Toward a grounded theory of self-regulation in mixed martial arts

Psychology of Sport and Exercise 14 (2013) 12e20

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Psychology of Sport and Exercise journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/psychsport

Toward a grounded theory of self-regulation in mixed martial arts William V. Massey a, *, Barbara B. Meyer a, Adam H. Naylor b a b

University of WisconsineMilwaukee, Department of Kinesiology, PO Box 413, Milwaukee, WI 53201, USA Boston University, Athletic Enhancement Center, 100 Ashford Street, Boston, MA 02215, USA

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 1 March 2012 Received in revised form 26 June 2012 Accepted 26 June 2012 Available online 24 July 2012

Objectives: The purpose of the current study was to use a grounded theory methodology to better understand the psychological factors involved in training and competition in MMA. Design: A grounded theory methodology underpinned by an interpretivist epistemology was utilized in the current study. Methods: Nine MMA athletes participated in formal, recorded interviews with one athlete participating in two recorded interviews. Additionally, observations and field notes from the first author were collected over a one-year period, and aided data collection and analysis. In line with grounded theory methodology (Weed, 2009), an iterative and constant comparison approach to data collection and analysis was employed until saturation was reached. Results: Throughout data collection and analysis, self-regulation during a training camp emerged as integral to optimal performance. Motivation and ongoing evaluation aided fighters in their ability to selfregulate both external and internal factors related to training and performance. External factors associated with self-regulation consisted of the creation and maintenance of an ascetic routine through environmental regulation, social support, and structured amnesty. Internal factors associated with selfregulation consisted of deliberately induced pain and distress, which facilitated self-efficacy, and produced stress and fatigue. Conclusions: Results of the current study advance the scientific literature in sport psychology by examining the role of self-regulation in the performance of MMA fighters. As the popularity of MMA continues to increase, future research should also examine the role of self-regulation in other aspects of MMA (e.g., injury rehabilitation, life balance). Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Mixed martial arts Performance Self-regulation

Combat scenarios in military and sport settings have often engendered interest from social scientists. At the time of its inception into mainstream culture, mixed martial arts (MMA) emerged as a no-holds barred combat sport in which fighters attempted to submit or render an opponent unconscious to end the contest. The popularity of MMA surged in North America with the creation of the Ultimate Fighting Championship (UFC) in 1993. Despite increased interest in MMA among participants, fans, and the media, and in spite of anecdotal accounts of the important psychological aspects of the sport (Sheridan, 2010), relatively little scholarly work examining the myriad of psychological factors associated with MMA performance has been published (Spencer, 2009). Research that does exist as it relates to MMA has focused on: (a) the history of the sport (Downey, 2007), (b) the learning and

* Corresponding author. Tel.: þ1 414 344 8036. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (W.V. Massey), [email protected] (B.B. Meyer), [email protected] (A.H. Naylor). 1469-0292/$ e see front matter Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.psychsport.2012.06.008

integration of technical skills (Spencer, 2009), (c) gender identities (Hirose, 2009), (d) injury reports (Buse, 2006), (e) the social and cultural implications of the sport (Garcia & Malcolm, 2010), and (f) psychological skills and experiences in MMA (Harpold, 2008; Jensen, Roman, Shaft, & Wrisberg, in press; Milton, 2004a, 2004b). With regard to the psychological skills and experiences in MMA, the aggregate findings of three phenomenological studies (Harpold, 2008; Jensen et al., in press; Milton, 2004a, 2004b) have shown that the psychological skills used in MMA are similar to those used in other sports, yet offer little in respect to how or why these psychological skills are important to performance. For example, Milton used an interpretive phenomenological approach to understand the meaning given to being a fighter (2004a) and how a fighter relates to the self and others (2004b) in a sample of five self-identified fighters. According to Milton (2004a, 2004b) a fighter’s sense of self includes personal (e.g., intellectual, emotional, spiritual) and relational (e.g., self-other relations, selfworld relations) aspects, and is both evolving and consistent over time. However, while Milton’s work offers insights into the

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experience of a small sample of fighters, it does not answer the question of how psychology plays a role in the performance of MMA participants. Similarly, in his unpublished thesis project, Harpold (2008) noted that MMA athletes used confidence, arousal regulation, imagery, motivation, and mental toughness, yet did not address why these psychological constructs are important in MMA, or how they are integrated into training and competition. Thus, Harpold’s findings fail to provide a link between psychological factors and objective performance. Most recently, Jensen et al. (in press) conducted an existential phenomenological study and reported cage reality, a sense of purpose, fighting skill, and community were important in the moments leading up to a competition. However, similar to the previously mentioned studies, the authors described the experience of fighting rather than exploring the role that psychological factors play in MMA performance. Additionally, the Jensen et al. study focuses on the moments leading up a competition and say little about long-term preparation leading up to a bout. Researchers in other combative sports (e.g., kickboxing) have reported the importance of psychological factors in successful performance and a need to individualize psychological training (Devonport, 2006), yet there is little empirical evidence that supports the psychological assets needed for successful performance in MMA. Additionally, others (Gould, Eklund, & Jackson, 1992a, 1992b) have reported that refocusing techniques, mental preparation strategies, positive expectations, and increased effort were effective psychological performance strategies prior to a competition in Olympic wrestling, yet if or how these factors play a role in the more dynamic, multidisciplinary sport of MMA remains unknown. While the research presented above is not intended to provide a comprehensive review of the literature examining psychological constructs in combat sport, it highlights the gap in our understand of the psychological performance of MMA fighters, and provided the authors of the current study with the theoretical sensitivity needed prior to beginning data collection and analysis. Given the rise in popularity of MMA, in conjunction with increasing monetary rewards for those competing at the highest level, it is necessary to examine both the phenomenology of MMA as well as how psychological factors impact performance in MMA. In an attempt to expand the literature examining the psychology of MMA, the purpose of the current study was to use a grounded theory methodology to better understand the psychological demands placed on athletes participating in MMA, as well as to understand how MMA athletes regulate these demands in a way that facilitates successful performance. Materials and methods Throughout project conception, data collection, and data analysis, the first author understood that direct knowledge of an individual’s psychological experiences were not possible given the restrictions of the current study. Therefore it was assumed that indirect indicators of the phenomena under study were presented (Strauss & Corbin, 1994; Weed, 2009). Additionally, as described by Strauss and Corbin (1994), the intensive involvement of the first author in the current study (i.e., field observations, participant observation, multiple contacts with participants) likely led to a process of reciprocal shaping, whereby the first author, and therefore the first author’s interpretations, were influenced by the participants, the data, and the analysis itself. As such, an interpretivist epistemology was embraced in the current study. In line with the writings of Strauss and Corbin (1994, 1998), attempts were also made to limit the biases of the first author as well as increase objectivity in data collection and analysis. However, in light of recent critiques (e.g., Charmaz, 2000; Smith, 2009; Sparkes, 2002),

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we agree that it is impossible to remove the role of the investigators from the data presented in the current study. For example, by serving as a critical sounding board and encouraging critical reflection in the data collection and analysis process (Phoenix & Smith, 2011; Sparkes & Smith, 2009), the second author merely added a different perspective on reality, rather than maintaining a sense of objectivity in the first author’s interpretations. Similarly, in comparing the first author’s interview data and field notes with the case notes of the third author, one cannot argue that objectivity was maintained, but rather multiple realities were in existence. As such, we must acknowledge the limitations of our attempts at objectivity at the onset of the study, and any subsequent biases in the research process that ensued as a result. Yet we must also acknowledge a move away from ontological realism and accept that theory free knowledge does not exist (Smith, 2009). Therefore, in the current study, it is assumed that the researchers cannot exist apart from the researched in the interpretation of the data. Participants Nine MMA athletes participated in formal, recorded interviews lasting between 20 and 90 min (see Table 1 for demographic information), with one athlete participating in two recorded interviews (time between interviews for this participant was approximately 6 months). Three of the participants were consulted multiple times throughout data collection and analysis to discuss the first author’s interpretation of the data, add clarity to concepts, and suggest direction for future data collection and analysis. In conjunction with formal recorded interviews, observations and field notes from the first author were collected over a one-year period, and aided data collection and analysis. A detailed record of individuals who trained at the MMA Academy where observation occurred was not kept, however the MMA Academy of interest is home to over 100 members with a rotating group of approximately 20 athletes on the professional fighting team. Procedures The Institutional Review Board of the home university of the first and second author granted approval prior to the start of the study. The first author then contacted the general manager of an MMA Academy to explain the nature of the study. Upon approval from the staff, the first author purchased an unlimited training membership to the Academy as well as the equipment necessary to participate in practice sessions. In line with grounded theory methodology (Weed, 2009), an iterative approach to data collection and analysis was employed. Prior to conducting formal research interviews, the first author spent 8 weeks observing MMA fighters at the MMA Academy. Field notes from these observations were used in conjunction with the existing literature in MMA and

Table 1 Demographic profile of MMA participants in the current study. Participant

Gender

Highest competitive League

Record at time of interview

P1 P2 P3 P4 P5

M M M M M

5-0-1 6-4-0 36-8-1 NA 4-1-0

P6 P7 P8 P9

F M M M

Gladiator Fighting Series UFC UFC/K1 Amateur Bellator Fighting Championships Fresquez Productions UFC XFO Strikeforce

4-2-0 12-6-2 13-8-0 8-4-0

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combat sport to create an interview script that was theoretically sensitive to the population under study. The interview script was then audited by the second author to confirm the questions were consistent with field notes, past research, and the purpose of the project. The original interview script was broad in focus and included questions that allowed MMA athletes to describe the psychological demands of the sport (e.g., Can you take me through some of the mental demands and challenges of your sport?), their own psychological strengths and weaknesses (e.g., Can you tell me about some of your own psychological strengths and weaknesses and how they affect you as a fighter?), as well as the psychological skills and strategies needed to be successful in MMA (e.g., How do you mentally prepare for an upcoming competition?). Upon transcription of the interviews into text format, data was coded using open coding and axial coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Each interview was transcribed and analyzed prior to the subsequent interview. When new topics or constructs emerged during an interview, the researchers amended the interview script to further explore these concepts in future data collection. Furthermore, the data collected in formal interviews were compared with the existing literature in MMA and combat sport in an effort to explore and refine various constructs. Following the collection and analysis of six recorded interviews, reanalysis of the data and memo writing led to the conclusion that the training camp period (i.e., a 6e8 week period in which a fighter prepares for a specific bout) was a unique construct that warranted

further data collection and analysis. In an effort to facilitate an enhanced understanding, the first author participated in a 7 week mock MMA training camp. At the conclusion of this 7 week period, memo writing was used to process and conceptualize field notes with previously collected interview data. The previously collected data were then re-coded using open, axial coding, and selective coding. Data were then organized into a conceptual model of the psychological experience of an MMA fighter during a training camp, and the role of these experiences in their performance. Following an additional four formal interviews, new concepts failed to emerge in data collection and analysis. The data in the current study were then compared with case notes of a sport psychology consultant working in the sport of MMA. Given that the interview data were congruent with the case notes of the sport psychology consultant, it was determined that saturation had been reached. The concepts that emerged throughout data collection and analysis were then compared with, and examined in the context of, the existing research literature. It was revealed, through this comparative process, that self-regulation was central to psychological performance in MMA (Fig. 1). Fit, work, relevance, and modifiability Researchers have argued that traditional methods of trustworthiness and validity to judge the quality of naturalistic inquiry are often misguided. As such, researchers have advised against

Fig. 1. A grounded theory of performance in MMA. Note. Prior to the start of a training camp an MMA fighter must create an ascetic routine. This routine is comprised of environment regulation, social support and amnesty periods. In an effort to promote optimal training and performance, the ascetic routine must be self-regulated throughout the course of a training camp. Once a training camp begins, MMA fighters subject themselves to deliberately induced physical pain and psychological distress. This causes both stress and fatigue, which must be regulated for optimal training and performance. Both motivation and ongoing evaluation play a primary role in an individual’s ability to self-regulate. Selfefficacy is enhanced when pain, distress, fatigue, and stress are appraised as a challenge, which often leads to optimal performance. Conversely, when the above mentioned variables are perceived as threatened, self-efficacy decreases and performance suffers.

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a criteriological approach (Sparkes & Smith, 2009). Whether the research met the stated goals, in conjunction with the methodology of the project, has been proposed as a more accurate way to judge naturalistic inquiries (Sparkes & Smith, 2009; Weed, 2006). As such, fit, work, relevance, and modifiability (as discussed by Weed, 2009) are discussed to evaluate the methodological rigor of the current study. In terms of fit, a constant comparative approach was used throughout the data collection process whereby the data collected were constantly being compared to the literature to refine and expand concepts until theoretical saturation had been met. The theory is believed to work, as self-regulation and self-efficacy help explain the link between various psychosocial constructs and performance outcomes. Theory relevance was attained through follow-up meetings with participants to discuss, clarify, and expand the results, as well as to confirm the theoretical model was applicable to their experience. Finally, the current theoretical framework is modifiable as a need exists to extend the current study in future research. To this end, one limitation in the current study was a specific focus on psychological constructs throughout a training camp. It can easily be argued that other factors play a role in the psychological performance of MMA fighters (e.g., pain & injury; Spencer, 2012). As such, the current study may be more appropriately classified as a preliminary theory, rather than a substantive theory, as it focuses specifically on psychological performance during the training camp period prior to a competition.

throughout a training camp. Fear of injury, focusing on success, and goal setting were reported as sources of motivation, yet the most frequently reported source of motivation was focusing on the upcoming opponent. As one fighter explained:

Results and discussion

When competing motives are at work (e.g., rest and good tasting food versus the training and a strict diet needed to perform), selfregulation becomes the key to resisting the less desirable motive. Baumeister and Vohs (2007) proposed that motivation to achieve a goal or standard is necessary for effective self-regulation. For the MMA fighter, placing a higher value on achieving success than on feelings of comfort and rest facilitated the ability to self-regulate throughout a training camp. Yet motivational conflicts can deplete an individual’s self-regulatory capacity and increase the likelihood he will engage in behavior incongruent with performance goals (Baumeister & Vohs, 2007). To combat this possibility, research has shown that motivation to complete a task can temporarily over-ride the effects of depleted self-regulatory capacity (Muraven & Slessareva, 2003). In the current study, participants were able to use motivation to overcome fatigue and continue to self-regulate by setting daily goals prior to each training session. For example, one participant reported he would choose a specific skill to work on each training session, thereby allowing him to focus on something productive rather than the discomfort of the session. Just as motivation was needed to overcome the pain and distress associated with training, ongoing evaluation was needed to learn from such encounters and self-regulate future behavior. In the current study, participants used post-training visualization and video review to correct mistakes or identify necessary adjustments. For example, one athlete reported:

The purpose of the current study was to develop a grounded theory of the psychological factors involved in training and competition in MMA. Throughout data collection and analysis, selfregulation during a training camp emerged as integral to successful performance. As such, the focus of the subsequent sections will be the training camp period in which MMA fighters specifically prepared for an upcoming bout, and how self-regulation of both internal and external factors played a role in fighters’ subsequent performances. First, the importance of ongoing evaluation and motivation as it relates to self-regulation will be discussed. Next, external factors involved in the self-regulation process, which included the creation and maintenance of an ascetic routine (e.g., the intentional practice of self-restraint and denial) will be discussed. Finally, internal factors involved in the self-regulation process, which included deliberately induced physical pain and psychological distress, fatigue, and stress will be discussed. Self-regulation: motivation and ongoing evaluation As can be seen in Fig. 1, self-regulation helped mediate the relationship between internal (i.e., deliberately induced physical pain and psychological distress) and external (i.e., creating & maintaining an ascetic routine) factors associated with MMA training and optimal performance. The prominence of selfregulation in the training and performance of MMA fighters is consistent with research in the exercise and diet domains whereby self-regulation is viewed as analogous to skeletal muscle; and rest, recovery, and consistent training are necessary to strengthen one’s ability (Hagger, Wood, Stiff, & Chatzisarantis, 2010). In the current study, motivation and ongoing evaluation emerged as necessary conditions for fighters to continually self-regulate. In regard to motivation, conflicts often arose between training goals and the desire for comfort (e.g., not enduring the physical trauma of a training session), rest, and good tasting food. In an attempt to increase adherence to the training regimen, and continued selfregulation, participants utilized several sources of motivation

So as long as my image of my opponent is perfection, whether it is or not [doesn’t matter]. So I am going [opponent] wouldn’t eat this SunChip so I am not going to eat this SunChip. It will help me mentally fight that urge. That is the easiest part for me, when I am about to cheat and I really need to fight it, I will think about my opponent. Right now he is eating freaking spinach and chicken, I better not eat those SunChips. I am going to go home and get the right thing. So that is how I trick myself to eat better. Additionally, the beliefs that the pain, hard work, and delayed gratification would pay off increased levels of motivation. As one participant noted: It is the thrill of victory. I don’t care how many times I have won a grappling match. Every time I win an MMA fight, it is that exhilaration of getting your hand raised that makes it all worthwhile. That is the only thing I can say. I don’t really know how to verbalize that feeling. It is something deep down inside of you that I don’t think everyone has. That you had a goal, you focused on that goal, you sacrificed everything to get to that goal and that moment of getting your hand raised and knowing that you have been successful, it is that moment that defines your career as a fighter.

The second I get home I am on YouTube and I have a great collection of videos and stuff. Alright I need to work on my, whatever it may be, maybe it is a wrestling move, I am shooting a double and I am getting stuck. So I am throwing in that double leg video so I am watching it and watching it.... Even if like say I am starting to shoot with my butt up in the air and not getting my hips under me, on the way home from practice, after that bad one, I am picturing it the right way. As participants were constantly evaluating their development throughout a training camp, there was also a tendency to ruminate on the upcoming bout. For some, this became the primary focus of the training camp:

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Oh I mean it is the majority, everything I do revolves around who I am fighting pretty much. I’ve got to concentrate on who I am fighting all the time; like I uncontrollably think about my opponents all the time. Previous research supports the necessity of ongoing evaluation for peak performance (Orlick & Partington, 1988). In the current study the focus of evaluation shifted as participants approached competition. Specifically, throughout the majority of the training camp participants evaluated the physical and technical aspects of their performance, while rest and the dietary intake needed to make weight became the focus of evaluation in the days leading up to the competition. Previous research also supports ongoing evaluation as necessary for self-regulation (Baumeister & Vohs, 2007). In the pursuit of a goal an athlete must compare himself to a specific standard of excellence. If he falls short of this standard, self-regulation is required in continued pursuit of that goal. For athletes in the current study, internal and external standards were set as a mark of excellence. For example, participants often questioned, “what is my opponent doing right now” as an external standard of training needed for competition. Similarly, participants reported high internal standards such as adhering to the diet and training plan agreed upon prior to the beginning of the training camp. Recognition that motivation and ongoing evaluation are important to self-regulation (Baumeister & Vohs, 2007) and sport performance (MacNamara, Button, & Collins, 2010) has been previously reported in the literature. As discussed in the following sections, self-regulation was necessary for a fighter to adhere to the training routine and overcome the pain and distress associated with a training camp. External factors of self-regulation and performance Prior to a training camp, participants in the current study regulated their environment and social support system, as well as scheduled amnesty periods that would occur throughout the 6e8 week period. The regulation of these factors led to the creation of an ascetic routine, which provided cognitive and affective boundaries for participants throughout the training camp. As depicted in Fig. 1, the ability to continually self-regulate these factors (e.g., maintain an environment conducive to training, avoid friends and family that may pose a distraction, allow breaks in training when necessary) throughout a training camp had implications for the quality of training and eventual performance of participants in the current study. Creation and maintenance of an ascetic routine Asceticism, the practice of self-restraint and denial, has historically existed as an integral part of religious practice. Parallel to this notion, participants in the current study structured their lives around training and diet regimens at the expense of other life activities. As one participant noted, “It is like you said man, you have to create a temple so that everything else just doesn’t matter.” The functional significance of asceticism in the current study involved resisting societal norms that conflicted with one’s training goals, as well as promoting personal growth. While the examination of ascetic lifestyles has received little attention in modernized Western culture (Twigg, 2011), theologians and religious scholars often view asceticism as a means of facilitating spiritual growth and overcoming internal barriers (Jasper, 2009). Congruent with this idea, participants in the current study acknowledged the need to overcome the self: I don’t fear the other person, the only person I am afraid of is myself. The voice is the thing we are fighting all the time.[the

voice] is a stronger opponent than anyone you will ever face in the ring. Thus, an ascetic lifestyle in MMA provided the necessary structure for participants to self-regulate and enhance the quality of training. Within an ascetic lifestyle participants worked to create an environment void of the distractions and temptations that permeate popular culture, developed a social support team that enhanced physical training, affective responses, and motivation, and scheduled amnesty periods that allowed for rest and ongoing self-regulation. Environment regulation. Results of the current study indicate that a training environment conducive to successful performance is instrumental in the creation and maintenance of an ascetic routine, and must be matched to the specific needs of the individual. Further, the environment is continually regulated throughout a training camp to ensure the participant is able to avoid distractions that may disrupt quality training. For some fighters this included the elimination of distracting friends and family members, disposing of all junk food prior to entering a 6e8 week training camp, creating specific boundaries on time and other life demands, leaving one’s hometown to train free of distractions, and giving up habits in preparation for an upcoming bout (e.g., drinking, partying, gambling, staying out late, etc.). As one fighter who left his hometown to focus on training remarked, “the people in my town, that is all they got you know [fighting]. Which coming up here, it has helped me out a lot.” External demands and distractions are not unique to MMA fighters. Elite athletes in other domains contend with competitive distractions, yet it appears that the process of doing so may differ in MMA, as fighters drastically change their external world 3e4 times a year in preparation for a competition. Therefore, the created environment provides the fighter with boundaries that are not otherwise needed outside of a training camp. In conjunction with setting boundaries around the created environment, participants in the current study explained the importance of informing significant others in the change of routine. As one fighter noted: Well first off, you need to explain to everyone around you what your routine is going to be for the next 8 weeks. You prepare them, you let them know what you need, and what to expect from you for the next 8 weeks. The other thing you try to do is surround yourself with other people who are in a similar situation. As described by the participant above boundaries must be set on the environment in creating an ascetic routine, however, important others are also germane to this process. Social support. The experiences and perceptions of MMA athletes in the current study indicate that one must carefully chose whom they surround themselves with, as supportive others are needed to maintain an ascetic routine and aide in the self-regulatory process. In MMA, as in other combative sports (e.g., boxing, wrestling), fighters embrace the masculine ideal and stiff upper lip. Yet stress that is not shared or coped with can lead to decreased selfregulation, which may result in poor training and low levels of life satisfaction (Jones, 2003; Rosenfeld, Richman, & Hardy, 1989). As such, outlets are often necessary for athletes to manage the emotional stress that occurs throughout training. One fighter highlighted how the training team provides these emotional resources: [I] just know that it is one of those days where you are not having a good day, maybe your teammates are not having a good day. And, I don’t really talk too much about stuff like that, but if

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you have someone to talk to, like hey this is bothering me, can we change this? But coaches and teammates they are going to be there for you. Beyond emotional support, teammates and coaches helped athletes find motivation when it appeared there was little energy left to give. Athletes involved in MMA exist in a violent world where it is imperative to harm one another in practice and competition, yet they appear to share a bond that carries one another through the grueling practice and weight cuts of the sport. This camaraderie may be best exemplified by the well-worn phrase misery loves company. The following ideas from a fighter illustrate how the training team can literally lift someone up off the mats and get them back into the fight: You know you are sore, you know you are tired, you know you are beat down and then they are like alright are you ready for a roll. And you would be like I am here, let’s do it. And you just kind of put yourself in the position that you have to perform. Because it hurts more to not perform than it does to perform. And that is what I like. You know MMA is an individual sport, but practice is where the team aspect comes in. You have guys with similar goals that will help push you. The results of the current study are similar to those reported (Cote, Baker, & Abernathy, 2003; Naylor, 2006) by athletes in noncombat sports where coaches and training partners are also instrumental in player development. Although there is a similarity in the need for competitive training partners, the depth of the relationship among MMA training partners appears to differ qualitatively from other athletes and their training partners. While young professional athletes have been identified as ego-centered in an effort to surpass their peers (Naylor, 2001, 2006), the intensity of an MMA training camp seems to engender genuine support and care for teammates and training partners. This level of cohesion and support can be critical to success as the training community provides an outlet for stress, energy when tired, and connectedness throughout the rigors of training. However, the self-regulatory demands of a training camp often require periods of rest, or amnesty. Thus while the social support team can aide in the selfregulatory process, periods of amnesty were also necessary to maintain an ascetic routine. Structured amnesty. As the created environment mentioned above included multiple training sessions per day, and a strict diet, a physical and psychological strain was placed on the participants. As such, structured amnesty periods (i.e., planned breaks from the ascetic routine) were needed to balance the demands of a training camp and maintain appropriate levels of self-regulation. For some fighters this resulted in scheduled cheat meals, in which the participants took a break from their training diet. For others, a night out with friends was a way to escape the demands of training and recover prior to the next training sessions. As one participant explained: Actually for 8 weeks I don’t drink at all. But with food you have scheduled cheat days. You are supposed to occasionally, maybe if you are single, go to a wild party. You know I don’t drink, but you have to schedule those things in there so you don’t completely snap. So make sure you do some stupid stuff once in a while. I mean there is like video of [omitted] eating an entire cake at 3:00 in the morning one night when he snapped. People snap and that is okay, but if you think you are about to snap maybe you should do something mediocre you know. Alright man I really need to cheat, maybe I will just go to Subway and get a meatball sub.

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According to Baumeister, Vohs, and Tice (2007), self-regulation is a limited resource that becomes depleted with excessive use. Gailliot et al. (2007) also reported that acts of self-regulation reduced blood glucose levels, which predicted lower levels of self-regulation. Thus, while the need for structured rests periods is implicit in the self-regulation literature, MMA athletes use amnesty periods as a performance strategy to improve the quality of ongoing training and ensure continued development as a fighter. Internal factors of self-regulation and performance Participants in the current study welcomed physical pain and psychological distress as a part of the training process. As can be seen in Fig. 1, and will be explained below, pain and distressed led to feelings of self-efficacy, which was essential to performance outcomes. The physical pain and psychological distress faced by participants also resulted in physical and psychological fatigue and high levels of stress, which necessitated high levels of selfregulation throughout a training camp. Thus, similar to external factors, self-regulation of internal factors helped mediate quality training and optimal performance. Deliberately induced physical pain and psychological distress Throughout a training camp, a participant’s ability to withstand physical pain and psychological distress was seen as important for developing the efficacy beliefs (i.e., feelings of confidence and readiness) necessary for peak performance. When discussing sources of confidence for a specific bout, participants noted the difficulty of a training camp, the quality of training partners (i.e., individuals a fighter had fought in practice leading up to the bout), and belief that everything possible had been done to prepare for the bout. If a participant believed he had been pushed to his breaking point by (a) experiencing a significant amount of pain, (b) being put into various situations that caused pain and distress, and (c) being hit with everything an opponent could throw at him, efficacy beliefs were optimal entering the fight. Conversely, if a participant completed training camp and wondered if more could have been done, efficacy beliefs decreased and a negative performance result generally ensued. As one participant noted: If deep down inside you know that you have done everything that you are supposed to do, if deep down inside you can be honest with yourself and honestly you can openly say I have gone the distance, I have done everything I am supposed to do and I have done it all the way, with every bit of myself, then you know, you know when you are ready, you just you can just feel it. Research in other sport domains has supported the link between self-efficacy and performance. For example, Mortiz, Fetlz, Fahrbach, and Mack (2000) conducted a meta-analysis of 45 studies and reported an effect size of 0.38 for self-efficacy on athletic performance. More recently scholars have debated the predictive nature of self-efficacy on future performance, with one group of researcher (Heggestad & Kanfer, 2005) arguing that self-efficacy contributes little more than past performance when predicting future performance, and another group of researchers (Feltz, Chow, & Helper, 2008) demonstrating that when statistically controlling for past performance and past self-efficacy scores, self-efficacy is predictive of future performance. The findings in the current study are consistent with those of Feltz et al. (2008), as the MMA fighters noted the belief that one could win a competition was vital to a successful outcome. Research has also supported the notion that pain processes are necessary to instill feelings of confidence in MMA fighters. Specifically, Green (2011) reported that pain provided confidence in training amongst MMA athletes, and

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entrusted them with the belief that the skills learned in training would transfer outside of the training environment. Thus, physical pain and psychological distress prepare fighters for the demands of competition, support efficacy beliefs upon entering a competition, and entrust fighters that they can successfully inflict pain on their opponents during competition. The notion of deliberately induced physical pain and psychological distress is also congruent with the concept of simulation training, whereby systematic preparation for conditions an athlete is likely to face in competition can facilitate mental and physical readiness for the actual competitive environment (Wilson, Peper, & Schmid, 2006). Numerous anecdotal and scholarly accounts exist for the success of such an approach in sport (Glencross, 1993; Orlick & Partington, 1988), medicine (Vassiliadis et al., 2009), and combat domains (Bratt, 2009; Greitens, 2011), yet these authors do not discuss the role self-regulation plays in adherence to this type of training. Simulation of physical pain and psychological distress was deemed necessary, however it required high levels of selfregulation to ensure participants continued to “show up” for their “daily beatings.” As demonstrated by the bi-directional arrows in Fig. 1, self-regulation of pain and distress was a continual process that occurred both during and outside of training. As seen in the following quote, MMA participants were forced to train for pain and distress, and needed to self-regulate their physical and emotional responses during the process:

and repeated use of self-regulation (Muraven, Tice, & Baumeister, 1998; Vohs, Glass, Maddox, & Markman, 2011). While MMA fighters in the current study displayed high levels of self-regulatory abilities, self-regulation breakdowns were often reported in the affective realm. An example of a self-regulation breakdown appeared in the following statement:

That drill we did tonight was called the gauntlet. We put a fresh guy on you every minute, for 10 minutes, and it will break you [psychologically]. Even when you feel great, this breaks my best guys because it will really hurt you [physically], you know? You have to get used to it.

.He’s done it. I’ve done it. We joke around about it because we both have been there. And then we will have some of our amateurs who are coming up and they will just have a bad day and all the sudden you see them walk to the bathroom, close the door, and they are crying in there. You joke, but we are supportive too. It is like dude don’t worry, because we have done it. That means you are pushing yourself. If you don’t break in a way, maybe you are not pushing yourself enough. Like I said we know it is a good camp when we have those one or two snap days, when we have those two days where we just completely fail. But now that we have had them, we know that they are almost scheduled in there and they are cool. And we kind of, having that support group around helps. So maybe the first time I had done that, I felt like [crap], but know it is like 2 h later you kind of laugh about it. You are like, I broke, no problem.

Outside of training, the physical fatigue that resulted from continuous exposure to pain and distress led to a need to selfregulate. As one participant noted, “The hardest part about all of this is getting up and going to practice. Practice, that is the easy part, it is convincing myself to go every day that is difficult.” The ability of MMA athletes to self-regulate when experiencing pain and distress also allowed them to test their physical and emotional limits, and served as a source of instructional feedback. As one fighter noted: If I am not getting pushed every day, I am not training hard enough. In practice, you only lose if you did not learn from your whooping. I look at every loss in the gym as an opportunity. You know, it is a lesson, don’t let this happen again, what could you have done differently? Other people can get defeated by that and they let it consume them, which slows down their progression. Similarly, the psychological distress induced in practice provided an opportunity for participants in the current study to develop the coping skills needed in competition. As another fighter stated, “you need to be pushed to a level where you feel worthless, to feel like you cannot do anything. because then, whoever I am fighting, I know they cannot do this to me.” Physical and psychological fatigue. Results of the current study suggest that MMA athletes must regulate the physical and psychological fatigue that results from the pain and distress endured during training. Throughout the duration of a training camp, the ability to self-regulate in multiple domains was necessary for ongoing success. For example, an MMA participant must adhere to a strict diet, attend multiple training sessions each day, as well as suppress emotional responses to pain and frustration during training. Research examining self-regulatory functions in multiple domains suggests self-control will be impaired by prior

Let’s say I have a horrible practice. Me and [omitted] and some of the guys at the gym talk about this too, they are called crying days. And we joke around, every camp, you need 1 or 2 or 3 crying days where you will literally break, mentally break, you are in tears. I mean we both joke about it. There is nothing like this that I have ever done where you are just physically and mentally exhausted one day, and you are having a bad day, and you are getting the [crap] kicked out of you, and you go into the bathroom and you have to cry. He’s done it. I’ve done it. Given the high level of self-regulatory function needed to endure an MMA training camp, it is necessary to examine the factors that assist an athlete through these heightened states of fatigue. Bandura (1989) proposed that human adaptation be viewed through an ecological lens, and that supportive others, selfefficacy, and outcome expectations play a role in an individual’s ability to self-regulate. These functions (i.e., supportive others, selfefficacy, outcome expectations) can be seen at work in an MMA training camp, as the participant quoted above went on to explain:

As illustrated above, a fighters’ ability to expect a psychological breakdown, use the breakdown to increase efficacy beliefs, and elicit a support group that understands the process, allowed the participants in the current study to overcome fatigue and continue to self-regulate in other domains (i.e., diet, training). In addition to fatigue, the pain and distress of a training camp also led to various stressors for participants in the current study. The ability to regulate this stress was also seen as important to training and performance outcomes. Stress. It should come as little surprise that the physical pain, psychological distress, and performance-related ruminations reported by the MMA fighters in the current study resulted in various stress responses and coping patterns. While a myriad of factors can influence the cognitive appraisal associated with a particular stress response, the timing of the stressor had implications for cognitive appraisals in the current study. For example, fear and doubt often induce motivation or anxiety. For one participant fear was used throughout a training camp as a source of motivation: Fear is probably the more important, the number one aspect. I mean if I don’t beat you, that means that you are going to beat me. And unfortunately when it comes to this game, you don’t

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just lose a game of cards you know you are getting damaged, not doing well can result in injury. However, when participants no longer had time available to train, fear had debilitating effects on performance. As one participant noted, fear and doubt immediately leading up to a competition resulted in a negative performance outcome: I was getting ready to fight and I remember thinking to myself how I was going to tell people that I lost. I had already beat myself before the fight even started. I was preparing to tell people how I lost before the fight even started. Right then and there the fight was lost. You know if I think I am going to lose and my opponent thinks I am going to lose, I am going to lose, it is that simple, you know. According to Lazarus (2000), the occurrence or anticipation of a stressful situation (e.g., competition in MMA) results in feelings of challenge or threat. When participants in the current study had time to mentally prepare (e.g., watch film, use visualization, set goals), alter training methods, and/or change their game plan, the situation was viewed as a challenge and problem-focused coping ensued (Lazarus, 1993). That is, with time to continue preparing for the upcoming competition participants appraised stressful situations as an opportunity to improve. Conversely, with little time to prepare or change one’s environment, stressful situations were perceived as threatening to participants and emotion-focused coping was needed (Lazarus, 1993). In cases such as these participants in the current study often reported doubt or anxiety as the primary affective response, which had negative implications on objective performance. A recent report by Jones, Meijen, McCarthy, and Sheffield (2009) also supports the notion of challenge and threat in competitive sport. The authors proposed a Theory of Challenge and Threat States in Athletes (TCTSA) in which resource appraisals, as well as emotional, physiological, and performance consequences varied as a product of whether an athlete appraised a situation as challenging or threatening. In a challenge situation, an athlete displays high levels of self-efficacy, high-perceived control, and an approach goal focus, which leads to a positive emotional valence and a desirable performance outcome. Conversely, Jones et al. posited that threat situations resulted in low self-efficacy, low perceived control, and an avoidance goal focus. These factors then lead to negative emotions and physiological responses and suboptimal levels of performance. As can be seen in Fig. 1, when a participant appraised a painful or distressful situation as a challenge, high self-efficacy beliefs and optimal performance generally ensued. However, when these situations were viewed as threatening, low levels of self-efficacy and suboptimal levels of performance generally ensued. As one fighter noted, before wins he was focused on what he needed to do to be successful in the fight and was confident in his abilities to execute these skills, while before previous losses he was in the locker room, “preparing to tell people how I lost the fight before the fight even started.” Conclusion Results of the current study informed the development of a model of MMA performance, whereby self-regulation was identified as central to training and optimal performance. External factors associated with self-regulation consisted of the creation and maintenance of an ascetic routine through environmental regulation, social support, and structured amnesty. Internal factors associated with self-regulation consisted of deliberately induced pain and distress, which facilitated self-efficacy, and increased levels of stress and fatigue.

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While the grounded theory developed in this paper helps us explain the role of self-regulation throughout an MMA training camp, more work is necessary to better understand the role of selfregulation in MMA. For example, the role self-regulation plays in rehabilitating an injury, coping with an injury incurred during competition (e.g., fighting with a broken limb), controlling energy during a fight, and dealing with life stressors, are areas that need further exploration in considering a robust theory of self-regulation in MMA. As interest in the sport of MMA continues to increase, an understanding of the psychological factors involved in the sport will become more important for coaches, competitors, and sport psychology professionals. Note. Participant three served as a coach for elite MMA athletes. The record for participant three reflects his professional kickboxing record.

Acknowledgments We would like to thank the Duke Roufus Academy and Red Schafer MMA for their help throughout the research process. We would also like to thank the three reviewers of this paper, as well as Ingrid Jordt, Chad Nelson, and Stacy Gnacinski for their help in the preparation of this manuscript.

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