Traffic behaviour among adolescents using mopeds and light motorcycles

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Journal of Safety Research 38 (2007) 481 – 492 www.nsc.org

Traffic behaviour among adolescents using mopeds and light motorcycles Ove Njå a,⁎, Sverre M. Nesvåg b,⁎ a

b

University of Stavanger International Research Institute of Stavanger

Received 2 September 2006; received in revised form 8 February 2007; accepted 5 March 2007 Available online 8 August 2007

Abstract Introduction: Motorcycling is recognized to be a relatively risky activity. Powered two wheelers (PTW) are classified as mopeds, light, and heavy motorcycles, the first two categories being denoted light PTWs. This paper reviews the scientific literature on accident risks and traffic behavior among users of light PTWs with the aim of clarifying the current state of knowledge. Method: Based on a risk analytical and an anthropological perspective on motorcycling, the paper discusses the significance of cultural and social factors as important aspects of safety. More targeted and effective safety measures, for example better training programs, are needed to prevent motorcycle accidents. This means developing a deeper understanding of the rider as an individual, and the individuals within different groups and settings. Why and how motorcyclists approach the road, its function as a social arena, the varieties of goals and values, and the motorcyclists' own perceptions of the behavior that ensures their “achievements” or “successes”, are some of the issues. Today, this kind of knowledge is scarce and almost entirely absent from the scientific literature. Results: We conclude that the massive quantities of data on numbers of accidents, the categorization of situations, the causal explanations related to speed, gender, age, lack of concentration so forth, can only be employed as support for safety measures as long as they are linked to social and cultural factors. Impact on Industry: Risk informed decision making has become an integral part of authorities' and manufacturers' implementation of safety measures. This tendency is strengthened by the fact that the responsibility of product safety rests upon the manufacturers, cf. for example EU safety regulations. Therefore it is paramount that a thorough understanding of social and cultural factors related to the PTW driving is necessary for the industry to develop targeted and efficient safety measures. © 2007 National Safety Council and Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Moped; Light motorcycle; Accident; Socio–cultural perspective; Risk; Traffic behavior

1. Introduction Since 2002, the Norwegian Public Roads Administration has adopted the “vision zero” principle. Vulnerable groups are emphasized in official traffic safety work. Cyclists and pedestrians have been the primary focus, but now they are paying closer attention to motorcyclists. Our study is limited to riders of light motorcycles and mopeds. These two groups need ⁎ Corresponding authors. Njå is to be contacted at University of Stavanger, N-4036, Stavanger, Norway. Nesvåg, IRIS, P.O. Box 8046, N-4068, Stavanger, Norway. E-mail addresses: [email protected] (O. Njå), [email protected] (S.M. Nesvåg). URL's: http://www.uis.no (O. Njå), http://www.irisresearch.no (S.M. Nesvåg).

special consideration with regard to several aspects. They are largely composed of adolescents, who are inexperienced riders. They are socially and culturally driven between different sets of values and established norms. And, they are often economically weak and struggle to find their position in life. 1.1. Light powered two wheelers (PTW) During the past 5 years, light PTWs have become increasingly popular, especially among younger people in Norway. Both the number of mopeds (encompassing PTWs with cylinder volume less than 50 cc and maximum speed 45 km/h), and of light motorcycles (encompassing PTWs with cylinder volume up to 125 cc and power output not exceeding 11 kW) have increased significantly. Between the years 2000

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Table 1 Accidents statistics related to moped and light motorcycle in Norway in the period from 2000 to 2003 (SSB 1 and FNH 2) Consequence

Human losses

Material losses

Moped

Killed Very seriously injured Seriously injured Light injury Total 1 2

Light motorcycle

Moped

Light motorcycle

00

01

02

03

00

01

02

03

00

01

02

03

00

01

02

03

6 2 49 339 396

5 3 44 328 380

6 5 50 457 518

7 0 49 500 556

4 2 14 106 126

3 3 19 80 105

7 1 9 100 117

4 1 19 98 122

2534

3149

3743

4382

663

510

477

429

Norway statistics (SSB), http://www.ssb.no. Norwegian Financial Services Association (FNH), http://www.fnh.no.

and 2003, the number of registered mopeds in Norway increased from 118,000 to approximately 140,000. In addition, since 1997 the number of light motorcycles has tripled (from 4,000 in 1996 to 11,000 in 2003). This increment is likely to be related to the changes in taxes, making this vehicle category more attractive (Bjørnskau, 2004). There was a general increase in the number of accidents during the period from 2000 to 2003. The statistics in Table 1 show an increase in the number of moped riders sustaining light injuries (47%). On the other hand there are no clear trends for accidents in the past 5 years causing injuries to light motorcycle riders. However, between 1997 and 2000 the number increased significantly while the trend seems subsequently to have stabilized. The Norwegian accident statistics show trends similar to those seen in the United States (NHTSA, 2004), the UK, and Australia (Christie & Harrison, 2001). Since 2000 the U.S. fatality rate (rate per 10.000 vehicles) has increased. The number of accidents related to material losses has decreased noticeably in the case of light motorcycles during the period (35%), while for mopeds there was a substantial increase (72%). The increase in accidents seems to some extent to follow the same trend as for the light injury category. This development could be seen as coinciding with the vision zero strategy in Norway, which focuses narrowly on accidents leading to severe consequences (NTP, 2004). However, no specific measure has been introduced to actually reduce the number of serious accidents. This paper is a first approach to an analysis of accidents involving adolescent light PTW riders and their driving behavior, based on a socio-cultural perspective. The purpose is to combine a systematic risk assessment approach with culture theory. The paper is organized as follows. First a review of existing research within PTW safety is presented. Second, the socio-cultural perspective is outlined in order to establish an analytical framework. Data is gathered by means of semi-structured interviews. Five accidents, of which one involved a light motorcycle and four involved mopeds, have been selected as the basis for the interviews. The involved parties and the riders' best friend and next of kin were interviewed. The data material has been analyzed in relation to a three dimensional socio-cultural framework. The paper concludes with a discussion of important aspects to be considered for further scrutiny, with a view to revealing

socio-cultural aspects of driving behavior and the accident proneness of adolescents' riding light PTWs. 1.2. Recent research on accidents involving moped and light motorcycles Safety, risk, and accident studies related to PTWs are normally quantitative surveys or statistical analyses of accident data. Focus is often placed upon easily retrievable quantities. Accidents are accordingly explained from the driver characteristics, such as gender, age, and experience, and from the situational characteristics, such as accident situations, environmental factors, speed and vehicles. Mannering and Grodsky (1995) conclude that age, gender, and experience are the significant determinants of accidentrisk assessment. This is in line with many retrospective studies of motorcycle accidents (Chesham, Rutter, & Quine, 1993; Christie & Harrison, 2001; Christie, 2002; Haworth, Mulvihill, & Symmons, 2005; Mullin, Jackson, Langley, & Norton, 2000; Hurt, Ouellet, & Thom, 1981). However, when age and experience are scrutinized the categorization is coarse, focusing on driving license categories or “young” people under 25 or 30 years of age. Adolescents are not a specific category. Rutter and Quine (1996) found that youth was a more important factor than experience in predicting risky behavior amongst motorcyclists in the UK. However, a substantial part of the cohort did not have any formal training prior to becoming a PTW rider. The Motorcycle Accident InDepth Study (MAIDS) is comprehensive, consisting of 921 in-depth accident investigations from five areas in Europe (MAIDS, 2004). This study does not identify any overrepresentation of light PTWs in accidents, or of male drivers. Riders in the 18–26 age group are overrepresented in accidents and riders between the ages 41–55 are underrepresented. Many of the previous studies of demographic variables have reported only univariate results or controlled for a limited range of potential confounding variables in their analyses. Mullin et al. (2000) claimed that after controlling for confounding variables, familiarization with the specific motorcycle is the only experience measure associated with a strong protective effect. The normative premises in all research on accidents and accident causation are that somebody made a mistake, an

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error, which made the accident inevitable. The reference for the normative premises is normally the traffic regulations, but restricted to the behavior of the directly involved parties, the drivers. Accident causation when PTWs are involved in multiple vehicle accidents has a clear tendency toward “faults of the other vehicle.” This often yields an approaching turn crash configuration in which the passenger car driver is often at fault (Hurt et al., 1981; Wulf, Hancock, & Rahimi, 1989; MAIDS, 2004). Single accidents — “off the road” (straight lane, right hand side on left turn, or left on right turns) are the other major accident category, for which the causal responsibility is often placed upon the PTW rider. An exception is the Australian case-control study (Haworth, Smith, Brumen, & Pronk, 1997), which involved environmental effects related to the crash spots. The research group carried out the study by observing and interviewing experienced riders, who rode through the crash section in similar circumstances as at the times of the fatal accidents. In 15% of the cases the road surface was found to actively contribute to the occurrence of the accident. Factors related to infrastructure deficiencies and other latent factors in accordance with James Reason's (1997) systems error approach are very rarely seen. In Norway, only accidents with fatalities are investigated, in which the PTW rider is generally the person killed. Reeder, Chalmers, Marshall, and Langley (1997) states that: “little is known about the social characteristics of the riders, despite such knowledge being potentially important for the targeting of appropriate injury prevention.” Bjørnskau (2004) also supports this statement in an analysis of Norwegian light PTW accident data. Very few researchers distinguish between different categories of PTWs in their accident analyses and investigations to determine the root causes of accidents. In Norway the accident rate for light PTWs is increasing, taking the 2004 accident data into consideration. Even though the accident and exposure data for light PTWs are dubious, Bjørnskau (2004) emphasizes that the risk, measured as number of deaths per person km, has decreased noticeably. Bjørnskau indicates that the risk picture can be explained by an increased use of light PTWs amongst urban adolescents, which has resulted in driving behavior different from that seen among typical rural adolescents with a keen interest in motor engines. Driving behavior has been reported in several studies. In general, motorcyclists tend to travel faster than a matched group of car drivers, and motorcyclists are better at detecting hazardous situations (Horswill & Helman, 2003). However, safety is not a predominant value for motorcyclists' choices in traffic (Conrad, Bradshaw, Lamsudin, Kasniyah, & Costello, 1996; Reeder, Chalmers, & Langley, 1996; Natalier, 2001), and risk is conversely regarded as a positive value (Rutter, Quine, & Albery, 1998). The riders' own perception of their abilities within the system is the dominating factor in their driving behavior: motorcyclists rely entirely on themselves. Experienced riders stress the importance of driving experience. “For the motorcyclist, the most significant source of

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information is experience. Theory does not save them in the event of an accident” (Natalier, 2001). Motorcyclists learn by observing and interacting with other motorcyclists. An interesting question that has not been raised in the research literature is: how do knowledge and experience evolve, and in what way does the group play a decisive role in the forming of opinion and perception? Very often motorcyclists, as a group, are viewed as having “an irresponsible attitude to risk” (De Rome, Stanford, & Wood, 2002), because their transportation goal is the road itself. Subgroup characteristics on individual levels are developed in psychometric studies, in which the “Risk takers” and “Sensation seekers” are the groups correlated with negative safety attitudes (Jonah, Thiessen, & Au-Yeung, 2001; Wahl, Fjerdingen, & Meland, 2000). Socio-cultural factors have not been given much attention in the research literature, and even more seldom in relation to safety and accident risks. A UK study (Hobbs, Galer, & Stroud, 1986) identified “cheap to run,” “for enjoyment,” and “independence” as the principle reasons for riding motorcycles. More generally, it is known that people, and particularly adolescents, tend to join groups with shared values (Bjørgo & Carlsson, 1999). Motorcycling could be regarded as a core symbol for social interaction and coupling, representing a form of community (Maxwell, 1998). Motorcyclists often have mythical connotations, both being stigmatized socially as criminals and in terms of traffic behavior being perceived as “speed rebels,” risk takers,” and “sensation seekers.” Much of the literature is concerned with outlaw bikers, which is a self-described 1% of all motorcyclists (Maxwell, 1998). Rutter, Quine, and Chesham (1995) investigated a cohort of PTW riders at two points of time (12-month interval), in order to explain risky driving behavior in terms of two different theories of beliefs and attitudes. The results from their study showed that behavior was predicted by beliefs, and that the most important behavioral predictor of spills and accidents was related to violations; “Breaking Laws and Rules for Safe Behavior.” On the basis of a longitudinal study in New Zealand following a cohort from birth to 17 years of age, Reeder, Chalmers, and Langley (1992) concluded that young riders are not a homogenous group. They found that initiation into motorcycling occurs at a very early age, well before the age of licensure (Reeder et al., 1992), and that the social context had importance for the initiation (Reeder et al., 1992). With reference to the same cohort of adolescents in New Zealand, Reeder et al. (1996) reported frequent drinking of alcohol prior to riding, non-compliance with license restrictions, limited helmet usage, and other protective and conspicuous clothing rarely worn. The research group proposed increased governmental involvement in training and supervision, and tougher penalties for adolescents breaking rules and regulations (Reeder et al., 1995). Motorcycles are often seen as “hegemonic models of male self-esteem” (Espada Calpe, 2002). Motorcycle clubs and unions are arenas for interaction where culture develops

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and evolves. Attitudes, and change in attitude, can be seen as a mere result of change in behavior. When certain motorcyclists speed, this can be interpreted as a way of demonstrating membership of a culture. “Age and experience have their effects through beliefs and attitudes, so that the critical feature of youth, for example, is not youth itself but the attitudes that typically go with it (…) it will be important to examine the way in which beliefs and attitudes are related to other indices of human agency – such as locus of control and perceived risk – and to try to trace the origins in the process of socialisation” (Chesham et al., 1993). We conclude that in the PTW safety and accident research the major perspectives are socio-psychological, linking demographic as well as environmental factors to accidents, and risky behavior. Core values, basic assumptions, and artifacts as premises for the PTW acquisition and riding behavior are less understood. Especially amongst adolescents, who are a group exposed to changes, opposition, seeking, influences from style and prominent persons, and so forth, it might be possible to identify socio-cultural factors important for the choice of driving behavior. 2. The Socio-cultural Perspective The socio-cultural concept and the analytical framework presented in this section are based on Nesvåg (2005). This section approaches the socio-cultural concept from three complementary perspectives leading to an understanding of the driving behavior observed in traffic situations. First, the socio-culture concept could be divided into different levels: espoused values, artifacts, and basic assumptions (Schein, 1990). Second, the socio-culture could be seen in a functional perspective, containing norms and beliefs (Freilich, 1970). Third, the socio-culture could be understood by its discourse, the context of meaning (Bourdieu, 1977). These three perspectives contribute with insight into observable PTW driving behavior. The challenge is to operationalize these perspectives into an analytical framework that could be used to understand patterns in driving behavior and further to advocate measures aimed at reducing accidents resulting in serious injuries and fatalities. 2.1. The socio-cultural concept How can we explain the traffic behavior of adolescents riding either a moped or light motorcycle? What circumstances influence the different behavior observed? And, when does the traffic situation exceed the competence limits of the riders involved, so that an accident occurs? Individual riding behavior in different social contexts or as input to socialization in new groups must be evaluated in a dynamic way. The adolescent faces different relationships in different social settings. Thus, we need an open approach to analyzing how the mutual influence between forms of sociality and the individual riding behavior of different riders is shaped and expressed in different traffic contexts.

As a starting point we need to establish descriptions of how PTW riding forms part of different social relations. Based on this we can analyze how individual riding behavior is influenced by the social context and how this behavior contributes to shaping the social interaction and thus to establishing social riding networks. The next step of the analysis is directed toward how common perceptions are developed with respect to the role of moped or light motorcycle riding within different communities, and how common perceptions influence individual riding behavior. 2.1.1. The functional perspective We can divide perceptions into norms and beliefs. Usually research is approached from a norm perspective in order to induce knowledge about cultures. Our idea is to study how collective beliefs can be used to understand varying riding behavior. Can we, like MacAndrew and Edgerton (1969), assume that riding behavior and individual feelings are learnt? Taking this approach, the behavior is understood as a consequence of learnt assumptions and expectations as to the outcome of certain riding behavior. In this perspective, norms are understood as a “guide for the proper” (Freilich, 1970), in which the appropriate and the inappropriate can be stretched, negotiated upon, and adapted to specific riding and traffic situations. According to this theory, individuals are assumed to use their own experience and observation of social models (behaviors and their interpretations) as the basis for the foundation and the re-establishment of consequences of specific behavior in specific contexts. Furthermore, these expectations will influence future behavior and its comprehension. The expectations are connected with the functions and specific needs that the riding fulfils for the individual. Now we can talk about beliefs in a Freilich manner as “guide for the smart,” meaning a certain range of common perceptions about the type of behavior that could be effective in attaining specific benefits in certain contexts. 2.1.2. Different levels of understanding According to Schein (1990), norms are related to espoused values and artifacts, while beliefs are in a higher degree connected to core values. However, expectations of what the functional “politically correct” values are within a group of PTW riders provide a feasible way of understanding a specific form of driving behavior. This also yields the individual's expectation of what others expect from his or her behavior. In the main, norms are the expressed values of the individuals, often addressed through questionnaires (Guldenmund, 2000), but beliefs are the basic assumptions of the individual, which are not easily revealed. Schein (1990) makes a sharp distinction, indicating that what is seen and heard is not always the norms and beliefs that guide action. In short, norms and beliefs can be said to play a different role on the different levels of a certain culture, as shown in Fig. 1. But there is also another way of expressing the levels of culture in relation to individual action. The three levels of culture, as defined by Schein, constitute a cultural model

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485

Fig. 1. Norms and beliefs on different levels of understanding.

with different levels of motivational force on individual behavior (Strauss, 1992, 1997). As in Schein's model the level with the least influential force on actual behavior can be termed espoused values, or “lip service,” as Strauss figuratively denotes it. On this level the espoused values, referring to dominant values in the larger society, function more as representations or (after-) rationalization against others. Such values are often weakly linked to the rest of the belief-holder's knowledge structure. On the next level, we find the values and beliefs shared by individuals and communities regarded as significant others (Mead, 1934) by the actor. These shared values and beliefs are to be found both as artifacts and as shared basic assumptions in Schein's model. It is these shared values and beliefs that can be observed as having motivational force in modeling the actions of a group or a community in uniform ways. But to explain the specific behavior of each individual these shared values and beliefs must be held up against the personality characteristics and life histories of each individual actor, forming what Strauss calls a personal semantic network with a strong impact on individual behavior. 2.1.3. The context of meaning However, analyses of the observed functions of norms and expectations do not give a deeper understanding of the meaning of moped and light motorcycle riding, nor how the meaning of riding is created and how it influences the individual and collective behavior that can be observed. We need to build our analysis of the role of the moped and light motorcycle upon observations and interpretations of interacting individuals and how webs of meaning (Geertz, 1973) are created. This could be seen as the beliefs generally common to a group of people. The beliefs could be so integrated and taken for granted that they are never explicitly expressed or questioned. This is what Bourdieu has denoted doxa (1977), which is not easily retrieved: “The truth of doxa is only ever fully revealed when negatively constituted by the constitution of a field of opinion, the locus of the confrontation of competing discourses.” According to Bourdieu it is only possible to fully reveal beliefs when they are in some way expressed. Bourdieu divides expressed beliefs into two categories; the heterodox and the orthodox. Orthodox beliefs are those that predominate within a socio-

cultural frame: within a community, in a social arena (e.g., on the road), or in a larger society. Heterodox beliefs are those opposing the orthodox beliefs. The dimension of power is thus an important factor in understanding orthodox and heterodox beliefs. Different beliefs in regard to moped and light motorcycle riding can coexist at different levels of power. Bourdieu (1984) has exemplified this perspective by the sense of style. Knowledge about style in line with dominating (orthodox) perceptions of what is “good sense of style,” is a symbolic capital that the actors can manage so as to maintain their status or position of power in relation to other actors. However, the heterodox belief could challenge the dominating beliefs, and become a basis for negotiation, change, and restructure of individual status. A challenge in this study is to establish what should be considered as orthodox perceptions and what should be considered opposing heterodox perceptions in PTW riding. This approach must include the individual's striving for position in a group or his/her response to the group's hierarchy as a contribution to a certain understanding of riding behavior: “Some spin webs of meaning, others are caught by them” (Keesing, 1987). In an analysis of the meaning of the riding behavior some principles are vital: • The situation or context of the riding must be considered, in which other significant elements of meaning are included. Those elements could enhance certain riding behavior, they could be neutral or be in opposition to the expected behavior. • The significant meaning of the riding behavior cannot be deduced from the expressed goals of the riding, but can be connected to other symbolic expressions, such as the appearance of the vehicle, the way certain vehicles “should” be handled, how the vehicles “should” be equipped and so on. • Different meanings can coexist. One person can in different contexts represent different meanings (i.e., different subject positions [Moore, 1994]). Riding as an individual to school in the morning is different from riding with friends in leisure time. The rider's conscious and unconscious expressions of him/herself and the expectations and requirements from others involved in the

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situation, might be so different that attitudes, meanings, and behavior would be experienced as being in strong opposition to each other, if the situations were compared. Different meanings of a phenomenon, in a society or in a “gang,” influence the way the individual or smaller communities understand the phenomenon. Individuals or communities could integrate, synthesize, or choose parts of different meanings in their development of own meaning. They could be in conflict with, or be ambivalent to, different meanings of riding. Or, they could keep the different meanings isolated from each other, so that some might dominate certain situations while others could come into play as the situations develop over time. Keeping different and often antagonistic meanings from each other is often denoted as compartmentalization of different meanings (Strauss, 1997). 2.2. The meaning of moped and light motorcycle riding Two different contexts of meanings can explain the meaning of moped and light motorcycle riding behavior (Elmeland, 1996). First, the instrumental context of meaning is characterized by conventional and clear signs. The actions are goal oriented and the time perspective is “clockwise.” This could be understood as “business travel,” for example to school, to work, or going shopping. Second, the context of meaning could be a search for the overall feeling or unity in the diversity, dominated by rich metaphors. The actions are dominated by imagination and the time perspective is “right now,” an “action time” (Johansen, 2001). This perspective is for the most connected with leisure time and playing around. These two contexts of meaning could also be distinguished by static and dynamic characteristics (Turner, 1977). The instrumental meaning is static in its contents of reproduction and regulation of identities, roles, relations, and behaviors. The other context is dominated by transbounding actions and innovation. Could we say that the riding is dominated by the desire to maintain stable roles or by the striving after better positions in a network, implying transbounding riding behavior? Does the riding really have goals and explicit purposes beyond the need to get from location A to location B? The reproduction of the meaning of riding behavior will take place in the relations between communities and situations predominated by these two kinds of social interactions; the structural/regulative and the antistructural/transbounding. In addition to the concept-pair regulation versus transbounding, Elmeland also introduces two other concept-pairs (dimensions). The first is individuality versus collectivistic, interpreted as an axis. At the one extreme the moped and light motorcycle riding behavior could be seen as a result of the individually oriented understanding and at the opposite is the collectively oriented understanding. A collective is in this context a stable group in which the members have strong opinions of their characteristics (e.g., motorcycle clubs). Even though there is very strict discipline and clearly defined

rules in some motorcycle clubs, most of them are loosely coupled. In those “normal cases” the creation of the social and cultural community could have been based on many different cross sectional values without clearly defined boundaries, including who belongs to the community or not. The collectives could also be temporary and some even created just for specific situations, and afterwards broken up. “In this sense, community as belonging is constructed in communicative processes rather than in institutional structures, spaces, or even in symbolic forms of meaning” (Delanty, 2003). Instead of using the term community, which is associated with stability, limitation, and unity, the term sociality is used to present the social interactions between members sharing motorcycle-riding interests. The meaning of moped and light motorcycle riding could also be viewed as a ritual used to demonstrate the transition from one life condition to another. For example, riding a motorcycle at the age of 16 would indicate that you have become an adult. Furthermore, in more common settings a specific riding behavior could demonstrate the transition from being in a structured context at school or at work, to a liberated leisure-time context. On the other hand the meaning of riding could be viewed as an integration ritual, in which the riding demonstrates integration into an established group or community. The activity is then seen as maintaining something valuable, a hierarchy, or a belonging to a specific unit. Three dimensions construct the holistic socio-cultural framework, denoted the socio-cultural space, for understanding the meaning of riding light motorcycles and mopeds. First, the ritual being dominated by either transition or integration, and the second dimension where riding is understood as a meaningful activity for the interaction between individuality or sociality expresses the analytical plane. The depth of the analysis is created by the relationship between riding in a regulating context and riding as a transbounding activity. 2.3. Risk, traffic safety, and the system oriented perspective Road traffic as a system can be seen as an arena where people interact in a risky environment. People get killed, and risk is traditionally defined as the combination between probability and potential consequences (ISO 2002). Thus, risk is often connected with rider behavior. The gap between what riders perceive and the actual “objective risk” has been studied by many researchers (Bellaby & Lawrenson, 2001; Haworth et al., 2005; Reeder et al., 1996; Rutter et al., 1998). The objective risk is calculated from accident statistics and is usually compared with other activities in the traffic system. Typically the relative individual crash risk per distance traveled spans from 2 – 16 times more dangerous than other vehicles, and the relative individual fatality risk from 4 – 35 times (Chesham et al., 1993; Christie & Harrison, 2001; De Rome et al., 2002; Horswill & Helman, 2003; Mannering & Grodsky, 1995; Natalier, 2001; NHTSA, 2004; Preusser,

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Williams, & Ulmer, 1995; Shankar, 2003; Simpson & Mayhew, 1990; Wulf et al., 1989). In general these statements are based upon a classical interpretation of risk, in which risk is seen as an objective property of the activity or system being studied. This implies a sharp distinction between what is true risk and what is perceived risk. Many researchers have adopted the classical approach to risk. These researchers assume that individual PTW riders are biased in their risk judgments (Mannering & Grodsky, 1995; Reeder et al., 1992; Rutter et al., 1998), or they address sensation seeking as the causal explanation of risky behavior (see e.g., Jonah et al., 2001). The classical approach to risk gives little consideration to the purpose of the risk evaluation, the systems being studied, and who is performing the assessment. We refer to Aven (2003), Shrader-Frechette (1992), Watson (1994), and Njå and Nøkland (2005) for further discussion of the fundamentals of risk. Risk is a socially constructed concept used to support decisions. Thus risk assessments at national authority level evaluating the effect of regulations are completely different from those of the individual PTW rider choosing speed and lane position. From being a general system, based mainly on national and international accident data covering average PTW riders in coarsely categorized road environments, risk should be understood at an individual level as a concept for determining riding behavior. A socio-cultural perspective is needed to understand the context of the riding behavior and Icek Ajzen's (1991) “Theory of planned behavior” could be used as a tool to analyze the transformation of a sociocultural contextual framework to individual behavior patterns. Thus, individual attitudes toward the behavior,

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individual norms, and perceptions of behavioral control should form the basis for predicting behavior and decisions. As opposed to the classical interpretation of risk, risk should then be regarded as the combination of uncertainty related to future outcomes and the severity of the outcomes. The rider is uncertain whether an accident or an undesired situation will occur as a result of his/her own decisions (riding behavior). Fig. 2 shows the important elements that should be considered in risk evaluations, in which the choice of perspective also influences the risk modeling. Fig. 2 illustrates the road traffic system and the relations between the core elements: road-users, vehicles, and the road/environment. The interplay between these elements decides the uncertainty involved or how safe the system is. There are six different perspectives, all described by the arrows in the figure. For example “road-user does not match vehicle” meaning weaknesses in the road-user's competence indicating lack of control. The opposite perspective “vehicle does not match the road-user.” In this case we look at the design of the motorcycle and evaluate weaknesses or challenges for the motorcyclists that exceed what could be expected. In addition to general statistics, risk analysis should be based on a much richer phenomenological approach in which tacit knowledge of the different factors governing road traffic behavior in different environments and contexts is included. This extended perspective is illustrated by the structural, technical, and socio-cultural factors constituting the core elements in Fig. 2. The major goal is therefore to identify and monitor how these factors interact. Road traffic systems are developed on the basis of certain policy instruments, such as

Fig. 2. Systemic approach to risk and uncertainty in road traffic.

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Table 2 The accidents as basis for the interviews Data

Single accident

Intersection opposite ways

Roundabout

Intersection same way

Head on

Night Alone, moped - scooter PTW rider, best friend and parents

Morning First of two, moped - crosser style PTW rider, car - driver, best friend and mother Male, age 16, moped licence for 6 months, tractor driver

Evening Alone, light motorcycle - racer PTW rider, best friend and mother

Morning Alone, moped crosser style PTW rider, car driver, friend, mother

Night First of two, moped - racer PTW rider, best friend, father

Male, age 17, light motorcycle licence for one year

Male, age 17, moped licence for one year

Male, age 17, moped licence for one year, tractor driver

Sketch

Time PTW cond. Interviewees

Demographics of PTW rider at the time of the accident

Female, age 16, moped licence for 1 month

regulations, goals, incentives, and restrictions. All these factors could be understood in the socio-cultural context as influencing factors of the motorcycle rider's behavior and uncertainty in real time traffic. For regulatory and supervisory authorities' knowledge of patterns of artifacts, orthodox discourses on road system development and the different prevailing contexts of meaning road-users have in traffic could contribute to better risk assessment and more targeted road safety measures. The next section emphasizes the sociocultural perspective on five different light PTW accidents. 3. Study of light PTW accidents We have outlined the analytical approach to socio-cultural factors, and we have outlined and related a risk analysis concept. This section includes data from five different accidents where we have sought the PTW riders' web of meaning with their riding and the specific circumstances in the accident situation. Table 2 depicts the data sets collected in this study. The accidents were selected from the Norwegian Public Roads Administration's register of PTW accidents. The selection criteria were to obtain a diversity of accident categories, sex, and PTW styles involved. The respondents were interviewed separately. The respondents contributed to an understanding of the momentary context of the PTW accident (the contributions of the witnesses) and a more thorough understanding of the meaning of PTW riding for the rider involved in the accidents. The major analytic dimensions presented earlier are employed to analyze each data set. It is important to notice that the roles of the other vehicles and drivers must be carefully considered, thus, the socio-cultural factors emphasized in the analysis below cannot be understood as sole causes of accidents, nor can they be interpreted as the exhaustive and true factors. They are part of a new perspective used to understand accidents and why accidents tend to occur more frequently in specific contexts.

The single accident occurred in the middle of the night in December when the female PTW rider was on her way home from hanging around with her friends. She didn't notice a slippery patch on the road, lost balance, fell, and hit some rocks. She was fortunately driving slowly and only sustained minor facial injuries. The girl came from a small village where the transition from childhood to adulthood heavily involved riding a PTW. Being independent, free, and mobile were values presented by both adolescents. All her girlfriends had PTWs (scooters), besides one, who had now become distant. She characterized her surroundings as a “moped culture.” No one had light motorcycles in her circle of acquaintances. Even though some of the scooters had been trimmed,1 this was not the general case. The girls were frustrated over the slow speed of these vehicles. They claimed that the speed restrictions were more dangerous than if they could keep pace with the general traffic. The girl's parents supported her and they had not assessed her driving as dangerous. Her father, himself a heavy PTW driver, was frustrated by the low speed and said: “I am really disappointed that so few mopeds are trimmed.” We conclude that the girl was highly integrated socially, in a society in which mopeds played a major role, and that the core values were not how people drove but rather the mobility and the feeling of being free to choose for themselves. They had no incentives to emulate extreme or transbounding riding behavior. The riding itself was not important. Consequently, the riders tended to observe the traffic regulations and driving norms closely.

1 Trimming is often erroneously connected with two different factors. First, the power output of the original resources is reduced by, for example, sealing the exhaust system in order to obtain the speed limit (45 km/h), which is not trimming. Second, the power output of the engine is increased beyond the original resources by /modifying, for example, the carburettor, which is trimming.

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The accident between the moped and a car from opposite lanes at an intersection occurred at about 8 a.m. on a February morning. It was dawn, the car turned left, crossed the opposite lane, and the moped hit the right rear side of the car. The PTW rider and his friend, driving approximately five metres behind, were on their way to school. The pregnant car driver was on her way to an appointment with her doctor. The car driver was judicially blamed. At the time of the accident the rider was convinced that the car driver would stop and wait for them to pass. When the car driver did not, he tried to avoid the collision. The PTW rider said that his speed was approx 45 km/h, the air was raw and cold, and the road surface was uneven with lots of polished gravel lying about. The damage was limited to a wrist fracture. The moped was important to the PTW rider. He had bought it himself and he had removed the seals in order to increase the power output. His friends also had PTWs, he was technically interested, and he enjoyed driving. However, a car-driving license would be prioritized when he was old enough. The PTW rider also emphasized that his friends exhibited different types of driving behavior, ranging from a hurried pace to calm driving. When there was a group of different riders, the group's driving behavior tended toward that of the faster rider. The PTW rider thought that one of the best safety measures for mopeds was to abolish the 45 km/h requirement and allow speed limits of up to 70 km/h. Then “real trimming would have been pointless.” His friend concurred with most of his views. The mother was convinced that the PTW driving was carried out safely, but she also mentioned that one of his friends was particularly reckless in traffic. We conclude that the individual PTW-riding factor was stronger in this case. The acquisition of a PTW was both practical and sociologically founded. Furthermore, the choice of moped rather than light motorcycle was only a question of money. The driving was highly context bounded. Testing limits was part of the game. The roundabout accident occurred in the afternoon one day in September. It was twilight and the PTW rider was on his way to see his girlfriend. Approaching a roundabout he registered a car approaching from his right side (which would have the duty to give way). He entered the roundabout, the car hit his rear wheel, and he was thrown into the air and landed at the opposite end of the roundabout. The injuries were mostly to his limbs but with no permanent damage. His light motorcycle, a Honda CBR 125, was condemned. This PTW rider was living in a small village with no real transport alternatives other than two-wheelers. The entire gang (11 adolescents from 16 to 18 years) had light motorcycles, which were divided in two groups — the cruisers and the sports. Even though the type of motorcycle meant a lot to him and his friend (chopper-style), they agreed that this was a temporary phase while waiting for a car. Nevertheless PTW riding was associated with fun and limits were frequently tested. He said: “we always let the cruisers start, but when we approach the town we're always first.”

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Seven of the 11 friends had been involved in one accident or more, but no one had yet experienced serious consequences. Maintaining their PTWs was regarded as important, and both adolescents emphasized the better level of education during their driving license courses compared to moped license training. His mother claimed that she and her husband had talked a lot to him about safety precautions, but they had realized that there was no need for further nagging. We conclude that this PTW rider was caught between several influences. The gang meant a lot to him, but his individual commitments (girlfriend and school) also influenced his driving habits. We think that the gang was not tightly meshed, and that there was a lot of room for individual behavior. The collision between a car and a PTW while the PTW was overtaking occurred in the morning (approximately 8 a.m.) while both riders were on their way to work. The accident occurred in a slow speed area, the PTW rider hit the door of the car and flew over it. The consequences were minor limb injuries. At the time of the interviews there was some controversy between the parties, about the PTW rider's speed and whether the car driver had signaled and looked in the mirror before turning. The female car driver thought that the “PTW rider was late for work.” She claimed that the accident happened when she was in a dip in the road and she said: “I had no chance in the situation.” The PTW rider concluded; “the woman driving the car must have been half-asleep.” The PTW rider had not ridden since the accident (6 months), mainly because he could not afford to repair the damage. Socially he belonged to a group of very loosely attached people. Very few of them rode PTWs and there were no special attitudes or respect associated with PTWs in the group. However, he expressed strong individual feelings about his driving, in which speed, freedom, nice sunny days, and the pleasure of riding were emphasized. He based his view on which image he wanted of himself and thought the significant others would recognize when he came along. “I think that other people would say that my riding is fast and it sounds great.” His relations with his parents were limited since he lived in a center for adolescents with behavioral challenges. He expressed satisfaction with his life both at the existing center and the center he lived in at the time of the accident. We conclude that the PTW rider had strong individual preferences and approached riding from the perspective of adventure. His future dreams of life were modest, concerned first of all with getting some kind of structure in it. Thus, he was living in a transitional state between being in serious difficulties to achieving stability. His individual addiction to the pleasures of his chosen activities could be characterized as transbounding where his norms and beliefs were prioritized. The head-on accident was limited to the PTW scratching the left side of a car that, at high speed, crossed over into the PTW rider's lane. The car driver disappeared from the scene of the accident, and the car was afterwards reported stolen. The PTW rider was thrown off the lane into the rough ground at the side of the road, sustaining minor injuries. The accident

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occurred a few months after the adolescent got his moped, a racing type, which was condemned after the accident. The PTW rider's social environment held the view that the speed limit for moped driving was dangerous. His father even bought him a trim set. After the accident he used his insurance compensation to buy a new moped. Not long afterwards the police stopped him and found he had removed the seal. They confiscated the moped and fined him €400. His riding was then over and at the time of the interview he was waiting to get his car-driving license. We conclude that the environment around the PTW rider, from adults to friends, envisaged mopeds as acceptable substitutions for expensive light motorcycle concepts. All his friends rode PTWs, but in spite of this he dropped out, afterwards mostly being a passenger. In this case, social interactions were not strongly dependent on having a PTW or the rider's traffic behavior. However, the interviews did not reveal any strong adherence to general rules and regulations. 4. Conclusions and Further Research This paper has drawn attention to adolescents' PTW riding and the importance of socio-cultural factors as premises for riding behavior and accident proneness. The theoretical outline has centered on a three dimensional analytical framework of PTW riding: transition vs. integration, individual vs. social, and regulative vs. transbounding. The purpose has been to obtain a richer and more comprehensive description of PTW riding and factors influencing accident proneness. Through this process we have obtained an alternative understanding of traffic behavior, in which the issue of whether the behavior is rational or not is abandoned. Our goal is to typologize different patterns in what lies behind PTW riders' riding behavior. So far we have a limited empirical basis. However, the data revealed diversity in views on purposes, values, social contexts, and influencing factors that mean the most for riding. They shared a common view that the accident they had been involved in was inevitable and that they could not have done anything different. Furthermore, they did not express any uncertainty in traffic. If this is representative for adolescents' riding light PTWs, there is an urgent need for improvement. In Norway, the training programs and licensing of novice riders have been revised. The emphasis is now on increased practical training and the introduction of problem based learning (GADGET principles,2 Hatakka et al., 2003) in order to enhance tactical experience. As part of future training principles, we would like to turn away from classical risk perception research that focuses on perceived versus objective risks. It will be much more constructive to familiarize novices with hazard identification and make them reflect on their driving behavior 2 The GADGET matrix includes a structure of driving training introduced in the late 1990s and further developed into goals of driver education. The major building blocks are related to “knowledge and skills,” “riskincreasing factors” and “self evaluation.” These principles are now implemented in several European countries.

in order to gain experience and assess possible outcomes of self experienced events. During this process their realization of uncertainty in traffic may develop. Risk and uncertainty is important for others involved with PTW riding. Authorities as well as PTW riders must realize the difference between average individual risk and individual risk. When authorities introduce safety measures and regulations for PTW riding, their decisions are often supported by risk assessments, in which risk is expressed as the expectation of accidents/fatalities normalized on driver's age, experience, or riding distance. This type of information is in short supply and it does not pinpoint phenomenological challenges, nor does it distinguish between riders and their attitudes or identify critical traffic system factors. It is recognized that PTW accidents are recorded, but these historical records do not represent the entire picture of risk. Risk is about the future, it is contextual, it is based on several assumptions, and it is the risk assessors' judgment of available knowledge that is presented, not the truth. For the individual rider, risk as a construct is not an important value. Their riding behavior is influenced by the feeling of self control and their perception of “the world,” comprising all potential factors influencing their individual reasons for riding. The vision zero principles as seen in Sweden and Norway entails the need for the authorities to involve themselves and engage in developing safety measures. However, an easy way out of the self-imposed responsibility is to lay down prohibitions and stringent restrictions on PTW riding, enhancing the status of the car and heavy vehicles in the traffic system. It is hoped that this will not be the case without a thorough investigation into the socio-cultural factors, in addition to acknowledging the societal benefits from the activity. Important questions that need further research are how motorcyclists' different attitudes and values develop and evolve. What are the social mechanisms that affect how motorcyclists behave in traffic? Are there similarities within different motorcycle environments, and if so, in what way does this affect accident risk? Where do motorcyclists expose themselves to risk? We also think that qualitative, explorative, in-depth studies are needed in order to understand motorcyclists' preferences (core values) that influence their traffic behavior, addressing: • Why do motorcyclists ride, and who are they? • Can we relate accident proneness to • motorcycling as personal excitement on an individual basis? • motorcycling as personal excitement for the social “community” arena? • motorcycling as a communal adventure governed by a social context? • motorcycling as a communal adventure with the aim of strengthening individual positions? This paper has presented the first stage of an extended approach to accident risk assessment of powered two-

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Wulf, G., Hancock, P. A., & Rahimi, M. (1989). Motorcycle conspicuity: An evaluation and synthesis of influential factors. Journal of Safety Research, 20, 153−176. Ove Njå, Ph.D, is an Associate Professor at Stavanger University, Faculty of Technology and Natural Science, Norway. His doctoral thesis is within safety management and emergency preparedness planning. Njå's main research topics are risk and uncertainty, emergency response performance, societal safety and risk management. He is also a senior researcher at International Research Institute of Stavanger.

Sverre M. Nesvåg, Ph.D, is Head of Research at the International Research Institute of Stavanger, Department of Work, Health and Welfare, Norway. His doctoral thesis is within alcohol and work culture. Nesvåg's main research topics are substance use and abuse, risk behavior, work culture and learning, and delivery systems for health and social services. He is also a team coordinator for health and welfare research at Stavanger University.