Towards an understanding of the female expatriate experience in Europe

Human Resource Management Review 14 (2004) 433 – 448 www.socscinet.com/bam/humres

Towards an understanding of the female expatriate experience in Europe Margaret Linehana,*, Hugh Scullionb a

b

Cork Institute of Technology, Ireland International Management, University of Strathclyde, Scotland, UK

Abstract The increased participation of women in the workforce has been one of the major changes in the structuring of the labour force in recent years, and it is anticipated that this trend will continue. Despite growing numbers of women in senior domestic management roles, the participation rates of women in international management remains low across the globe. In Europe, international management has generally been a masculine preserve. Much of our knowledge of female expatriation comes from North America and is based on the experiences of female managers working for North American MNCs. This article builds on that base of understanding but highlights a growing stream of research into female expatriation in Europe, which remains largely binvisibleQ to specialists outside Europe. Given the paucity of empirical research in this area in general and the need for a more international understanding of the phenomena which can arise from examining different contexts, the article suggests that researchers outside Europe may find useful insights in this paper which pulls together and summarises what we know from the existing research on female expatriates in Europe and offers some avenues for future research. D 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. Keywords: International management; Female expatriation; Europe; North America

1. Introduction Throughout Europe, women’s advancement to senior management positions has been very slow despite the increasing change in legislation, including the European Union’s social protocol, to enforce * Corresponding author. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (M. Linehan)8 [email protected] (H. Scullion). 1053-4822/$ - see front matter D 2004 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.hrmr.2004.10.004

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issues related to equal opportunity such as equal pay and sex discrimination. In all the European Union countries, however, there is still job segregation based on gender, and over half of women are employed in the service sector which includes trade, education, retail, health care, and clerical duties. Women in corporate environments tend to be at the lower end of the managerial hierarchy even after being employed for a decade or more in management jobs. It is difficult to establish accurate figures for the proportions of women in management since definitions of management used by different studies may vary. Despite these definitional difficulties, however, it is evident from the extant research that European women are not progressing to senior management positions at comparable rates to their male counterparts. Overall, women employed in European Union countries do not enjoy the same job conditions, pay, status, and career opportunities as their male counterparts. The number of women in senior managerial positions is increasing but in most countries remains low. While women’s participation in the US labour force has increased and women occupy 44% of management jobs in American companies, top management positions remain dominated by men, with only 3–5% of the top jobs in private sector companies filled by women (Goodman, Fields, & Blum, 2003). Similarly in Europe, men still occupy about 90% of management positions, and women managers remain concentrated in junior and middle management positions. Women, however, are even more seriously underrepresented in international management. In the 1980s, the number of female expatriate managers remained at between 2% and 5% of the total expatriate population, but, by the late 1990s, this had increased to 12–15% which is a significant increase but still less than the presence of women in management would generally warrant (Taylor, Napier, & Mayrhofer, 2002). Thus, while there has been a modest increase in female participation in expatriate management in some countries, the number of female global assignees is proportionately low in relation to the overall size of the qualified labour pool. The position of female managers in the international management field has received much less attention than that of female managers in domestic organizations. Furthermore, there is little previous research addressing the issue of female expatriate managers in Europe, the majority of previous research being focused on North America. A feature of this article will be to report recent empirical research from Europe, where the data collected reflect the experience and perceptions of the female expatriates at first hand, which yields good insights into the perceptions of the issues and problems facing female expatriates in contrast to many studies which rely on data reported by members of the HR department. The North American work on women in international management and female expatriates has made an outstanding contribution to the development of research in this area, setting the agenda through exercising a defining influence on research and theory in the field (Mayrhofer & Scullion, 2002). However, it has been argued that many American-based organizations appear implicitly to assume universality despite a large body of research highlighting the cultural diversity of values and the impact of such diversity on organizational behaviour (Hofstede, 1980). We argue that bringing the European research on female expatriation to the attention of North American academics and managers is worthwhile for several reasons. First, European MNCs tend to have much smaller domestic markets and have a longer history of sending managers on international assignments than US MNCs which tend to have large domestic markets and find it more difficult to adapt abroad (Morley & Scullion, 2004). Second, research has shown significant differences in organizational structure and management processes between US, European, and Japanese MNCs (Harzing, 1999). Third, a recent review identified the changing nature and patterns of expatriation in Europe and revealed both similarities and differences between Europe and North America and highlighted the importance of understanding context (Scullion & Brewster, 2001). Europe, for example,

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is very heterogeneous, and, while there are important cultural differences between European countries, it has been argued that there are a number of factors which made Europe distinctive compared with North America (Harzing, 1999; Hofstede, 1980). Fourth, there is strong evidence that expatriate failure rates in European multinationals are considerably lower than in North American multinationals (Brewster & Scullion, 1997). Fifth, expatriation in Europe takes on a different meaning because Europe has more advanced economies in a small area than elsewhere, and most European locations can be reached within a few hours flying time (Mayrhofer & Brewster, 1997). Finally, there are significant differences between North America and Europe regarding the participation of women both in senior management and in international management. Women hold less than 3% of the most senior positions in major corporations in the US and less than 2% of all senior management positions in Europe (Adler, 2002). Furthermore, recent research suggests that women’s advance into international management has been limited. Until fairly recently, the participation of women in international management in the United States was estimated at about 5% and in Europe about 3%. More recent research suggests that, in North America, less than 14% of expatriate managers are women compared to 45% of women in management generally (Caligiuri, Joshi, & Lazarova, 1999), and the figures for Europe are considerably lower (Harris, 2002). Part of the problem is the considerable barriers which still exist to women seeking to move to senior domestic management positions. Adler and Izraeli (1994) in an extensive review of women managers in the global economy showed that, despite a growing number of qualified women seeking managerial positions and an emerging cadre of women successfully pursuing managerial careers, the reality remained that the executive suite is still highly resistant to women’s entry. Similarly, recent research suggests that, while organizations may be willing to promote women through their domestic managerial hierarchy, few are prepared to allow women to expand their career horizons through international assignments (Linehan, Morley, & Scullion, 2003). An examination of the literature for the explanation of the low participation rate of women in expatriate management in Europe reveals that (i) stereotypical assumptions by home country management which equate good management with characteristics associated with male managers and (ii) assumptions regarding female managers availability, suitability, and wishes to partake in expatriate management have been cited frequently. Burke and Davidson (1994), however, cautioned that, in attempting to identify specific reasons for women’s lack of advancement to senior management positions, it is important to remember that managerial and professional women live and work in a larger society that is patriarchal, a society in which men have historically had greater access to power, privilege, and wealth than women. Burke and Davidson also noted that, because the field of women in management has only gained research attention since the 1980s, many research questions remain unanswered or have been only partially addressed. In the expatriate management field, however, the position of female managers has received far less attention than female managers in domestic organizations, which also means that many research questions remain unanswered.

2. Women in management in Europe The major focus of research on women in management has generally been on women themselves as they arrived in and advanced through organizations. The emphasis has not been on gender aspects per se but on the implications of gender for the organization (Vinnicombe & Singh, 2002). According to Marshall (1995), the term dgenderT is gaining breadth of usage. The original connotation referred to the social expectations and roles attributed to or experienced by people based on their biological sex. Gender

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is now taking on a much broader and more diffuse set of meanings. Marshall suggests that it has become a general label for talking about women, men, the relationships between them, related aspects of organizing, processes through which gender-differentiated behaviour patterns are enacted, and associated issues of power in various guises. Marshall maintains that the gender aspect of management is not a particularly coherent field but a highly diverse field. Scase and Goffee (1990) have observed that, despite our increasing knowledge of the problems and experiences which are directly related to gender and affect women in management, many issues remain unexplored and, as yet, have not been the subject of detailed empirical research. As more women enter the workforce, their failure to reach the highest management positions has become the cause for considerable research and debate both in their home countries and in international management. European women, like their United States and Australian counterparts, are confronted by a glass ceiling and glass wall. There is now an extensive literature on this topic, with evidence from the United States, Australia, and Europe, which indicates that women face obstacles in their careers which are not faced by their male counterparts. Overcoming hidden or less obvious organizational barriers to managerial equity may be difficult for women to achieve in the near future. According to the Women’s Research and Education Institute, attaining full economic integration for women at every organizational level would take 75 to 100 years at the current rate of change. Cross-cultural studies and reviews which have been undertaken to compare male and female managers in terms of managerial efficiency and performance have produced results which reveal that there are far more similarities than differences in terms of managerial efficiency and performance. Indeed, research conducted on the outcome of women’s international assignments indicates that female expatriates are generally successful in their international assignments (Caligiuri et al., 1999; Napier & Taylor, 2002). Where differences do occur, they tend to be found, not so much in the way each sex dmanages,T but stem from factors associated with the low proportion of female managers, attitudinal differences, prejudices, discrimination, and different life circumstances and stressors of female managers in comparison to male managers. Many of these differences are regarded as negative and therefore hamper the career advancements of women in domestic and expatriate management. The specific problems and pressures which have been identified as unique to female managers include the following: burdens of coping with the role of the dtokenT woman; being a test case for future women; lack of role models and feelings of isolation; strains of coping with prejudice and sex stereotyping; and overt and indirect discrimination from fellow employees, employers, and the organizational structure and climate. Women managers in token positions are subjected to isolation imposed by males at work, which in itself can restrict social and business life. For a woman in management, the task of breaking into this male-dominated dclubT can prove difficult, and she can be denied policy information, opportunities, contacts, and social support. It has been estimated that over 50% of all jobs in management come about through personal contacts. A review of stress literature indicates that working women experience more stress than working men, and the sources of that stress are related to the expected and actual roles of women in society and to the fact that women still occupy minority status in organizations (Caligiuri & Lazarova, 2002). Many of the constraints which often hinder women in attaining senior managerial positions are quite similar, for example, that there are cultural, educational, legislative, attitudinal, and corporate constraints in most countries. The relative importance of each constraint varies from society to society. The specific image of an ideal manager varies across cultures, yet, everywhere, it privileges those characteristics that the culture associates primarily with men. Adler and Izraeli (1994) conclude from their research that this

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belief is widely supported by male managers and that successful management is associated with masculinity. Almost all cultures differentiate between male and female roles. Societies expect women to behave in certain ways and men in others. In many cultures, the traditional female role maintains attitudes and behaviours that fail to support those attributes associated with that of traditional managers. In the case of southern Europe, for example, in Italy, only 3% of women are employed in upper management positions, this is a lower percentage than in other European countries. This low percentage of senior female managers can be attributed to the sociological context of Italian society and, in particular, the historical role of the Catholic church which has played an important aspect in cultural values and to the fact that only 30% of Italian women work outside the home. The representative value of marriage and motherhood for women is still very strong and may help explain why many women stop working after the birth of children. A similar situation can be seen in Portugal, where, if equal opportunities for men and women in managerial careers are to occur, major cultural and social changes would be required. Women in Portugal are still expected to fulfil their maternal role, which includes not only childbirth but also childrearing responsibilities, and at the same time are expected to pursue a serious professional career. Portugal also has the lowest rate of childcare facilities in the European Union for children between the ages of 3 months and 6 years (Comissa˜o da Condica˜o Feminima, 1989). In Spain, an analysis of relative participation rates reveals that women represent 64% of those employed in the leather and footwear industry, 45% in the clothing and textiles industry, 38% in restaurants and catering, 47% in cleaning services, and 83% in personal and domestic services. The proportion of women in senior management positions is still less than 5%, and these women are usually employed in the service sector firms, small and medium-sized firms, and newly created businesses. The social role of women in Spain, however, is still linked to their role in the family, while, for men, time spent at work is of prime importance. Women’s family ties are seen as obstacles for promotion because these ties stand in the way of their availability at work, and being available is seen as essential for promotion. A survey on women executives researched by the Spanish Women’s Institute revealed that stereotypes still existed about women who hold responsible posts, for example, that they are incapable of accepting responsibility or risks, that they have little interest in being promoted, and that they are excessively concerned with the running of their home (Ferna´ndez, 1993). Similarly, in northern Europe, for example, in Switzerland, there is a cultural norm that, if a Swiss man’s wife works, it must be because the man is not able to provide adequately for her and his family. This creates a strong cultural norm for Swiss men not to encourage or allow their wives to work or pursue managerial careers. Of the female managers in Switzerland, 62% are not married, and this contrasts with only 14% of male managers who are not married. Women’s progress in management is further inhibited by some of the key concepts of family law, for example, a wife can have a profession only if the husband consents. The wife is responsible for taking care of the household and can represent the household only on items of housekeeping, but the husband can withdraw that right. Vinnicombe and Sturges (1995) suggest that some organizations operate a double standard for marriage: they view the married male manager as an asset, with a stable support network at home allowing him to give his undivided attention to his work, but they view the married female manager as a liability, likely to neglect her career at the expense of her family at every possible opportunity. Because of the double standard for marriage, many women managers have had little choice but to take this into consideration and avoid the responsibility of family commitments wherever possible. The profile that emerges is that a majority of women managers in Europe are not married (they are single, divorced or

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widowed) or, if married, have no children. Research carried out in Britain by the British Institute of Management revealed that only 58% of women managers are married in comparison with 93% of male managers. The research also showed that male managers are three times more likely than women managers to be parents. Similarly, in a survey conducted in a large computer company in France, the findings revealed that women managers are more likely to be unmarried and not to have children. Of those who did have children, the vast majority had only one or two. According to Davidson and Cooper (1992), if women managers decide not to marry, they are likely to experience pressure from colleagues who perceive them as an doddityT as the stereotype of the dold maidT still exists. Other potential stressors which are associated with the unattached woman manager are the pressures and strains linked with having to take care of elderly parents and dependants, particularly if they are the donlyT daughter. Davidson and Cooper suggest that single women dget the rawest dealT in caring for relatives because it often means giving up their social life, having large financial commitments, and in some cases having to retire early. Davidson and Cooper continue that a further possible stressor for the unattached female manager is entertaining and socialising. This is seen as an important aspect of managerial life as a great deal of business goes on in these social settings—usually where the wife has to prepare a meal. The social ethic, however, is that you have to be one of a pair. Research by Maddock and Parkin (1994) during the course of conducting equality audits, training sessions, and discussions with men and women managers in British public authorities in the 1990s reveal different gender cultures. Traditional cultures have been identified as the dGentleman’s Club,T the dLocker Room,T and the dBarrack Yard,T all reflecting the view that men and women are fundamentally different and have different roles in society. For many men in British public authorities who are used to clear-cut divisions, such as the woman doing the household chores and caring for her children while her partner earns the money, bencountering women at work can be unsettling, if not disturbingQ (p. 31). The Gentleman’s Club reinforces the notion that the woman’s role as mother and homemaker and the man’s role as breadwinner are natural and preordained. The Gentleman’s Club bis polite and civilised, women are kept firmly in established roles by male managers who are courteous and humane.Q The Locker Room culture is an exclusion culture, where men build relationships on the basis of common agreements, common assumptions, and frequently talk about sport and make sexual references to confirm their heterosexuality. The Barrack Yard culture is a bullying culture. Barrack Yard managers disregard training and development and assume people are either dtopT or dbottomT candidates. The Barrack Yard hides a real hostility towards women and anyone possessing little institutional power; it can be vicious and is an authoritarian culture where power delivers respect. The Barrack Yard culture women do not have senior status within organizations, their interests and comments are ignored, and they are rendered invisible. Maddock and Parkin conclude that gender cultures still exist in British public authorities, that behaviour is coded male or female, and that gender stereotypes are clearly not just perpetuated by men. Women in most organizations have positive or negative attitudes towards other women especially those in dunusually seniorT positions. Gender cultures also tend to divide as well as restrict women. In addition to cultural barriers, female managers also experience difficulties with the various and complex laws pertaining to the employment of women, which still exist throughout Europe despite the attempts of the European Union to standardise employment legislation. Legislation on matters such as equality, equal pay, and maternity leave still form barriers to women achieving senior managerial positions. Analysis of statistics on the structure of the earnings in the European Union states reveals a continuing difference in earnings between women and men. Throughout Europe, there are strong country

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differences on employers’ equality measures. Hegewisch and Mayne (1994), for example, doubt if European equality legislation has had any positive impact on women’s actual position in the workforce, given the continued inequality of women in employment, as demonstrated in terms of their low share of managerial positions, persistent pay gaps, and the rigid occupational segregation between men and women’s work across Europe. It can be seen, therefore, that various barriers still exist for European women managers in their home countries and home organizations. Berthoin-Antal and Izraeli (1993), in their review of women in management worldwide, state that bprobably the single most important hurdle for women in management in all industrialised countries is the persistent stereotype that associates management with being maleQ (p. 63). Cultural traditions and norms are formed slowly and change even more slowly and with great difficulty. The implications of these cultural barriers are significant as (i) domestic cultural barriers limit the numbers of senior female managers which in turn reduces the availability of female managers for expatriate assignments and (ii) female managers have to contend with a new set of domestic barriers in the culture of their host countries.

3. European female expatriate careers Research investigating the position of women in management has largely been confined within national boundaries (Pringle & Mallon, 2003). Over the last 15 years, empirical studies of women in expatriate management have been undertaken predominantly in North America. In particular, there is a dearth of empirical research in Europe, which details the role and career moves of the female expatriate manager. Studies in Europe, the USA, and Australia have shown that the majority of expatriates are men, usually married men, which means that the research which has been undertaken has typically focused on the male expatriate career move. A review of the scant literature on female expatriates in Europe suggests that, as a result of a historical scarcity of local female managers in most countries, organizations have often questioned whether women can function successfully in cross-border managerial assignment. Another negative reason for not appointing women in expatriate management positions may result from a tendency of organizations to confuse the role of female expatriate managers with that of the female expatriate partner, whose frequent failure to adapt has been one of the most commonly cited reasons for premature expatriate returns. Harris (1995), however, suggests that an investigation beyond these two main negative reasons reveals a combination of organizational and sociocultural factors which can play a large part in the underrepresentation of women in expatriate management. Other frequently quoted reasons in the research literature for not sending women on expatriate assignments are the following: (i) senior home country managers’ perceptions of the suitability of women in international management positions, (ii) senior home country managers’ perceptions of foreigners’ responses to women as international managers and problems relating to women’s marital status, (iii) the effect of an organization’s formal policies on women’s opportunities in international management in terms of selection and training of potential international managers, (iv) the influence of informal organizational processes in determining women’s participation in international management, and (v) women’s own wishes and desires whether or not to participate in expatriate assignments. The structure of the expatriate managerial role may allow senior home country management to discriminate against women. As the role of the expatriate involves even more uncertainties than that of

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the domestic manager and as uncertainty increases the need for trust, this is perceived as having further implications for limiting women expatriate managers. The need for certainty motivates managers to select others who are most similar to themselves and presumably more likely to be trustworthy and predictable. Situations of uncertainty also increase the likely use of stereotypes, and, in the absence of reliable knowledge about future performance or in situations where past experience is limited, stereotypical beliefs about characteristics and abilities of men and women are employed by home country senior managers. These stereotypical beliefs result in women’s deselection for more senior managerial expatriate positions. In particular, assumptions and perceptions by home country managers are reinforced by the traditional profile of the typical male expatriate, who is approximately 31 years old when he first goes abroad, is married with an accompanying spouse who is mobile and committed, spends at least 3 years on each foreign assignment, and has three such assignments during his career (Harris, 1995). Potential expatriate managers are often identified at early stages in their careers, where separation of work from family and chronological career timetables are seen as important for career development. According to White, Cox, and Cooper (1992), the concept of career has traditionally been reserved for men. If women worked, it was expected that this would be a secondary activity as they would have a job rather than a career. A career, as distinct from a job, represents a sequence of attitudes and behaviours associated with work-related experiences and activities in which there is a relatively high personal commitment. It has a developmental character, and the assumption is that career takes precedence over private life. Research has shown that some women have difficulties adhering to progressive, linear career models, which are geared to traditional male career paths, due to their interrupted career patterns, for example, for childbearing and rearing (Harris, 2004; Linehan, 2000; White et al., 1992). This may lead to occupational segregation in organizations which allow senior management to assume that women have difficulty in partaking in expatriate management assignments and other such specialist roles. European research evidence on the impact of senior home country managers’ perceptions regarding the suitability of women expatriates in Europe is inconclusive. The available literature does, however, draw attention to the potentially negative effect that such perceptions can have on women’s opportunities in expatriate management (Linehan, 2000; Harris, 1995). 3.1. The impact of covert barriers for female expatriate managers in Europe In addition to these barriers, however, covert barriers such as lack of mentors, being members of minority groups in organizations, and lack of networking also hinder female managers in their progression to expatriate management positions. Much of the literature on mentoring comes from the USA, the extent of the use of mentoring in organizations in Europe, in particular, from a female perspective is not well documented. Mentoring relationships, while important for men, may be essential for women as female managers face greater organizational, interpersonal, and organizational barriers. Although mentoring relationships may be particularly important for the advancement of women in organizations, there is a smaller supply of mentors available to women than to men, and women may be less likely than men to develop these relationships. There are many possible explanations for the infrequency of mentoring relationships among women in organizations. Generally, these explanations are that women may not seek mentors, and mentors may not select female mentees. Vinnicombe and Colwill’s (1995) research revealed that, when asked to describe the characteristics of their ideal mentors and mentees, both men and women choose people who are similar to themselves rather than people who

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are stereotypically masculine or feminine. Vinnicombe and Colwill note that there are few top-level executives whose mirror reflects a woman, which suggests that most male and female junior managers will be mentored by men. Research by Linehan (2000) with 50 senior female expatriate managers based in Europe found that mentoring in organizations outside the USA is a relatively recent development and, therefore, denied to many female managers who worked in an exclusively European context. In an expatriate management context, a mentoring relationship is even more important than in domestic management as mentors provide the contact and support from the home organization which in turn facilitates reentry. A critical question is whether organizations can create conditions that encourage females to take on the role of mentors as it is clear that there is a scarcity of female mentors. Linehan’s research suggests that managers who do not experience the benefits provided by a mentor could in turn be a contributory factor in explaining the scarcity of female expatriate managers. In the absence of mentors, peer relationships and interpersonal networks should provide a source of organizational support for female managers. There is not much empirical research literature available on interpersonal networks in European organizations. The limited studies of networking in organizations, however, have indicated that, in many organizations, the concept of networks is understood to mean a male club or an dold boy networkT model. Mentoring and networking suggest some similarities. Both mentor and peer relationships can facilitate career and personal development. Networking can be useful at all stages in career development, while mentors are particularly useful at the early stages of career development. Women, however, have been largely excluded from dold boy networks,T which traditionally are composed of individuals who hold power in organizations. An important characteristic of networking and the old boy system is that it is dependent upon informal interactions involving favours, persuasion, and connections to people who already have influence. Scase and Goffee’s (1989) research established that attempts by male managers to exclude females from joining old boy networks merely reinforces existing stereotypes of negative male attitudes towards female managers. Davidson and Cooper (1992) also suggested that certain established traditional male institutions have developed exclusively male customs and traditions, which perpetuate the old boy network and safeguard it from female intrusion. Linehan (2000) reported that, throughout Europe, the old boy network is still strong in most organizations, and particularly in established industries, such as medicine, accountancy, and law. The expatriate managers interviewed by Linehan suggested that, given the absence of family and friends while abroad, the benefits provided by formal and informal networking in expatriate management are of even greater value than the benefits provided by networking in domestic management. Despite these benefits, however, women managers believe that they are further disadvantaged from networking as gaining access to male-dominated networks is still a significant barrier. The exclusion of females from male managerial groups perpetuates the more exclusively male customs, traditions, and negative attitudes towards female managers. The negative effects of these covert barriers include blocked promotion and blocked career development, discrimination, occupational stress, and lower salaries. Ten of the fifty managers interviewed by Linehan (2000) who relocated to Belgium believed that, because they were the first females to represent their organizations abroad, they were treated as test cases for future women. The managers also believed that female managers are expected to work harder than their male counterparts and are always aware of being in da man’s world.T These expatriate managers perceived from their collective experience that Belgian organizations are still dominated by a male hierarchical system, which highlighted their token positions. Being a token woman manager, not only

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typically means having no female peer support, but is also likely to mean working in an environment without female role models in senior management positions. Female role models in higher managerial positions positively influence the careers of other women. Overall, therefore, female managers can miss out on expatriate appointments because they lack mentors, role models, sponsorship, or access to appropriate networks—all of which are commonly available to their male counterparts. The exclusion of female managers from business and social networks compounds their isolation, which in turn prevents female managers from building up useful networking relationships, which should be advantageous to their expatriate careers. 3.2. Dual-career couples and the accompanying spouse As an expatriate assignment usually requires an accompanying spouse to forfeit the accustomed structure and continuity of his life, this can make dual career issues highly problematic for the expatriate couple (Valcour & Tolbert, 2003). Each dual-career couple faces different difficulties, for example, based on the couple’s marital status, host country work or visa regulations, and the accompanying spouse’s occupation. Studies of domestic managerial transfers have generally found that companies need to take a proactive approach to dual-career couples if they are to attract and retain the best employees (Linehan et al., 2003). In the case of expatriate transfers, a proactive approach to dual-career couples is more important as additional difficulties with visas and work permits have to be overcome. Career prospects for the accompanying spouse, especially in the geographical vicinity of their partner’s assignment base, become an important consideration. Research by Linehan (2000) and Davidson and Cooper (1992) highlight that female managers in dual-career relationships are more likely than their male counterparts to have partners with professional careers. This creates further personal difficulties as it is not the norm for an organization to arrange an international relocation for any personnel to facilitate the career of a partner. Despite profound changes in workforce composition, organizational policies and practices are still largely predicated on the outmoded assumption that employees are predominantly males from traditional families—the traditional family being one in which the husband is the sole breadwinner and the wife the homemaker and childrearer. Organizations, however, may no longer be able to assume that the male partner’s career will always take precedence and that the female partner will always subordinate her career aspirations to those of her partner (Napier & Taylor, 2002; Pringle & Mallon, 2003). Interviewees in Linehan’s (2000) research identified the necessity for both partners to work for financial reasons, the implications of one partner having to give up work because of an expatriate transfer would be quite significant. The interviewees foresaw problems for organizations which do not have positive policies on dual-career issues, and they believed that the absence of these policies should lead to difficulties in attracting the most suitable expatriates. These expatriate female managers, based in Europe, perceived that family-related policies are not yet adequately developed in the organizations where they worked. In this regard, they spoke of the lack of organizational recognition for their partners having to put their careers on hold. The personal satisfaction of the accompanying spouse is particularly important as spousal failure to adjust is the most common reason for expatriate failure. The limited research which has been conducted on expatriate managers who are in dual-career marriages suggests that spouse-related problems are more serious when men have to adjust to the role of secondary breadwinner. Spouses accustomed to working and having a career may be particularly frustrated if they cannot work or if they encounter difficulties in

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finding work. Additional emotional stress is experienced when the spouse in this position is male, and this can lead to some dual-career couples preferring to avoid expatriate transfers, thereby sacrificing the female partners’ career advancement. Where an employee refuses relocation, however, because of the potential impact on their partner’s career, this may amount to dcareer suicide.T It can be stated, therefore, that an expatriate career move in Europe is much more difficult when the male partner is the trailing spouse as the sociocultural norms relating to career models make it relatively easier for women than for men to make these transitions. It is not yet the norm for the male partner to be the accompanying spouse. In the absence of home country organizational policies on dual-career couples and accompanying spouses, the married female expatriate managers cope with this particular difficulty in a variety of ways, such as commuter marriages, putting the male career on hold, giving priority to the female career for a number of years, or the male partner retiring from employment. These options, however, are still not socially accepted as normal in Europe. An organization that fails to assist the accompanying partners of dual-career couples increases the risk of an accompanying spouse’s unhappiness, which in turn contributes to the expatriate’s poor job performance and/or premature return. On the other hand, organizations with successful family-related policies will be able to increasingly attract the dcream of the cropT in future workers. A closely related area concerning the conflicting demands of work and home is where there are children involved in the expatriate move. Research by Davidson and Cooper (1992) and Linehan (2000) highlighted that married female managers experience the conflicting demands of work and home to a greater extent than that experienced by their husbands. These demands, however, are perceived to be more stressful for female managers when expatriate assignments are undertaken, both in the context of the accompanying spouse and from the general conflicting demands made by work and home. Work– family conflict is a major source of pressure for female managers as females still tend to take on the additional responsibilities for organizing family members and the home. Female expatriate managers experience both role and time conflicts because of the demands in managing a home, children, and career; the condition of not being geographically mobile; feelings of guilt about not being a good wife or good mother; the lack of emotional and domestic support from husbands; and having to take work home with them. Despite women’s increased involvement in the workforce, research over time and across cultures continues to document the persistence of inequality in the allocation of household work and family responsibilities, even among couples with dmodernT ideologies and in countries with commitment to gender equality at home and at work. Family responsibilities involving marriage, childcare, and household activities can hinder women managers’ career achievements. Women are often forced to make difficult and complex decisions regarding what lifestyle to adopt. As women hold primary responsibility for home and family life, they often feel forced to make major career sacrifices for the welfare of their children. Throughout Europe, career success is still based on men’s traditional work experiences and assumptions about the importance of work to identity. Female career perspectives, choices, and priorities, however, do not imply that women’s career achievements are any less important than those of men, but some women do not fit the male model of work and careers. As female managers do not always fit the dominant male career model, they are often forced to choose between a career and family. In choosing an acceptable lifestyle, women face a number of dilemmas, and their choices are more difficult than for their male counterparts because of women’s typically stronger linkages to both career and family roles. Women may respond by

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reducing their employment involvement, which in turn restricts expatriate career opportunities and advancement.

4. Future research agenda Our review of the European research on female expatriation revealed similarities and differences between Europe and North America. It also confirmed that Europe is heterogeneous and that there are many cultural differences within European countries, which impact on expatriation. A major conclusion was the importance of understanding the context within which expatriation occurs. While our review does not reveal a totally separate research agenda for female expatriation emanating from the European context, it does highlight important areas for future research which are discussed below. Our review also identifies some of the key contextual factors impacting on female expatriation in Europe compared with North America. This article has also identified some elements which seek to contribute towards a new research agenda in the area of women in international management. We highlight the issue of dual career couples as a critical international human resource management challenge in Europe and show that it is a growing area of concern both for organizations, individual employees, and their families (Valcour & Tolbert, 2003). Dual-career appointments almost invariably have to cope with the outcome of one career having to suffer for the career advancement of the partner who receives the expatriate assignment as it is rare that both partners are employed by the same organization, and it would be very exceptional for such a couple to be offered geographically shared expatriate assignments. Relating to dual-career couples and accompanying spouses, future research might therefore investigate the decision-making practices used by both dualcareer couples and home country senior management in relation to expatriate transfers. The failure of organizations to respond to dual-career issues results in costs, not only to the couple, but also to their organizations. The willingness of organizations to address dual-career issues may be important for achieving competitive advantage in the future. Regarding the career development of individuals who are from dual-career couples and the additional difficulties they encounter, the question of whether relocation is really necessary and, if so, to what extent needs to be addressed. Alternatively, if dual-career couples are unable to reach a decision to relocate in the same geographical location, then further research should explore the advantages and disadvantages of commuter marriages from both the viewpoint of the couple and that of the organization. The proportion of commuter marriages is likely to increase among dual-career couples as prior research has established that females do want to participate in expatriate management. Further research is needed to investigate the arrangements for children if they are part of commuter marriages, the geographical distances between the couples, the time span between couples meeting, and the overall anticipated duration of the commuting arrangement of the marriage. Further research might also focus on the accompanying spouse phenomenon. Studies might investigate the implications of one partner putting his or her career on hold as previous studies have generally concentrated on other difficulties experienced by the accompanying spouse while abroad. Questions arise regarding the financial, personal, and emotional costs experienced by the accompanying spouse in an expatriate move. Such research might also assess the overall advantages and disadvantages of putting a career on hold from the individual’s perspective and from the perspective of the organization. New research on careers which are put on hold should contribute to a relatively new area in

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career-theory literature as studies on expatriate management careers have largely been based on the mainly linear progression of male managers’ careers. As identified from previous research, other specific barriers which prevent female managers from partaking in expatriate careers include lack of mentors, lack of networking opportunities, and lack of female role models. These three areas merit further investigation. With regard to mentoring, for example, the extent of the use of mentoring in organizations outside the USA and the advantages and disadvantages of same-gender and cross-gender mentoring might be addressed. The research findings in the mentoring literature, particularly on the gender mix of mentoring relationships, are inconclusive, and further empirical investigation with female managers who had mentoring relationships should help to clarify this area. Further research might also investigate the impact of mentors in home organizations on the career successes of female expatriate managers. The benefits of formal and informal support networks for career advancement, particularly during expatriate assignments, have been highlighted previously. Very little empirical research, however, has been conducted on networks. Future research might investigate the similarities and differences of male networks, female networks, and mixed gender networks. The research might also examine the entry barriers to these networks and report on the personal and career benefits these groups provide. Future research might also usefully investigate the likelihood of more successful expatriate careers for female managers who are members of influential networks. Finally, our review also suggests that repatriation may have some distinctive features in the European context. European research shows that the management of repatriation is more problematic in decentralised MNCs and yields some insights into how the repatriation process can be used to develop the internationalization of organizations (Scullion & Starkey, 2000). This confirms one of the main findings of our review which is that female expatriate managers face more difficulties than male expatriates at each stage of the international human resource cycle from the first phase prior to the international transfer to repatriation and the resumption of a career in the domestic organization (Scullion & Linehan, 2004).

5. Conclusions It is clear that expatriate management has long been a masculine preserve in Europe and the USA. The research domain of international human resource management has given very little attention to women as expatriates in Europe probably because of their relative scarcity. An explanation for the lack of research in this field might be attributable to the lack of appropriate theoretical structures as a field of research and the lack of a universal model of human resource management. The low participation of women in expatriate management across Europe continues to be a cause for concern and will be a key challenge for international human resource managers over the next decade. Given the growing shortages of international managers (Scullion & Paauwe, 2004) and the research which highlights the success of women as expatriates (Caligiuri et al., 1999; Linehan, 2000), the failure to develop effective strategies to promote increased participation of women in expatriate management will become increasingly costly to organizations and will limit the potential supply of expatriate managers. Women expatriate managers will remain a minority in Europe until organizations reexamine their human resource management policies and practices and offer organizational support in the form of

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mentoring and interpersonal networks. The lack of mentoring and networking represents significant obstacles to the professional development of women expatriate managers across a wide range of sectors throughout Europe. Current human resource management practices primarily reflect the interests of the dominant group (males) in organizations, and organizations have not yet succeeded in introducing training and development strategies that effectively meet the needs of women. Female expatriates are further disadvantaged in their careers as few organizations have developed distinctive career models for women. In addition, gender disparity in organizations and family responsibilities often prevents women employees from reaching senior managerial positions. Female managers are often forced to choose between an expatriate career and family, and their choices are more difficult than for their male counterparts because of the linkages that exist between their career and family roles. Recent research has confirmed that, for dual-career couples, men’s careers are more frequently given priority when decisions are made that may affect both spouses’ careers and that, in Europe, there is little evidence of the development of strategic human resource management practice in this area as traditional career practices still predominate across different sectors and national origins (Pixley, 2000; Valcour & Tolbert, 2003). Throughout Europe, gender stereotyping is still a major obstacle for female managers to overcome, particularly in their home organizations at the early stages of their careers. It is evident that female expatriate managers encounter additional difficulties in comparison to those experienced by domestic managers as the number of senior expatriate managers remains considerably lower than for those in domestic management. Progression to expatriate management is hampered by covert and overt barriers which still exist for women in management. Europe-based female managers, however, want an expatriate career, and many of these managers also want marriage and children. Unlike their male counterparts, however, it is not yet the norm for female managers to dhave it all,T i.e., to have a successful career, marriage, and children. This article has sought to bring to the attention of non-European specialists the growing stream of research into female expatriation in Europe. The article has highlighted the changing circumstances of expatriation in Europe and argues that the more recent European-based literature adds to our knowledge of female expatriation by contributing to a deeper understanding of the importance of the context in which female expatriation takes place. What are the implications, therefore, of the European research reviewed here for MNC managers? The research suggests number of strategies for organizations to increase the participation for women in international management. First, it is argued that organizations need to become more strategic in their planning for international assignments to minimise the use of ad hoc staffing which may replicate an existing expatriate profile and make the introduction of alternative approaches more difficult. Second, organizations should develop effective selective criteria for international mangers and monitor their selection processes to ensure that access is not unfairly restricted to specific groups of employees. Third, benefits and relocation packages should be adapted to encourage female participation in international assignments (Harris, 2004). In conclusion, our review suggests that women themselves may be partly to blame for their underrepresentation in international management. This is supported by recent research by Fischlmayr (2002) who suggests that females with aspirations to advance in international management should invest more in training to develop their self-confidence and should be more positive in emphasising their skills and competencies in the selection process. Women themselves may also adopt a number of strategies to increase their likely participation in international management. They should use their networks as much

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