JOURNAL OF VOCATIONAL BEHAVIOR ARTICLE NO.
48, 149–159 (1996)
0015
Toward an Integration of Gay and Lesbian Identity Development and Super’s Life-Span Approach JOHN H. DUNKLE Northwestern University The purpose of this article is to consider how the identity development of gay men and lesbian women influences their career stage development, as proposed in Super’s (1990) Life-Span Approach. First, there is an overview of a model that describes six stages in coming to accept a gay or lesbian orientation. Next, Super’s Life-Span Approach to career development and its key concepts are briefly described. Within that section, there is discussion of the implications of gay and lesbian identity formation for the various stages and tasks in the career development of gay and lesbian individuals. Finally, implications for career counseling practice and future research are discussed. q 1996 Academic Press, Inc.
Only recently has literature on the career concerns of gay men and lesbian women appeared with any frequency (Croteau & Bieschke, this issue). In fact, very few individuals have considered the adequacy of established career theory in explaining the particular career concerns of this population (see Fassinger, this issue; Mobley & Slaney, this issue). Although new areas of research are by definition exploratory in nature (Phillips, Strohmer, Berthaume, & O’Leary, 1983), the time has come for researchers in the area of gay and lesbian career development to begin expanding existing career theory to ensure that the particular career issues of this population are included. To this end, it is critical to realize that the personal and career issues of gay men and lesbian women are inextricably linked (Croteau & Thiel, 1993). As such, it is necessary to consider both in order to attain a complete understanding of this population’s career concerns. One promising avenue for theory expansion would be to tie gay and lesbian identity-formation issues to career development theory (Belz, 1993; Hetherington & Orzek, 1989). The purpose of this article is to consider the impact of gay and lesbian The author gratefully acknowledges the assistance of David L. Blustein, Patricia L. Francis, Elizabeth Gobbi, Susan D. Phillips, Kathy H. Reese, and Elizabeth Wimberg for comments on earlier drafts of this article. Address correspondence and reprint requests to: John H. Dunkle, Counseling and Psychological Services, Northwestern University, Searle Hall, 633 Emerson Street, Evanston, IL 60208. 149 0001-8791/96 $18.00 Copyright q 1996 by Academic Press, Inc. All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
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identity development on the stages and vocational tasks of Super’s (1990) Life-Span Approach to career development. First, I review Cass’s (1979) theory of gay and lesbian identity development. Second, I consider how the development of a gay or lesbian identity influences the various career stages proposed by Super (1990). Finally, I discuss implications for practice and research. The present article will concentrate only on gay men and lesbian women, given that Cass’s identity development theory was formulated particularly for those populations. A consideration of bisexual development will therefore not be included. GAY AND LESBIAN IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT
Several theories of gay and lesbian identity formation have been proposed (e.g., Cass, 1979; Chapman & Brannock, 1987; McDonald, 1982; Sophie, 1986). All models that currently exist propose various stages through which an individual progresses. They also assume that the development of a gay or lesbian identity is not necessarily linear, is characterized by interindividual differences, and occurs in a society in which negativity toward gay men and lesbian women is ubiquitous (D’Augelli, 1994). The model of gay and lesbian identity development formulated by Cass (1979) will be used as the representative model for the purposes of this article. Unlike other authors (McDonald, 1982; Sophie, 1986), Cass explains development of both gay men and lesbian women. Cass’s (1979) model consists of six stages: identity confusion, identity comparison, identity tolerance, identity acceptance, identity pride, and identity synthesis. According to Cass, the process of gay and lesbian identity development begins with conscious awareness of same-sex feelings. The age at which the awareness begins varies from individual to individual. McDonald (1982), for instance, found that the average age of awareness of same-sex feelings was 13 years for a sample of gay men. However, Elliot (1993) maintains that the beginning of the inner experience of same-sex feelings may occur much later in life. Nonetheless, the first two stages involve confusion, turmoil, denial (identity confusion), and increased feelings of alienation and self-perceptions of being ‘‘different’’ from heterosexuals (identity comparison). By stage 3 (identity tolerance), the individual tolerates, but does not yet accept, the possibility of being gay or lesbian and starts to feel more isolated from heterosexuals. The public and private aspects of self that concern sexuality are quite disparate. Identity acceptance, at least privately, occurs at stage 4, even though most individuals will attempt to pass as heterosexual in some aspects of their lives. Stage 5 (identity pride) is typified by immersion in the lesbian or gay community, the tendency to dichotomize heterosexuals and gay or lesbian people, pride of being gay, and anger with oppression based on sexual orientation. The public and private aspects of self begin to merge, as the individual grows less concerned with hiding a gay or lesbian identity. The final stage (identity synthesis) involves the complete integration
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of one’s gay or lesbian aspect of self. Feelings of anger and pride are less intense, and there is less of a need to isolate oneself from the heterosexual world. To date, there have been very few empirical investigations testing the stage models of gay and lesbian identity development. In fact, no longitudinal studies have been conducted. The limited empirical studies that do exist (e.g., Cass, 1984; McDonald, 1982; Sophie, 1986) generally support the stagerelated tasks. These studies, however, have been retrospective and crosssectional in nature and have been criticized for these methodological weaknesses (D’Augelli, 1994). GAY AND LESBIAN IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT AND SUPER’S CAREER STAGES
Cass’s (1979) model of gay and lesbian identity development and Super’s (1990) Life-Span Approach share many theoretical assumptions. Both are developmental and involve the progression through a series of life stages. Both theories also emphasize that career identities and gay and lesbian identities are multidetermined. Finally, both models maintain that, for many reasons, individuals can recycle through stages or become foreclosed at any stage (Cass, 1979; Super, 1990). According to Super (1990), the career development process involves the interplay of personal and career issues. Ideally, an appropriate and satisfying career is one in which an individual has thoroughly explored the self and has identified a career and work environment into which he or she can infuse his or her self-concept (Super, 1990). Super maintained that the self-concept is quite central to the career development process and consists of one’s selfesteem and several identities that are inextricably linked. So inextricable are the various components of the self-concept that difficulties in one aspect may decrease successful integration in other areas (Super, 1990). For gay men and lesbian women, the progression through the career process may be complicated due to difficulties in integrating their gay or lesbian identity into their overall self-concept (Belz, 1993). The following discussion is organized according to Super’s (1990) five stages of career development: growth, exploration, establishment, maintenance, and disengagement. Within each subsection, there is consideration of several of Super’s key concepts and how gay and lesbian identity formation might affect the unfolding of the career development process. Growth
According to Super (1990), the career development process begins very early in life during the growth stage (birth to 14 years). It is during this time that children are developing interests, values, and beliefs. Unfortunately, very little is known about gay and lesbian identity development during the early years of childhood (D’Augelli, 1994). Some retrospective reports have indi-
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cated that gay and lesbian individuals experience a sense of confusion and separation from very early childhood (Green, 1987; Sophie, 1986). Furthermore, there is some evidence to suggest that the development of interests for gay and lesbian individuals during the early years of life is correlated with their sexual orientation identity. For instance, in comparing adult gay and heterosexual men, Green (1987) found that gay men were more likely to retrospectively report childhood interests in drama, dance, and fashion magazines, activities that are considered ‘‘feminine’’ in this society. Similarly, adult lesbian women have been described to be androgynous, liberal in gender roles, and nonconforming to sex role stereotypes at a very young age (Hetherington & Orzek, 1989). Research has also shown that children are generally reinforced for behavior that is gender-congruent (Unger & Crawford, 1992). Given this society’s discomfort with gender nonconformity, it is possible that gay men and lesbian women who develop nontraditional interests for their gender may forego pursuing those interests in order to meet societal expectations. It is equally possible that gay and lesbian children, who are often perceived and labeled as ‘‘feminine’’ and ‘‘masculine’’ respectively, may experience a self-fulfilling prophecy whereby they ignore gender-congruent interests for more stereotypical interests and activities (Morrow, Gore, & Campbell, this issue). However, gender differences may mediate the development of interests such that there is more pressure for males to conform to gender roles than for females (Dunkle & Francis, 1990). Indeed, future theory and research is required to explain and assess the impact of early gay and lesbian identity formation on the development of interests during the growth stage. To date, research does suggest that identity development may affect the development of interests, but the nature of this relationship is unclear. This research also has been retrospective, has not been tied to career theory, has involved unsophisticated measures of vocational and sexual orientation identity, and has used unrepresentative samples of gay men and lesbian women. Exploration
The exploration stage occurs between the ages of 14 to 25 years (Super, 1990). Vocational maturity, which has been defined as the individual’s readiness to complete the various stage-related tasks, becomes a salient characteristic at this stage (Super, 1990). According to Super, a vocationally mature individual at the exploration stage is exploring the work environment and his- or herself to begin specifying and crystallizing a career choice. The process of gay and lesbian identity formation may pose several challenges at the exploration stage of career development. Individuals who are in the early stages of identity confusion and identity comparison have been found to have high levels of internalized homophobia, fewer supports, and higher levels of psychological distress (Shidlo, 1994). At these early stages of identity development, vocational maturity is likely to be relatively low due
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to the stage-related internal and external stressors. As Belz (1993) maintains, the process of coming out often competes with an individual’s attention to vocational tasks. This internal competition could be conceptualized under Super’s (1990) dimension of ‘‘role salience’’ (p. 218). Specifically, the early stressors in gay and lesbian identity formation may make one’s career development less salient, leading to difficulties clarifying and choosing a career choice at the exploration stage. Vocational maturity is expected to be higher the further along one is in identity development, because of more thorough selfexploration and less external and internal distractions (Shidlo, 1994). To date, however, no known research has tested these hypotheses. Individuals who are in the later stages of identity development must contend with the decision of whether or not to make public their gay or lesbian identity (Elliot, 1993). Griffin (1992) proposed different categories of openness, from totally closeted to publicly out. Future research could assess whether the decision to be open influences gay or lesbian people to choose careers at the exploration stage in which they believe they can be open about their sexual orientation, thereby ignoring interests in other careers. Several factors may mediate the impact that gay and lesbian identity development has on the career development process at the exploration stage. For instance, Super (1990) maintained that learning, including modeling, serves as the ‘‘cement’’ in the career development process (p. 204). Croteau and Thiel (1993) asserted that adult role models for young gay men and lesbian women are particularly important for the following reasons: (a) to model how to balance private and public aspects of self on the job; (b) to model confidence with one’s self as a gay man or a lesbian woman in a career; and, (c) to challenge stereotypes of appropriate or inappropriate jobs for gay men and lesbian women. Research has yet to be done that investigates the impact of role models on gay and lesbian individuals at the exploration stage. Other social and societal factors may also mediate the career development process, including communities, families, schools, peer groups, the economy, and societal values and beliefs (Super, 1990). Clearly, this society’s attitudes and behaviors toward gay and lesbian individuals do not always foster swift and easy identity development (Shidlo, 1994). Generally, individuals who are more socially conservative and come from rural areas tend to hold more negative attitudes toward gay men and lesbian women (Kite, 1994). However, D’Augelli (1994) points out that some gay and lesbian youth may develop exceptional coping skills as a result of dealing with the internal and external stressors of identity development. Future research should investigate what factors predict the development of coping skills and whether they facilitate the career development of gay and lesbian youth. The impact of social supports and demographic variables, such as urban versus rural environments, must also be assessed. Establishment As individuals progress into the establishment stage (26–44 years), they develop a greater commitment to a career choice, firm skills, and mastery
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and seniority on the job (Super, 1990). The self-concept, according to Super, becomes increasingly stable as one matures. Gay men and lesbian women who are in the early stages of identity development experience many stressors that challenge self-concept stabilization (Shidlo, 1994). Unfortunately, no known research has investigated the impact of these early identity stage-related stressors on the vocational maturity of gay and lesbian people at the establishment stage of career development. It seems reasonable, nevertheless, to expect that vocational maturity would be quite low in the early stages of identity development because individuals may not have done the requisite self-exploration of the previous stage. Thus, they may have committed themselves to a career choice that was based on incomplete information about the self. Also, distractions from one’s career because of the internal and external stressors related to gay and lesbian identity development might be evident with decreases in work activity and disengagement from co-workers. Although these hypotheses have not been tested specifically, there is relevant research (see Croteau, this issue, for a review) to suggest that gay and lesbian people, particularly those individuals in earlier stages of identity formation, are quite concerned with managing their identities on the job. Newly emerging gay or lesbian identities at the establishment stage may also lead to career changes and a process of recycling (Super, 1990). According to Super, recycling involves reexploration of both self and environment to find an appropriate career or job in which to implement one’s newly discovered aspects of self. Morrow and her colleagues (this issue) described their research in which they found that stressors related to the coming-out process often lead to shifting career choices. Future investigations could build upon the work by Morrow and her colleagues by tying research to the theoretical stages and tasks proposed by Super (1990) and Cass (1979). Although later stages of gay and lesbian identity formation may also influence the career process at the establishment stage, research on this issue is sorely lacking. It seems reasonable to expect increases in vocational maturity as gay and lesbian identity development progresses, given that fewer internal stressors are associated with later stages (Shidlo, 1994). Elliot (1993) points out, however, that later stages usually involve questions about degree of openness on the job. Croteau (this issue) reviewed research involving surveys of gay and lesbian workers and pointed out that those workers who were open about their sexual orientation often experienced formal and/or informal discrimination and fear of anticipated discrimination. This oppression is likely to be exacerbated if one is a woman and/or belongs to a racial or ethnic minority (Elliot, 1993; Fassinger, in press). Ironically, however, current research shows that the experience of oppression because of openness about one’s gay or lesbian identity does not always lead to dissatisfaction on the job (Croteau & Lark, 1995). One explanation for this paradox may be that individuals who disclose their sexual orientation are more secure with their
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identities and have social supports to buffer any experience of oppression (Holtzen, Kenny, & Mahalik, 1995). Future research should test this latter hypothesis. Maintenance
Movement into the maintenance stage of career development (around ages 45 to 65 years) involves completing such stage-related tasks as continuing to attain achievements and seniority, competing with younger people starting their careers, and developing innovative ways to deal with changes in the workplace (Super, 1990). Preparation for the end of one’s career occurs toward the end of the maintenance stage. With respect to vocational maturity, Super (1990) questioned whether the concept was applicable to older adults. As such, he changed the term vocational maturity to career adaptability for older men and women (Super, 1990, p. 236). Super believed career adaptability better captured adult developmental issues, which usually involve readiness to cope with possible changes in work and work environments. There is a substantial number of gay men and lesbian women who begin the coming-out process much later in life and, thus, contend with the early stage-related stressors of identity development (Elliot, 1993) while in the maintenance stage of their career. The impact these stressors have on individuals’ career adaptability is likely to be adverse, as individuals will be less stable with respect to their self-concept and, therefore, distracted from vocational tasks. Bridges and Croteau (1994) discussed theoretical and empirical literature on lesbian women who had been married to men and came out as lesbians later in life. These authors pointed out that the late maturation of a woman’s lesbian identity often leads to the need for adjustment in family life, self-concept, lifetime goals, and work role. One may have to contend with coming out to children and with integrating one’s newly discovered aspects of self into career choices made earlier in life. Wyers (1987) observed similar concerns in a sample of gay men and lesbian women who had formerly been involved in heterosexual marriages. However, as pointed out by Bridges and Croteau (1994), more research is needed on older gay men and lesbian women. Future research must assess whether individuals who come out in later life experience deficits in work role salience, self-esteem, self-efficacy on the job, achievement of seniority, and adaptability to work conditions. Gay men and lesbian women who are in later stages of identity formation may have to cope with whether to come out on the job and deal with possible overt oppression from co-workers (Elliot, 1993). As discussed earlier, survey research (Croteau & Lark, 1995) has established that greater openness on the job is associated with greater discrimination on the job. However, research is needed to assess the impact of discrimination and/or fear of discrimination on the particular developmental tasks of the maintenance stage. For instance, does overt oppression lead to difficulties in advancement or to decisions to change jobs or careers?
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Disengagement
The disengagement stage often occurs at the age of 65 years and entails a reduction in work hours and preparation for retirement (Super, 1990). Berger (1982) maintained that the concerns of elderly gay men and lesbian women have been very much understudied and discussed several developmental issues of this ‘‘unseen minority’’ (p. 236). First, he argued that the process of coming out may be less stressful for older gay and lesbian individuals than for younger people. Their greater comfort with coming out, according to Berger, may be in part due to their lesser dependence on parents for financial and emotional support. Berger also argued that older gay men and lesbian women may be more accustomed to stigmatization due to the era in which they grew up, when attitudes toward homosexuality in the United States were more negative than today. Indeed, older gay men and lesbian women may have passed for many years as heterosexual (Berger, 1982). In a survey of gay men, Weinberg and Williams (1975) found that, compared to younger individuals, men over 45 years were less concerned about coming out and revealing their sexual identity and had more stable self-concepts. However, it is unclear whether the older men were experiencing the coming-out process at the time of the survey or were reflecting on the past. Thus, it is not necessarily true that they actually experienced the early stages of identity development as less traumatic than the younger men. Future research will need to assess further the extent to which older gay men and lesbian women experience the common internal stressors associated with coming out. It may also be that older individuals do not experience as many internal struggles with coming out given their greater tendency to have developed a lifetime’s worth of social networks (Berger, 1982). Future research might also explore whether the coming-out process for elderly individuals influences career adaptability (i.e., focusing on retirement and engaging in postcareer activities). Berger (1982) also discussed several psychosocial problems that are common for older gay men and lesbian women. For instance, there may be institutional issues whereby nursing homes and hospitals do not consider lifetime partners of gay men and lesbian women to be immediate relatives. Also, older gay men and lesbian women may experience legal roadblocks in gaining access to deceased partner’s estates, given that few gay and lesbian couples have written wills (Berger, 1982). This situation may be changing however, with greater education of gay and lesbian couples and the increasing number of lawyers who are sensitive to and knowledgeable of concerns for same-gender couples (Berger, 1982). As for emotional needs, Berger discussed that the death of lifetime partners in gay and lesbian relationships is just as traumatic as for heterosexual couples. However, unless older gay men and lesbian women have support networks, they may have to rely upon counselors who may or may not be sensitive to their concerns (Berger, 1982). Finally, elderly gay and lesbian individuals must deal not only with possible
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oppression from being gay but also with the negative stereotypes of growing old in this society. Berger (1982) suggested that gay men and lesbian women, compared to heterosexual individuals, may be in a position whereby they can better cope with any oppression due to their age, based on their experience coping with heterosexism and homophobia. Clearly, future research is needed to test this possibility and the impact of the various psychosocial stressors on the tasks of the disengagement stage. For example, does the experience of overt oppression lead to lack of motivation to engage in postcareer activities such as involvement in political groups or religious organizations? Do older gay or lesbian individuals have exceptional coping skills for dealing with internal and external stressors associated with antigay or antilesbian discrimination? Finally, do these coping skills help lead to more satisfying and fulfilling retirement years? IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE AND FUTURE RESEARCH
Given the paucity of empirical research that has been conducted on gay and lesbian career development, much of the information contained in this article was speculative in nature. As such, I proposed several directions for future research. Clearly, such research will be invaluable to career counselors working with gay and lesbian clients. To review, gay men and lesbian women typically progress through a series of life stages that culminate in accepting and integrating their sexual orientation identity into their total self-concept (Cass, 1979). However, multiple stressors associated with the stages of identity development may impede the unfolding of this process (Shidlo, 1994). The impact of identity development on gay or lesbian individuals completing the career stages proposed by Super (1990) is not well understood. For example, is gay and lesbian identity development, prior to coming out, related to the types of career interests one forms during the growth stage? Questions such as this may guide future research, building upon earlier investigations (Green, 1987) of play behavior, sex-role characteristics, sexual orientation, and vocational choices. Research on the impact of gay and lesbian identity development on vocational maturity and adaptability at the various career stages is also lacking. Belz (1993) asserted that gay men and lesbian women coming out are often distracted from career issues because of the stage-related stressors of identity development and the difficulties in the integration of their sense of self. Also, Elliot (1993) pointed out that the coming-out process and the related stressors can occur at any age, not just during early to late adolescence. As such, it is expected that individuals in the earliest stages of gay and lesbian identity development, regardless of age, should have lower vocational maturity and adaptability than individuals in later stages. Questions about degree of openness are often associated with the later stages of identity development (Elliot, 1993). However, research that assesses the impact of degree of openness on the completion of the requisite career
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tasks proposed by Super (1990) is lacking. Some research has already been done in this general area with respect to the experience of perceived discrimination on the job (Croteau, this issue). Future research could determine whether degree of openness is related to self-efficacy on the job and the successful or unsuccessful completion of vocational tasks. Also, it is unclear why perceived discrimination on the job does not necessarily lead to dissatisfaction with one’s career (Croteau & Lark, 1995). Research endeavors in the future could investigate the impact of support from family members and significant others in buffering any experiences of oppression on the job (Holtzen et al., 1995). Also, a topic of future studies could be the impact of other mediating factors in the career development process for gay men and lesbian women. Super (1990) proposed that vicarious learning, communities, the economy, societal values, and social groups interact to influence the progression of the career stages. Croteau and Thiel (1993) discussed the potential benefits of gay and lesbian role models to the career development process. Research, however, has not addressed the role of vicarious learning in the career process for gay and lesbian individuals. Further research might also consider the role of demographic variables such as urban versus rural environments and socioeconomic status (Kite, 1994), as well as coping skills (D’Augelli, 1994), as mediating factors for gay and lesbian career development. REFERENCES Belz, J. R. (1993). Sexual orientation as a factor in career development. Career Development Quarterly, 41, 197–200. Berger, R. (1982). The unseen minority: Older gays and lesbians. Social work, 27, 236–241. Bridges, K. L., & Croteau, J. M. (1994). Once-married lesbians: Facilitating changing life patterns. Journal of Counseling and Development, 73, 134–140. Cass, V. C. (1979). Homosexual identity formation: A theoretical model. Journal of Homosexuality, 4, 219–235. Cass, V. C. (1984). Homosexual identity formation: Testing a theoretical model. Journal of Sex Research, 20, 143–167. Chapman, B. E., & Brannock, J. C. (1987). Proposed model of lesbian identity development: An empirical examination. Journal of Homosexuality, 14, 69–80. Croteau, J. M. (1996). Research on the work experience of lesbian, gay, and bisexual people: An integrative review of methodology and findings. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48, 195–209. Croteau, J. M., & Bieschke, K. J. (1996). Beyond pioneering: An introduction to the special issue on vocational issues of lesbian women and gay men. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 48, 119–124. Croteau, J. M., & Lark, J. S. (1995). On being lesbian, gay, or bisexual in student affairs: A national survey of experiences on the job. NASPA Journal, 32, 189–197. Croteau, J. M., & Thiel, M. J. (1993). Integrating sexual orientation in career counseling: Acting to end a form of the personal–career dichotomy. Career Development Quarterly, 42, 174– 179. D’Augelli, A. R. (1994). Lesbian and gay male development: Steps toward an analysis of lesbians’ and gay men’s lives. In B. Greene & G. Herek (Eds.), Psychological perspectives on
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