Status
Date established
Area iha)
International Biosphere Rcser,,e
1989
1 51~)1174
State Nature Reserve Wetland Area of International hnportance Especially as Waterfowl Habitat hnportant Bird Area State Nature Reserve Ishmd of Vaika expanded to State Nature Reserve Important Bird Area Slate Nature Reserve Slate Nature Reserve
1957 1975
National Park
1971
64 90t)
Landscape Landscape expanded Landscape Landscape Landscape Landscape Landscape Landscape Landscape
1971 1957 1971 1987 1957 1979 1979 1979 1987 1964
313 21 720
t~io.where Reserves
West-Estonian lshmds Biosphere Rcservc ,~'lal~' Nature Reserves Matsalu State Nature Rescrvc
Viidum~_ie Statc Nature Reserve Vilsandi Stale Nature Reserve
Nigula State Nature Reserve
Fmdla Stale Nature Reservc National Park
Lahemaa National Park
1989 1957 19111 1957 1989 1957 1986
48 64tl
1194 I0 94(I 2 771 8 162
l.andscalw Reserves
ttimmaa Islets State Landscape Reserve Kdrvcmaa Stale Landscape Reservc Kurtna State Landscape Reserve Nceruti Stale Landscape Reserve Karula Slatc Landscape Reserve ()tcpiiii State Landscape Reserve Paganamaa State Landscape Reserve Rebala State Landscape Reserve Vooremaa State Landscape Rescrve
Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve Reserve
2 541 885 1t) 318 23 tl31 1107 2 495 9 9t1(/
Olher re:;('ri,c,~'
31 Mire Reserves 2 Ornithological Reserves S Botanical Rcscrvcs Kaalli meteorite craters 5 Natural Monuments t laania Nature Park Pandiverc ftydrological Reserve
Mire Reserve Ornithok)gical Reserve Botanical Reserves Geological Reserve Natural Monument Protected area (part) Landscape Reserve Nature Park Hydrological Reserve
most 1981 1989
1957 1979 1991 1988
9 163 3511 875
Source: derived from Nature Conservation in Estonia, Ministry' of En,dronment, Tallinn (1993)
ling m a r i n a n e a r b y at Pirita, a n d to a g e n e r a l r e f u r b i s h m e n t a n d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of m a n y of the historical b u i l d i n g s in Tallinn. T o u r i s t d e v e l o p m e n l o u t s i d e T a l l i n n was n e v e r theless s e v e r e l y r e s t r i c t e d d u r i n g the S o v i e t p e r i o d . E v e n in T a r t u , the o l d u n i v e r s i t y c e n t r e and s e c o n d largest t o w n , f o r e i g n e r s w e r e p r o h i b i t e d f r o m s p e n d ing a night b e c a u s e of the p r o x i m i t y o f the m i l i t a r y a i r p o r t . E l s e w h e r e , e x t e n s i v e c o a s t a l a r e a s , islands a n d tracts o f forest b e c a m e r e s t r i c t e d m i l i t a r y z o n e s , a n d access was p r o h i b i t e d to b o t h the local p o p u l a tion a n d f o r e i g n e r s alike. T h e r e w e r e thus 350 Soviet military a r e a s t o t a l l i n g s o m e 83 000 ha within the t e r r i t o r y o f t h e E s t o n i a n R e p u b l i c d u r i n g the 19Ntis. 2d O u t s i d e these a r e a s a l o n g m u c h of the n o r t h e r n coast, a r o l l e d b a n d of s a n d , f r e q u e n t l y spaced watch-towers and border patrols prevented p e o p l e f r o m g a i n i n g access to the sea a n d the possibility of e s c a p i n g across the Baltic to F i n l a n d o r S w e d e n . W h i l e Soviet m i l i t a r y b a s e s w e r e an i m p o r tant cause o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l p o l l u t i o n , this p o l i c y of
r e s t r i c t e d access has n e v e r t h e l e s s m e a n t that most of the E s t o n i a n coastline is very s p a r s e l y i n h a b i t e d , anti r e c e n t b u i l d i n g r e s t r i c t i o n s have sought t o m a i n t a i n the u n s p o i l t n a t u r e o f the coast. A f u r t h e r i m p o r t a n t d e v e l o p m e n t d u r i n g the S o v i e t p e r i o d was the c r e a t i o n of a n u m b e r oI' p r o t e c t e d n a t u r a l a r e a s , first in 1957 with the State N a t u r e R e s e r v e s at M a t s a l u , Viidumfie, Vilsandi and N i g u l a , a n d t h e n in 1971 with the c r e a t i o n of L a h e m a a National Park on the central northern coast, the first such p a r k in the e n t i r e Soviet U n i o n ( T a b h ' 1). T h e s e p r o t e c t e d a r e a s p r o v i d e a r e s o u r c e of cons i d e r a b l e i m p o r t a n c e for the f u t u r e d e v e l o p m e n t of t o u r i s m in E s t o n i a , a n d c o n s e q u e n t l y t h e i r o r g a n i z a tion has b e e n s u b s t a n t i a l l y r e v i s e d since i n d e p e n d e n c e , w i t h , for e x a m p l e , V i l s a n d i , K a r u h l a n d S o o m a a b e i n g reclassified as N a t i o n a l P a r k s in 1993.
E s t o n i a n t o u r i s m in t h e 1 9 9 0 s
In M a y 1990 a N a t i o n a l T o u r i s t B o a r d was estab-
267
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin
lished with the remit of developing tourism and implementing governmental policies, ~ and in 1992 the government adopted policies to enhance tourism as a priority export sector.19 Since then the number of western tourists visiting Estonia has increased substantially, although obtaining precise statistics on the volume and origins of such tourists is far from easy. Official statistics based on tourists served by travel agencies illustrate an increase from some 341 520 international tourists in 1991 to 586 818 in 1994 (Table 2). However, as Table 2 indicates, this figure is well below the figure for tourists visiting the country in 1989, when substantial numbers of visitors arrived from Russia and other parts of the Soviet Union, a flow which has now diminished markedly. Two other important conclusions can be drawn from Table 2. First, the source of origin of tourists is heavily dominated by Finland, accounting for 80% of all tourists visiting Estonia in 1994. Sweden is the next most frequent source of origin with some 8.5% of the total, followed by Germany (4.5%) and the USA (2.6%). All other countries therefore account for less than 4.5% of the visitors to Estonia who use travel agents. Second, less than 20% of visitors to the country spend a night there, with the vast majority being cruise passengers. While these figures do not include those who have made their own holiday arrangements, and only reflect the numbers served by travel agencies, they provide a clear picture of the overall structure of this segment of current tourism in Estonia; indeed, a staggering 67% of all such inbound tourists to Estonia in 1993 were day-visiting Finns on cruise ships. For an estimate of total numbers of people visiting Estonia, as yet unpublished figures suggest that in 1994 border guards noted some 1 million visitors to the country with visas, and there may have been as many as 1.9 million visitors of all sorts, an increase of some 300 000 on the 1993 figures (Ivo Volt, personal communication, 29 June 1995). The popularity of Estonia as a destination for Finnish cruise visitors can be explained largely by the low cost of everyday shopping items in Estonia relative to those pertaining in Finland, the ease of access by sea from Helsinki, and the similarity between the Finnish and Estonian languages. Indeed many Finnish products are obtainable much more cheaply in Estonia than they are in Finland, largely as a result of Finnish export subsidies. According to a recent unpublished survey, at least half of Finnish day visitors claimed to be coming to Estonia to shop for such products as food, alcohol and clothes (Ivo Volt, personal communication, 29 June 1995). The popularity of Tallinn as a source of cheap prostitution must also be seen as attracting a certain percentage of the Finnish and Swedish cruise passengers. Many Finns are also seeking to take advantage of cheap medical and ophthalmic services, and increasing numbers are now travelling further afield during
268
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summer months to benefit from the sanatoria located in Pfirnu. The overall impression of the dominance of Finnish cruise visitors to Tallinn is reinforced when the regional balance of tourism facilities and visits is examined in more detail (Figure 1). Figure 1 illustrates the main tourist accommodation facilities in Estonia, and, although not providing a complete list of all such facilities, gives a reasonably accurate indication of their distribution. 22 The Estonian Tourist Board is currently (1995) implementing a system of certification for all tourist accommodation, and when this is completed in 1996, it will then be possible to obtain a more accurate indication of regional distribution (lvo Volt, personal communication, 29 June 1995). Nevertheless, from Figure 1 the dominance of Tallinn, and then the other more important towns such as Tartu and P~irnu as centres for the provision of tourist facilities is clear. In seeking to expand tourism, an Indicative Development Master Plan has been prepared identifying the key role that tourism can play in the development of the economy, s This highlights among other things tourism's importance as a labour-intensive industry, its ability to generate hard-currency foreign exchange, its regional spread, its tax-generation opportunities, its multiplier effects on other sectors of the economy and its considerable potential for expansion. In order to achieve economic, social and environmental benefits, the report recommends government support in the enhancement of basic infrastructure such as sea access and roads, the establishment of appropriate institutional arrangements, the development of a well-trained workforce, and enhanced marketing. Based on a survey of European tour operators, the most positive image factors about Estonia were its cultural heritage, its natural environment and its friendly people.Z3The report (p 41) therefore recommends that 'Estonia's image should be built around these factors - an eco-tourism destination with extensive opportunities to participate in leisure activities in a peaceful, pleasant, unpolluted countryside with a range of things-to-seeand-do, a distinctive cultural heritage and history, medieval antiquities and museum towns - a place to relax in the midst of warm and friendly people'. 23 The remainder of this paper therefore seeks to examine the potential for such rural tourism to benefit integrated rural development, the symbols and images used in promoting Estonian tourism, and whether such eco-tourism policies are sustainable.
Rural tourism and integrated rural development The rural environment and landscape have played central roles in the development of Estonian national identity. Following the Treaty of Tartu in 1920, when Russia acknowledged the country's independ-
ence, Estonia embarked on a period of considerable agricultural expansion. 24 This was grounded in the 1919 Land Reform Law which created some 83 514 small new independent holdings out of the 1149 large landed estates which had previously owned more than 2.3 million ha of land. By 1939 around 140 000-150 000 farms, 25'2~' the majority of which were about 2(I ha in size, provided the basis for a thriving agrarian economy, with considerable exports of butter and pork to Britain and Germany. This is highly significant, since the recent privatization of land in the early 1990s has been based on the arrangements that existed in 1939. Moreover, substantial numbers of Estonians retained ties to rural areas throughout the Soviet period even though they lived in the major urban centres, and they are now seeking to regain title to their families' farms although many of them have little interest or experience in farming. 2 Another indication of the importance attributed to rural areas is the practical and symbolic role of the forest in Estonian culture. Thus forests have played a significant role in Finno-Ugric mythology and the practice of Shamanism, and in a very practical way they also served as a place of escape during the Soviet occupation, indeed, the main focus for opposition during the early period of Soviet repression was a guerilla group of some 30 000 people, known as the metsavennad, or forest brothers, who took refuge first in huts in the forest, and then in underground cellars." One of the central problems facing Estonia since 1991 has thus been the need to balance the economic interests of a market economy, which has meant that the main focus of economic activity has been in the vicinity of the capital Tallinn, with the cultural importance of rural areas. At one level, it could be argued that if Estonia is to develop as rapidly as possible towards an economic situation whereby it can enter the European Union on competitive terms, then there needs to be a painful period of structural readjustment in rural areas, leading to the creation of a relatively small number of successful enterprises. This, though, is at odds with the political philosophy which acknowledged the significance of rural culture in creating the large number of small private holdings emerging today. It is here that rural tourism has been seen as possibly contributing to the successful maintenance of rural lifestyles, particularly given the :importance that the European Union has attributed to this sector of the economy in providing an economic basis for people living in peripheral rural areas. 27 Moreover, rural tourism has been advocated both by official bodies as well as by individual farmers. The former are seeking to disperse the economic benefits of tourism away from the capital Tallinn, and the latter, witnessing its benefits in countries such as Denmark, are keen to develop farm tourism as a supplement to their other forms of income.
269
Tourist development in Estonia." T Unwin
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Figure 2 A typical Estonian monastery.
Figure 1 indicates that, although Tallinn dominates in terms of the provision of tourist accommodation, most parts of the country are currently served by hotels, motels and campsites. Moreover, the nature reserves (Table 1), cultural monuments such as castles and archaeological sites, and scenic landscapes are also widely distributed. Three main factors nevertheless limit the direct benefits of these apparent advantages to the rural population. The first is that given the small size of the country, many of the "tourist attractions' are within easy driving distance of Tallinn, enabling visitors to stay there and benefit both from the advantages of the capital's facilities and central location, as well as from the opportunity to explore sites and landscapes in the surrounding rural areas. Second, even within rural areas the types of tourist attraction are not ones which will bring in substantial income to rural inhabitants. Third, many of the facilities available in rural areas are below the quality expected by most international tourists, thus restricting their desire to visit them. This is true not only of the campsite and hotel accommodation, 5 but also of the potential cultural sites. While some excellent accommodation and well-maintained cultural sites are to be found (see, for example, Figure 2) considerable investment is thus needed in the building of new hotels and in the restoration of many of the country's monuments.
One of the most direct potential economic benefits of tourism to rural people is through the provision of farm accommodation, and two main organizations have already been established to market such holidays (Figure 3): the Eston!ian Guesthouse Association, founded in 1992 and currently with 60 properties on its books: and the Estonian Farmers" Central Union's ( E T K L ) Department of Tourism, which started work officially in 1993 and currently serves some 40 properties (Viia Esko, Estonian Central Farmers' Union, Department of Tourism, personal communication, 21 July 1995; Andrus Kivi, Estonian Guesthouse Association, personal communication, 19 July 1995). In addition, some 10 farms are listed in the E u r o p e a n Centre for Eco Agro Tourism's brochure on the Baltics, and other farms are also advertised locally. ~ At present occupancy rates are relatively low, with the majority of tourists coming from Finland, Hollandi Denmark, Sweden and Germany, and spending an average of only two or three nights per farm. Five key management problems present themselves in the enhancement of such farm tourism: first, the short season (from May to August) in which the climate is sufficiently appealing; second, the cost of improving accommodation facilities; third, the small number of people for which each farm can cater (Andrus Kivi, personal eommunica271
Tourist development in Estonia." T Unwin
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tion, 19 July 1995); fourth, the difficulties of marketing such holidays in the competitive environment of farm tourism across Europe; and fifth, the need to enhance the provision of appropriate infrastructure. In more general terms, a problem facing the whole tourist sector in Estonia is concern among some potential visitors about the activities of various 'Mafia' groups in the country. Furthermore, if the broader rural economy is to be enhanced, it is essential for tourist developments to be integrated with other activities. Prime among these could be the expansion of handicraft production, the development of sports such as fishing, hunting, riding and skiing, and specialist high-quality food production, all of which could provide direct employment possibilities for people living in rural areas. In this context it is salient to note that of the 26 schemes approved for funding under the European Union's Estonian Rural Business Development Project by June 1995, four were associated with tourism (Andrus Ristkok, EU/PHARE Estonian Rural Business Development Project, personal communication, 16 June 1995). This indicates that some limited attention is already being given to this sector of the economy, although 272
the total anticipated number of jobs that these schemes will create is only 62 out of a total of 850.
S y m b o l s , i m a g e s and national identity Given the cultural importance of rural areas to much of the Estonian population, it is salient to examine the tourist images of the country being promoted in the literature and brochures. Not only does such literature provide the first images many potential tourists will encounter, but it also creates a lens through which those who visit the country interpret what they subsequently see. Currently, the main positive images of Estonia among European tour operators are its culture and heritage, its nature and natural environment and its friendly people. 23 All of these concepts, though, are problematic. In particular it should be noted that most of Estonia's cultural and historical monuments date from periods when the country was dominated by outside powers, and are thus Danish, German or Russian in origin. Likewise, although many Estonians are indeed 'friendly' and eager to encounter 'western' Europeans after years in which such contact was largely
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin Table
3
Classification
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Image
portrayed
in the Estonian
English
Tourist
brochure
Board's
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15
15
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2 4 1 7
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Birds Wild berries Fungi Wild flowers Farm animals
1 1 1
1 1
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Churches or monasteries ('aslles Manor houses Ships Handicrafts Windmills Prehistoric monument thmsc interior I '.niversitv /]rban feature Sanatorium
3 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 1 12 1 I 1 l 3
21 3 fi
11
12
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1 2 1 1 Toompeia castle
p r o h i b i t e d by the Soviet p o w e r s , C r i c k ' s (p 331) w a r n i n g that ' N o m a t t e r how o f t e n t o u r i s m i n d u s t r y b r o c h u r e s s p e a k of the n a t u r a l f r i e n d l i n e s s o f p e o ple, g e n e r o s i t y usually has little to d o with the p r o v i s i o n o f t o u r i s m s e r v i c e s ' n e e d s to be h e e d e d . > O n e insight into an official view o f E s t o n i a as a tourist d e s t i n a t i o n can be d e r i v e d f r o m the 12-page b r o c h u r e p r o d u c e d by the E s t o n i a n T o u r i s t B o a r d in 1994, a n d t r a n s l a t e d into F i n n i s h , E n g l i s h a n d G e r m a n . > This was f u n d e d by the E u r o p e a n U n ion's P H A R E d e v e l o p m e n t p r o g r a m m e , a n d by July 1995 was the m a i n tourist b r o c h u r e p r o d u c e d by the B o a r d . T h e text a n d i l l u s t r a t i o n s o f t h e s e b r o c h u r e s vary slightly d e p e n d i n g on the p e r c e i v e d i n t e r e s t s o f each tourist g r o u p . T h e first f o u r p a g e s p r o v i d e a g e o g r a p h i c a l , historical a n d cultural i n t r o d u c t i o n to the c o u n t r y , e m p h a s i z i n g its n a t u r a l b e a u t y , its political i n d e p e n d e n c e a n d its a t t r a c t i v e n e s s at different seasons. This is f o l l o w e d by f o u r p a g e s on the c a p i t a l , T a l l i n n , o n e p a g e on the t o w n s of T a r t u , Pfirnu, N a r v a a n d H a a p s a l u , o n e p a g e on the n a t i o n -
1
l
2
2
1 -
I 1
Toompeia castle
brochure
Woman in traditional dress
al p a r k s a n d the islands o f S a a r e m a a a n d H i u m a a , a n d a final p a g e on travel i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e d o m i n a n c e o f u r b a n i m a g e s is e v i d e n t from this s i m p l e s u m m a r y , as it is f r o m the p i c t u r e s used to illustrate the text, of which only s o m e 23 ( 4 3 % ) in t h e English text are in anv w a y rural. This i m a g e r y w o u l d s e e m b o t h to be r e i n f o r c i n g the c o n c e p t of E s t o n i a as an u r b a n d e s t i n a t i o n , but also as trying to e n c o u r a g e g r e a t e r d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of t o u r i s m into rural areas. T h u s , as i n d i c a t e d in "Fable 3, t h e r e are s o m e 13 (25'/0) illustrations of rural l a n d s c a p e s o r ' n a t u r a l ' o b j e c t s in the English version, a n d at least half of the h u m a n activities illust r a t e d are also r u r a l - b a s e d . I n t e r e s t i n g l y , o n l y 17 (English v e r s i o n ) o f the i l l u s t r a t i o n s include p e o p l e , a n d in a l m o s t all of t h e s e t h e r e is a mix of m e n and w o m e n . T h e i m a g e r y b e i n g a d v o c a t e d d o e s not t h e r e f o r e a p p e a r to be s t r o n g l y m a s c u l i n i z e d or f e m i n i z e d , in c o n t r a s t with s o m e of that used in o t h e r parts o f the w o r l d . 3a In the i m a g e s o1: the physical e n v i r o n m e n t used, it is also difficult to
273
Tourist development in Estonia: T Unwin
accept the views of authors such as Kinnaird and Hall that 'Stereotyped, gender-specific leisure activities may mean that different landscapes take on a gendered perception' (p 214). 31 In particular, their interpretation that 'the rough rugged natural environment of wild national parks, Arctic tundra or high mountains are there to be "conquered", usually by men' (p 214), 31 does not seem appropriate for the images used for Estonia's rural environments. The symbolism and imagery used in advertising Estonia as a tourist destination also has bearing on the power relationships between Estonia and the countries from which tourists come, as well as between people living in urban and rural areas more generally. It is evident that one of the main factors leading to the expansion of tourism in Estonia is that it is a cheap destination for most people from Scandinavia as well as from other parts of the European Union. If prices were to rise substantially, it is highly likely that this would lead to a reduction in the number of tourists visiting the country, and foreign tourists can therefore be seen as exploiting the price differences that exist. Moreover, a critical issue of power is involved here, since the continuation of such tourism is based on the maintenance of the price differentials, and thus on the continued relative economic weakness of Estonia. The dilemma for Estonia, as for so many other countries, is that the relationship is not purely one-sided, since such tourists do bring a substantial amount of much needed foreign exchange into the country. For people living in rural areas such power relationships and inequalities are exacerbated, since it is primarily those from urban centres and societies who are seeking to utilize rural areas for recreational purposes.3~The image of Estonia being promoted in tourist literature is thus one of unspoilt 'natural' landscapes, with considerable areas of woodland and animals that are rare elsewhere in Europe. An overt and direct implication of this is the exploitation of Estonia by hunters from other parts of Europe, keen to shoot animals they are unable to kill in their own countries. More generally, though, the rural landscapes that exist in Estonia are the creation of particular economic conditions and systems of agrarian production. Within the former Soviet Union these were designed to ensure maximum food production at lowest possible costs, and the shift to a m a r k e t e c o n o m y since i n d e p e n d e n c e has only worsened the relative economic position of the majority of those living in rural areas. These tensions raise doubts over the sustainability of such rural tourism, and it is therefore to this key issue that the final section of this paper now turns.
Sustainable rural tourism? Estonia today has a wealth of cultural, ecological and landscape resources which could provide the
274
basis for a considerable expansion in the number of tourists visiting the country. Indeed, even in the north-east, the most heavily industrially polluted part of the country, there are considerable such resources, and the local government in Ida-Viru Country is actively seeking to expand its volume of tourism. 33 The key issue which nevertheless needs to be resolved is the level at which such tourism is sustainable. While many advocates of rural tourism see it as eminently sustainable, ~' and there is also a growing ecological movement in Estonian agriculture seeking to enhance the sustainability of the agrarian systems used in the country, H~ there are those who nevertheless remain sceptical. 34'~5 Three central and interconnected tensions underlie the debate over the sustainability of rural tourism in Estonia: the level of such tourism necessary to provide sufficient economic returns; the level of environmental change deemed to be acceptable; and the cultural and power relationships involved in such tourism. Currently, the levels of tourism in rural areas of Estonia are relatively low, and the investment involved in constructing premises for increased numbers of tourists in rural areas is quite high, requiring considerable levels of occupancy in order to provide any economic returns. Moreover, the main tourist season in the summer from May until August is short and with the long nights and low temperatures of winter it is unlikely that large numbers of tourists will be attracted to rural areas at this time, despite the limited amount of cross-country skiing available. Taking these factors together means that, while farm tourism is undoubtedly viable, it is unlikely that in the long term the provision of very large numbers of low-cost rural holidays for tourists will be particularly profitable as a sole source of income. The main alternative is therefore to provide high-cost specialist options, directed at for example small groups wishing to undertake specific ornithological or ecological excursions. The difficulty with this option is that it is not easy to find sufficient accommodation for such groups in rural areas, and there are doubts as to whether its provision would in any case provide sufficient financial returns. Consequently, it is highly likely that such small group tours would have to be based in urban areas, once again therefore reducing the economic returns to those living in the countryside. For rural people who wish to develop farm tourism it is therefore crucial that it is seen as but one e l e m e n t of a blend of income-generating alternatives. Allied to the above Qbservations are management issues associated with the environmental results of such rural tourism. Relatively little research has yet been undertaken on the likely environmental influence of increased human interaction in Estonian nature reserves and protected areas, but experiences from elsewhere suggest that for such tourism to be in
Tourist development in Estonia: 7 Unwin
any sense sustainable, considerable investment needs to be undertaken in their environmental management, s'3~ In the Estonian context, many of the least economically utilized parts of the country that might appear most attractive to potential tourists are areas of marsh, bog or fen, which are particularly sensitive to human interference. Likewise, tensions arise even in the maintenance of managed agrarian landscapes. With the current restructuring of agriculture and land holding in Estonia, large areas which were cultivated in collective or state farms are now lying fallow and are rapidly reverting to scrubland and eventually forest. Given the prevailing economic conditions there are insufficient farmers who deem it profitable to cultivate these fields, and substantial subsidies would be required for farmers to cultivate them in ways that would create the 'traditional' landscapes represented in much of the tourist literature. Finally, some mention should be made of the cultural and power relationships influencing the 'sustainability' of rural tourism in Estonia. As Crick emphasized (p 335) 'Most academics writing about sociocultural change and tourism from sociological and anthropological viewpoints have adopted a negative stance '2s on this issue. 37 There is thus little doubt that any increase in rural tourism will have profound influences on Estonian society, and it is most likely that it will lead to increased, rather than diminished, differences between rural and urban areas. 3~ While in the first years of independence there was indeed a move back to the countryside by many younger people seeking to establish their own farms and rural properties, a substantial number of them have already become disillusioned with the opportunities available for productive economic activity in rural areas, and have returned to the towns, leaving an ageing population in the countryside. Any increase in the number of rich foreign visitors in rural Estonia is likely to exacerbate this tendency, encouraging young people in even greater nurnbers to leave in search of the benefits accrued by those outsiders they encounter visiting their homes, fields and monuments.
Conclusions This paper has suggested that there are fundamental environmental and sociocuitural implications if rural tourism is to be expanded substantially within Estonia. While there are sound economic reasons for its development, both at a national and an individual level, there are important issues concerning its longterm sustainability which appear as yet to have been insufficiently considered in consultancy reports or policy developments. Nevertheless, it is important not to separate tourism changes from those taking place in other parts of the economy and in Estonian society. Those eager to
see Estonia enter the European Union would also argue that too much emphasis should not be placed on the significance of rural landscapes and identity in Estonian culture. Such an emphasis focuses excessively on the past, and ignores the role of contemporary human agency in influencing the future identity of Estonians. While there is no doubt of the traditional cultural importance of rural life, as reflected for example in the recent land reform legislation, questions do need to be asked about the future balance of economic activity, symbolic significance and lived experiences of people in different parts of the country. The expansion of rural tourism might well be one way of providing an increased source of foreign exchange for the Estonian eco~nomy as a whole, but the crucial decisions that need to be made concern the allocation of benefits from such income. It seems likely that the net influence will favour the urban economy, and that the development of rural tourism will in the end continue to disadvantage the rural poor. However, there are paradoxes involved in reaching even this conclusion. A key feature of many Estonians living today in urban areas is that they retain close links with their rural past. Many have access to summer cottages in rural areas, and large numbers are now seeking to reclaim farms once owned by their families in the 1930s. The division between urban and rural is thus not one that is clear cut and simple.
Acknowledgements Funding for this research from The British Academy and the Estonian Academy of Sciences is gratefully acknowledged, as is the assistance and advice of Anton Laur and Reet Karuk~ipp.
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