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Transport and children’s wellbeing: Future directions
CHAPTER NINETEEN
Transport and children’s wellbeing: Future directions Margareta Frimana, Lars E. Olssona, E. Owen D. Waygoodb and Raktim Mitrac a Service Research Center and Department of Social and Psychological Studies, Karlstad University, Karlstad, Sweden b Department of Civil, Geological, and Mining Engineering, Polytechnique Montreal, Montreal, QC, Canada c School of Urban and Regional Planning, Ryerson University, Toronto, ON, Canada
Contents 1 Introduction 2 The relationships between transport and children’s wellbeing 3 Transport attributes affecting children’s wellbeing 4 How to include children’s voices in transport planning 5 How to change children’s travel 6 Conclusion and how to move forwards References
361 363 365 367 369 372 373
1 Introduction This edited volume brings together leading scholars from around the world, scholars who have discussed various aspects of children’s transport and wellbeing, as well as key theoretical, policy and community-based approaches that may improve child wellbeing in our societies. In this final chapter, it is our pleasure to discuss the key findings and proposals in these eighteen chapters, with the aim of providing some guidelines for the future. As a whole, this book reflects the sentiment of Waygood, Friman, Olsson, and Taniguchi (2017) that transport influences several different domains of a child’s wellbeing. The different chapters included in this book show how children represent a uniquely vulnerable group that has received less of a research and policy focus than adults have. The developments of the past century show how children’s travel has changed—with their independent mobility having been replaced by constant adult supervision, and with more children being driven between different locations than ever before. Many transport-related changes affect children’s physical health and wellbeing, Transport and Children’s Wellbeing https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-814694-1.00019-1
© 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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but may also lead to psychological and cognitive health consequences, albeit that these latter effects are less well-documented. We view this chapter as input into the ongoing discussion on how to integrate children’s perspectives into transport research and practice. The book shows how children’s physical, psychological and cognitive wellbeing is related to transport issues (e.g., Larouche, Mitra, and Waygood in Chapter 2 and Westman, Olsson, and Friman in Chapter 3), and how transport can influence social interaction (Waygood, Chapter 4). The social and ecological context and the urban policy/regulations shaping the child’s transport outcomes were also discussed (Mitra and Manaugh, Chapter 5). Several chapters of this book focus on the key aspects of modern transport systems affecting children’s wellbeing, e.g. traffic speeds (Rothman, Buliung, Howard, Macarthur, and Macpherson, Chapter 6), home-school distance (Lin and He, Chapter 18), and emissions (Boothe and Baldauf, Chapter 7). A section of the book is devoted to solutions and to understanding how children’s travel might be improved (for instance, how disabled children’s experiences and perspectives can be included by Ross in Chapter 15). Shaw presents various policies that have been introduced to counteract the enormous impact of private vehicles on children (Chapter 9). Witten and Field (Chapter 11) emphasize the importance of licensing children’s independent mobility; in relation to this, Johansson, Ma˚rtensson, Jansson, and Sternudd (Chapter 12) discuss four approaches to planning, designing and managing the built environment in order to enable independent and active mobility. Within this context, Raktim Mitra and Zainab Abbasi (Chapter 13) present a case study where a human-centric design approach was adopted in order to engage children in the redesigning of streets and greenways. How we shape our outdoor spaces and transport infrastructure has important economic implications as well. As Waygood and Manaugh (Chapter 14) discuss, capital investments in active and transport-friendly infrastructure may create multi-modal mobility options for children and adults alike, entailing reduced costs for families and school districts. Health Impact Assessment can also be another way of better integrating such considerations in our planning practices (Rojas-Rueda, Chapter 8). In conclusion, evidence of the link between transport and children’s wellbeing has been presented, showing that transport can impact children’s wellbeing by facilitating or restricting their mobility (e.g., their access to locations and activities), by influencing their wellbeing when traveling (defined as intrinsic, e.g., physical activity, injuries due to negligence, or
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social interactions with other citizens), and impacting them through potential dangers resulted from other travelers’ behavior (also called “extrinsic”, a typical example being car crashes). This book has taken a broad approach to the subject but is in no way all-inclusive. Researchers contributing to this book have devoted their time and resources to studying the subject among children of different ages, among children traveling by different modes, and among children living in different contexts; in doing so, they have generated much-needed and valuable knowledge. However, far fewer researchers have systematically discussed policy implications as a means of counteracting potentially negative wellbeing consequences. The following sections focus on the relationship between children’s wellbeing and transport, on transport attributes affecting child wellbeing, on how to include children’s voices in transport planning, and on how to change children’s travel on the basis of a policy perspective. In the final section, Conclusions, we discuss important avenues for future research, and how to move forward.
2 The relationships between transport and children’s wellbeing As has been emphasized throughout this book, research on children’s everyday travel and their wellbeing has increased in recent years. Existing research on children’s travel focuses largely on mode choice and physical health (e.g., physical activity, injury); however, other domains of their wellbeing remain less discussed. A large amount of research has also explored the external impact of traffic in the form of emissions, traffic safety and traffic accidents; but again, in relation to physical health attributes rather than other domains of wellbeing. In an effort to investigate the impact of transport on children’s wellbeing, Waygood et al. (2017) compiled and analyzed 93 studies in the field. Their conclusion was that five domains of wellbeing (physical, psychological, cognitive, social and economic) are influenced by the transport practices of both children themselves and others. The introductory chapter of this book defines these domains, and further in-depth discussions were made in various chapters of this book. A key finding from Waygood et al.’s review was that a child receives positive wellbeing-related benefits from active and independent transport. In Chapter 2, Larouche et al. present a number of research reviews which convincingly show that children who travel actively
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by bike or on foot are more physically active than children who travel more passively (i.e., by motorized means). The hypothesis that children who travel actively compensate for this by being less active in their leisure time is not found to be true. These findings provide insights into a potential causal relationship; and in accordance with this, Larouche et al. conclude that active travel contributes to healthy habits, which are positively associated with children’s long-term wellbeing. However, such evidence with regard to other aspects of a child’s wellbeing is not as prevalent (see, for instance, the discussions in Chapters 3 and 4). Active and independent travel is in focus in Chapter 4, which discusses transport’s ability to contribute to children’s social wellbeing. Waygood shows how transport enables children to socially interact with other people in society (e.g., neighbors, friends, relatives, people working in the city). Children’s independent travel, in particular, has shown itself to contribute to more social interaction, benefiting the child’s social development. However, transport can also limit children by acting as a barrier to social interaction. A worrying example of this is the current trend wherein children are increasingly being driven by their parents. The car has effectively become a barrier to spontaneously meeting, or greeting, people along the way. Westman et al., in Chapter 3, take their starting point in children’s psychological wellbeing. More specifically, this chapter focuses on research that tries to establish a link between children’s means of travel and their experienced independence, as well as their confidence, mood, wellbeing, and satisfaction with travel. Two studies from the 1990s were identified, but the majority of studies identified were published in the latter part of the 21st century. Based on the empirical findings of these studies, the authors call for the careful use of, and clear definitions of, concepts and methods in order to be able to make comparisons and generalize research results, knowledge which is necessary if we are to be able to do meta-analyses in the future in this field of research. Our knowledge of the relationship between everyday travel and children’s wellbeing has improved thanks to the emerging literature on this topic. Current research also indicates that the relationship between travel behavior and children’s wellbeing may not be a linear one, with the effects possibly varying across geographic locations and socio-demographic groups, for instance. Thus, improvements to transport infrastructure, for example, improved safety, can only produce limited benefits within some contexts and mobility cultures, where constant adult supervision is seen as a necessary element of childhood. However, children’s independent mobility is becoming more restricted than
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that of previous generations in many cultures, generally in the name of safety (or the absence of it). In order for transport planning practice to enable a cultural shift, we need to better understand perceptions of children’s safety, and the social and ecological forces influencing those perceptions. Mitra and Manaugh propose a theoretical model (the social-ecological framework) for exploring these relationships in Chapter 5. Their conceptualization builds on previous works that have emphasized the difference between adult travel behavior and children’s mobility ( Johansson, 2006; McMillan, 2005; Mitra, 2013; Panter, Jones, & van Sluijs, 2008), and provides a comprehensive framework for exploring children’s mobility with regard to their travel destinations, independence and mode choice. Overall, the contemporary research presented in this book shows that everyday travel influences all five domains of a child’s wellbeing, as initially pointed out by Waygood et al. (2017). Existing research has mainly focused on one domain at a time; however, some have recognized that several domains are influenced by transport practices and experiences simultaneously. Important insights have been gained; however, as pointed out in various chapters of this book, important knowledge gaps still exist. In future studies, further focus needs to be placed on the relationship between children’s travel and the consequences related to their wellbeing, above and beyond the impact on their physical activity levels, which still remains the key focus of much of the literature on children’s travel. Continued research can provide insights and guidance with regard to ways of including wellbeing data both in travel behavior models and transport project appraisals, using improved applications of existing planning and assessment tools such as the Health Impact Assessments (HIA: Chapter 8) and economic cost-benefit analysis (Chapter 14). Continued research is also needed in terms of exploring transport interventions and policies that can contribute to increased wellbeing among children; Mitra and Abbasi (Chapter 13) and McDonald, Palmer, and Steiner (Chapter 10) discuss some new approaches.
3 Transport attributes affecting children’s wellbeing Over the past century, transport engineering guidelines and practices (e.g., level of service) have typically focused on the maximization of motor vehicle movements, frequently emphasizing speed. The focus on individual mobility in motor vehicles was paired with Modern-era urban planning practices that highlight the separation of housing from other land uses
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(e.g., work, shopping, schools and recreational facilities) and a low-density urban form. Within this context, transport infrastructure were designed to have a primary emphasis on space-time convergence, supposedly allowing great accessibility to destinations, despite great distances. However, as outlined in Chapter 6 by Rothman et al., fast-moving traffic on urban roads creates dangerous conditions for children and adults alike. Not surprisingly as a result, traffic collisions are one of the primary causes of death in children and adolescents. The above is just one example of how a transport attribute, in this case speed, can have unintentional negative impact on a child’s wellbeing. The benefits of new transport infrastructure are often measured in terms of travel times savings. This approach assumes that a working adult can use the time gained (from an efficient transport system) to be more productive or, in simpler terms, to work. Travel times are also important for children, but can entail both positive and negative consequences depending on the contextual conditions. Long travel times can improve a child’s health and wellbeing if they involve physical movement or social interaction. In contrast, long travel times can have a negative effect when a child is exposed to poor air quality or a greater risk of traffic danger. More broadly, and although not directly addressed in this book, we cannot ignore the longterm impact of climate change on health and wellbeing. A transport system designed for children’s needs and their willingness to travel independently by more sustainable modes can make a difference in mitigating these impacts. Independent travel, as an alternative to parents’ chauffeuring, may also help in reducing carbon dioxide emissions and traffic congestion, with co-benefits for children’s physical and mental health. Traveling with friends is generally seen as one major benefit of the active and independent modes of travel. This offers children an opportunity to discuss their world without worrying about adult censorship (parents, teachers, etc.). These active and independent journeys are also associated with greater community connections (see Chapter 4 for a detailed discussion). Walking may obviously be a better means of connecting with those living in the same area; however, it appears that traveling independently increases such instances. Conceivably, when children are traveling independently, they are probably more aware of their surroundings, and they may also be choosing routes where they know positive social interactions can occur. Putting adult accompaniment to one side, walking can benefit children as it offers the opportunity to reflect on and take control of their actions.
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Although research is growing in this field, much remains to be learned. Other transport attributes may be important; transport attributes and different segments of children may be worth looking into, as well as different contextual factors determining or influencing the importance of various transport attributes (for instance, Lin and He in Chapter 18 discuss transport attributes in developed countries as well as in developing countries; similarly van de Craats, van den Berg, Kemperman, and Waygood in Chapter 17 discuss children’s transport and wellbeing in the Netherlands, where the predominant mobility culture is different from what is commonly expected in other western societies).
4 How to include children’s voices in transport planning The innovation literature on product and service development has been showing for decades that user involvement is important and adds important value when new ideas are being generated, developed, assessed and implemented (Magnusson, Matthing, & Kristensson, 2003; Von Hippel, 1977). Although most research has been conducted with adults, children have also been acknowledged as both consumers and knowledgeable end-users, and have also been included successfully in the development of new ideas and products, e.g. building new models for LEGO or computer game features for computer games producers ( Jeppesen & Molin, 2003). However, the involvement of children in the problem identification, idea generation and development processes is less common in the domains of urban and transport planning/engineering. Ross (Chapter 15) and Mitra and Abbasi (Chapter 13), in two different chapters this book, discuss this limitation in further detail and showcase the potential of including children in the process. Ross proposes video-ethnography as a promising method to use among children with different forms of disabilities. In the case study, this method made it possible for the participating children to get their voices heard by allowing them to make films or take photos of the important situations and problems in their daily lives, e.g. traveling to school or doing other activities. Three approaches are suggested to assist in participatory methods considering the views by disabled children, namely using inclusive technologies, supporting their engagement, and using reflexivity in order to adequately understand their experiences and viewpoints. Looking beyond (dis)ability, we would argue that cellular (mobile) phones, cameras and tablets should be seen as promising tools that easily
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allow any child, with or without a disability, to participate in the planning or design processes concerning transport and/or local environments. As an increasing number of children are becoming connected to different social media platforms and other information channels, digital techniques could be used for online communication, making these children’s voices heard instantly and paving the way for easily-administered dialogues between children and city and transport planners. Although this is a promising way to go in the future, it is also important to recognize that, regardless of the type of method employed, the ethical aspects must always be considered when including children in such processes. Parental consent may be required, and data protection and privacy concerns must be considered. Within this context, inequity as regards both access to and the use of technology is something that should also be given much consideration. For example, a research or planning exercise that requires such tools to be available to children or families may exclude those who do not have such tools at their disposal. In a similar vein, Mitra and Abbasi (Chapter 13) discuss a human-centric design approach to involving children in guiding the designing of interventions and the redesigning of local environments. The authors report on a case study where focus groups were engaged in order to understand how local residents, adults and children alike, move around their neighborhoods. The results from school-based focus groups, with respect to concerns about and the desire to change their local environments, was used during designnegotiation processes. The process produced positive results children felt safer crossing roads after taking part in the design intervention. Children’s voices are not commonly heard in neighborhood and transport planning processes; this case study provides an example of the importance of including them in decision-making processes. In another chapter (Chapter 12), Johansson and colleagues discuss this topic more broadly, proposing four different approaches, i.e. place attachment, affordance, wayfinding and prospect-refuge, which may help us understand and address children’s perspectives and experiences during the planning, design and management of urban spaces. A third way of providing children with voices concerns surveys, diaries and interviews where the children themselves report on their experiences and thoughts in relation to travel, independence, social interaction, and wellbeing. These methods have indeed been the traditional means of capturing the voices of children, and should be seen as important problemidentification tools that can assist in transport planning. Westman et al. (Chapter 3) argue that it is important to apply methods that are adapted
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to the age of the child, whereby younger children should receive more focused and open-ended questions while older children should participate alone rather than with their peers in order to avoid social influences. A point of criticism has been raised in that, the absence of a universal set of methods and measures has made it difficult to provide conclusive answers related to the generalizability of current findings linking transport to a child’s wellbeing. Although limiting the generalizability, the plethora of methods paves the way for a wider understanding of various phenomena that are of relevance. Survey methods, video-ethnography, and focus groups are good at identifying the relevant problems and the important relationships. However, in order to more explicitly make children’s voices heard, and acknowledged, during transport planning processes, other ways need to be explored. Taking a closer look at the innovation literature can give rise to new methods of including children’s voices in transport planning in the future (Durl, Trischler, & Dietrich, 2017). New and interactive technologies are promising, e.g. virtual open innovation groups (Nambisan & Baron, 2009), where different stakeholders and citizens can meet online and innovate together, creating solutions to the relevant problems for the future.
5 How to change children’s travel One hundred and ninety-six countries are signatories to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (United Nations Treaty Collection, 1990), which emphasizes children’s wellbeing through various articles. An example of this is Article 27, which underlines the importance of providing a quality of living that facilitates a “child’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development.” Most countries have already committed to protecting their children and their wellbeing; however, this book has highlighted that children’s rights and needs have mostly been neglected during the planning, design and management of urban spaces and transport infrastructure. Current policy and practice have contributed to a situation where children are dependent on their parents for their mobility needs. In order for our policies and planning practice to be just and equitable, children’s right to independent mobility and a safe transport environment must be given more attention. Decisions regarding capital investment in transport infrastructure are almost always based on assessments of cost versus benefit. Unfortunately, for most part of the past century, space-time convergence (i.e., mobility)
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was seen as a key benefit of transport systems with few other considerations; unsurprisingly, the design speed of roadways was a key indicator of the level of service. During recent decades, however, we have seen a shift in transport planning approaches. For example, the multi-modal level of service, which considers the efficient and desirable movement of pedestrians, cycles, public transit vehicles and cars, has become a popular concept when designing roadways. The Vision Zero concept (see Chapters 6 and 9), which emphasizes the value of traffic safety and fatality rates over any other benefits offered by transport systems, is becoming increasingly popular across the world after being successful in Sweden and some other European countries. Several chapters of this book focus on new methods and approaches that may advance this emerging emphasis on health and wellbeing during transport planning and design processes. For example, Rojas-Rueda (Chapter 8) discusses how to utilize and improve Health Impact Assessments (HIA) in order to emphasize transport-related impacts on children’s wellbeing and to inform transport planning processes. Similarly, Waygood and Manaugh (Chapter 14) discuss the economic benefits of investment in transport infrastructure which makes active transport (e.g., walking, cycling) safe, reporting that several communities have used this approach to influencing transport planning processes. An improved approach to infrastructure planning can help improve safety and thus also children’s transport experiences and outcomes. For decades, the Netherlands has been building infrastructure that separates and protects cyclists from automobile traffic. It would appear, according to van de Craats et al. in Chapter 17, that this approach has been successful in protecting children who travel by bicycle, since the largest number of school journeys in that country are by bicycle. Japan has also succeeded in protecting journeys on foot through residential streets that are often narrow, which limits speed, as identified by Waygood and Taniguchi in Chapter 16. These streets would be termed shared spaces in the Western countries, where all modes can mingle and share the same space. Arterial roads that are meant to facilitate high-speed mobility do have pavements (or sidewalks), but the speeds on such road are still often limited to 40 km/h. The examples of the Netherlands and Japan show that vulnerable road users can be protected using context-appropriate solutions. The cost of such solutions should be understood as the cost of high mobility, not the cost of active travel. Significant wellbeing benefits may also be gained by treating neighborhood streets as parts of the public domain, and not merely as roadways
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facilitating the movement of vehicles. Children have traditionally used the streets adjacent to their homes to gather and play; however, in many places around the world, they have been engineered out of their streets in order to facilitate unobstructed, high-speed vehicle movement. Somewhat ironically, children’s health and safety is often cited as a reason for legally preventing them from using these important public spaces. However, community-led efforts to reverse this practice are becoming increasingly common (see also Chapter 9). As McDonald, Palmer, and Steiner discuss in Chapter 10, communities across the Western world have organized play streets so as to bring children back to their neighborhood streets, creating new opportunities for play and independent mobility. Programs that create local play areas, and also local events, will improve children’s wellbeing by improving their independent travel and by reducing the negative impact of transport on them. In urban planning, the siting of schools, parks, and other leisure and recreational destinations must take accessibility by foot or bicycle into account, not just access by high mobility modes such as cars. Primary schools should operate at the local level, ideally using catchment areas with a radius of 2 km at most, to allow walking and cycling. Middle and high schools should facilitate active travel, but should also be located where they are accessible by public transport. These policies can be critical in developing lifelong habits of mobility where the use of active and sustainable transport modes would be integral parts reducing their dependency on expensive private transport options at an young age and also later as adults. Safe and convenient access to schools is a daily concern for millions of parents across the world. A vicious circle exists whereby some parents will cite traffic danger as a reason for driving their children to school, thus exacerbating the problem. Rothman, Buliung, Howard, Macarthur, and Macpherson (2017) have described the dangerous behaviors arising from parents dropping their children off at school. Countries with extremely low numbers of traffic deaths in school-going children, e.g. Japan, have national laws that restrict traffic within a 500 m radius of elementary schools (see Chapter 16). If restricting traffic at such a distance is impossible, creating a smaller no drop off radius could also help improve conditions as discussed by Shaw in Chapter 9. Parents could drop their children off roughly 100 m from the school, thus reducing the comings and goings right by the school, where the children will concentrate. One individual’s desire to drive his/her child “right to the door” should not override the safety of the other children. If the roles were reversed, one assumes that that a specific parent would want
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the other parents to respect the life of his/her child. Simply put, one’s convenience should not trump society’s safety. Related to this is the school-related policy of creating School Safety Zones, where traffic is limited and the advantage is given to active modes. Road crossing distances can be reduced using street design features such as curb extensions. Speeds should be limited as much as possible. Integrating the above-mentioned restriction on through-traffic with corridors would create conditions where parents would feel safe letting their children walk. In combination with that, school programs could work towards developing walking school buses. Due to its success, the Japanese model (see Chapter 16), which has existed for over half a century, should be looked to for inspiration. Seeing the journey to school as part of the school day would be one way of better incorporating this. The social-ecological framework presented in Chapter 5, by Mitra and Manaugh, can support practitioners in identifying the right “market” for interventions, and the specific factors to be addressed. Additionally, the model emphasizes that the factors of influence may not be the same for every socio-demographic group, or every geographic location. Thus, interventions may need to specifically cater to local needs; a “one-size-fits-all” approach may not work that well. Another approach is to take a holistic perspective on transport planning, as discussed by Johansson et al. (Chapter 12). This implies that transport planners should consider the prerequisites of the physical and social environments that enable children to develop an attachment to their neighborhoods, to develop an understanding of what various places offer or afford them, and how this becomes part of their independent mobility, in order to facilitate their wayfinding and address how the environment supports how they experience safety.
6 Conclusion and how to move forwards In the different chapters of this book, the impact of transport on children’s wellbeing has been discussed with respect to the physical, psychological, cognitive, social and economic domains. A number of promising avenues have been identified, with future research directions being suggested. Great merit should be given to these specific suggestions; however, the most important message in this book might be to encourage academics, practitioners and policy makers to stop believing that providing for adults’ mobility will necessarily provide for children’s transport needs and wellbeing. As has been discussed, children’s developmental and physical
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attributes are different to those of adults; so too are their daily travel needs. Great advantages in the transporting of adults, who are more capable, should not come at the expense of a vulnerable and marginalized group. We thus plead for a more dedicated and nuanced approach to transport planning and policy making, which not only takes such impacts into consideration, but which also includes children’s voices during planning, design and management of infrastructure and public spaces. After all, they are citizens of our cities and nations, and they are the future that we are building our society for.
References Durl, J., Trischler, J., & Dietrich, T. (2017). Co-designing with young consumers–reflections, challenges and benefits. Young Consumers, 18(4), 439–455. Jeppesen, L. B., & Molin, M. J. (2003). Consumers as co-developers: Learning and innovation outside the firm. Technology Analysis & Strategic Management, 15, 363–384. Johansson, M. (2006). Environmental and parental factors as determinants of mode for children’s leisure travel. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 26, 156–169. Magnusson, P. R., Matthing, J., & Kristensson, P. (2003). Managing user involvement in service innovation: Experiments with innovating end users. Journal of Service Research, 6(2), 111–124. McMillan, T. E. (2005). Urban form and a child’s trip to school: The current literature and a framework for future research. Journal of Planning Literature, 19(4), 440–456. Mitra, R. (2013). Independent mobility and mode choice for school transportation: A review and framework for future research. Transport Reviews, 33(1), 21–43. Nambisan, S., & Baron, R. A. (2009). Virtual customer environments: Testing a model of voluntary participation in value co-creation activities. Journal of Product Innovation Management, 26(4), 388–406. Panter, J. R., Jones, A. P., & van Sluijs, E. M. F. (2008). Environmental determinants of active travel in youth: A review and framework for future research. International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 5, 34. Rothman, L., Buliung, R., Howard, A., Macarthur, C., & Macpherson, A. (2017). The school environment and student car drop-off at elementary schools. Travel Behaviour and Society, 9, 50–57. United Nations Treaty Collection (1990). Convention on the rights of the child. Retrieved from: https://www.ohchr.org/en/professionalinterest/pages/crc.aspx. Von Hippel, E. (1977). Has a customer already developed your next product. Sloan Management Review, 18(2), 63–74. Waygood, E. O. D., Friman, M., Olsson, L. E., & Taniguchi, A. (2017). Transport and child well-being: An integrative review. Travel Behaviour and Society, 9, 32–49.
Transport and children’s wellbeing: Future directions Margareta Frimana, Lars E. Olssona, E. Owen D. Waygoodb and Raktim Mitrac a Service Research Center and Department of Social and Psychological Studies, Karlstad University, Karlstad, Sweden b Department of Civil, Geological, and Mining Engineering, Polytechnique Montreal, Montreal, QC, Canada c School of Urban and Regional Planning, Ryerson University, Toronto, ON, Canada
Contents 1 Introduction 2 The relationships between transport and children’s wellbeing 3 Transport attributes affecting children’s wellbeing 4 How to include children’s voices in transport planning 5 How to change children’s travel 6 Conclusion and how to move forwards References
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1 Introduction This edited volume brings together leading scholars from around the world, scholars who have discussed various aspects of children’s transport and wellbeing, as well as key theoretical, policy and community-based approaches that may improve child wellbeing in our societies. In this final chapter, it is our pleasure to discuss the key findings and proposals in these eighteen chapters, with the aim of providing some guidelines for the future. As a whole, this book reflects the sentiment of Waygood, Friman, Olsson, and Taniguchi (2017) that transport influences several different domains of a child’s wellbeing. The different chapters included in this book show how children represent a uniquely vulnerable group that has received less of a research and policy focus than adults have. The developments of the past century show how children’s travel has changed—with their independent mobility having been replaced by constant adult supervision, and with more children being driven between different locations than ever before. Many transport-related changes affect children’s physical health and wellbeing, Transport and Children’s Wellbeing https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-814694-1.00019-1
© 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
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but may also lead to psychological and cognitive health consequences, albeit that these latter effects are less well-documented. We view this chapter as input into the ongoing discussion on how to integrate children’s perspectives into transport research and practice. The book shows how children’s physical, psychological and cognitive wellbeing is related to transport issues (e.g., Larouche, Mitra, and Waygood in Chapter 2 and Westman, Olsson, and Friman in Chapter 3), and how transport can influence social interaction (Waygood, Chapter 4). The social and ecological context and the urban policy/regulations shaping the child’s transport outcomes were also discussed (Mitra and Manaugh, Chapter 5). Several chapters of this book focus on the key aspects of modern transport systems affecting children’s wellbeing, e.g. traffic speeds (Rothman, Buliung, Howard, Macarthur, and Macpherson, Chapter 6), home-school distance (Lin and He, Chapter 18), and emissions (Boothe and Baldauf, Chapter 7). A section of the book is devoted to solutions and to understanding how children’s travel might be improved (for instance, how disabled children’s experiences and perspectives can be included by Ross in Chapter 15). Shaw presents various policies that have been introduced to counteract the enormous impact of private vehicles on children (Chapter 9). Witten and Field (Chapter 11) emphasize the importance of licensing children’s independent mobility; in relation to this, Johansson, Ma˚rtensson, Jansson, and Sternudd (Chapter 12) discuss four approaches to planning, designing and managing the built environment in order to enable independent and active mobility. Within this context, Raktim Mitra and Zainab Abbasi (Chapter 13) present a case study where a human-centric design approach was adopted in order to engage children in the redesigning of streets and greenways. How we shape our outdoor spaces and transport infrastructure has important economic implications as well. As Waygood and Manaugh (Chapter 14) discuss, capital investments in active and transport-friendly infrastructure may create multi-modal mobility options for children and adults alike, entailing reduced costs for families and school districts. Health Impact Assessment can also be another way of better integrating such considerations in our planning practices (Rojas-Rueda, Chapter 8). In conclusion, evidence of the link between transport and children’s wellbeing has been presented, showing that transport can impact children’s wellbeing by facilitating or restricting their mobility (e.g., their access to locations and activities), by influencing their wellbeing when traveling (defined as intrinsic, e.g., physical activity, injuries due to negligence, or
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social interactions with other citizens), and impacting them through potential dangers resulted from other travelers’ behavior (also called “extrinsic”, a typical example being car crashes). This book has taken a broad approach to the subject but is in no way all-inclusive. Researchers contributing to this book have devoted their time and resources to studying the subject among children of different ages, among children traveling by different modes, and among children living in different contexts; in doing so, they have generated much-needed and valuable knowledge. However, far fewer researchers have systematically discussed policy implications as a means of counteracting potentially negative wellbeing consequences. The following sections focus on the relationship between children’s wellbeing and transport, on transport attributes affecting child wellbeing, on how to include children’s voices in transport planning, and on how to change children’s travel on the basis of a policy perspective. In the final section, Conclusions, we discuss important avenues for future research, and how to move forward.
2 The relationships between transport and children’s wellbeing As has been emphasized throughout this book, research on children’s everyday travel and their wellbeing has increased in recent years. Existing research on children’s travel focuses largely on mode choice and physical health (e.g., physical activity, injury); however, other domains of their wellbeing remain less discussed. A large amount of research has also explored the external impact of traffic in the form of emissions, traffic safety and traffic accidents; but again, in relation to physical health attributes rather than other domains of wellbeing. In an effort to investigate the impact of transport on children’s wellbeing, Waygood et al. (2017) compiled and analyzed 93 studies in the field. Their conclusion was that five domains of wellbeing (physical, psychological, cognitive, social and economic) are influenced by the transport practices of both children themselves and others. The introductory chapter of this book defines these domains, and further in-depth discussions were made in various chapters of this book. A key finding from Waygood et al.’s review was that a child receives positive wellbeing-related benefits from active and independent transport. In Chapter 2, Larouche et al. present a number of research reviews which convincingly show that children who travel actively
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by bike or on foot are more physically active than children who travel more passively (i.e., by motorized means). The hypothesis that children who travel actively compensate for this by being less active in their leisure time is not found to be true. These findings provide insights into a potential causal relationship; and in accordance with this, Larouche et al. conclude that active travel contributes to healthy habits, which are positively associated with children’s long-term wellbeing. However, such evidence with regard to other aspects of a child’s wellbeing is not as prevalent (see, for instance, the discussions in Chapters 3 and 4). Active and independent travel is in focus in Chapter 4, which discusses transport’s ability to contribute to children’s social wellbeing. Waygood shows how transport enables children to socially interact with other people in society (e.g., neighbors, friends, relatives, people working in the city). Children’s independent travel, in particular, has shown itself to contribute to more social interaction, benefiting the child’s social development. However, transport can also limit children by acting as a barrier to social interaction. A worrying example of this is the current trend wherein children are increasingly being driven by their parents. The car has effectively become a barrier to spontaneously meeting, or greeting, people along the way. Westman et al., in Chapter 3, take their starting point in children’s psychological wellbeing. More specifically, this chapter focuses on research that tries to establish a link between children’s means of travel and their experienced independence, as well as their confidence, mood, wellbeing, and satisfaction with travel. Two studies from the 1990s were identified, but the majority of studies identified were published in the latter part of the 21st century. Based on the empirical findings of these studies, the authors call for the careful use of, and clear definitions of, concepts and methods in order to be able to make comparisons and generalize research results, knowledge which is necessary if we are to be able to do meta-analyses in the future in this field of research. Our knowledge of the relationship between everyday travel and children’s wellbeing has improved thanks to the emerging literature on this topic. Current research also indicates that the relationship between travel behavior and children’s wellbeing may not be a linear one, with the effects possibly varying across geographic locations and socio-demographic groups, for instance. Thus, improvements to transport infrastructure, for example, improved safety, can only produce limited benefits within some contexts and mobility cultures, where constant adult supervision is seen as a necessary element of childhood. However, children’s independent mobility is becoming more restricted than
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that of previous generations in many cultures, generally in the name of safety (or the absence of it). In order for transport planning practice to enable a cultural shift, we need to better understand perceptions of children’s safety, and the social and ecological forces influencing those perceptions. Mitra and Manaugh propose a theoretical model (the social-ecological framework) for exploring these relationships in Chapter 5. Their conceptualization builds on previous works that have emphasized the difference between adult travel behavior and children’s mobility ( Johansson, 2006; McMillan, 2005; Mitra, 2013; Panter, Jones, & van Sluijs, 2008), and provides a comprehensive framework for exploring children’s mobility with regard to their travel destinations, independence and mode choice. Overall, the contemporary research presented in this book shows that everyday travel influences all five domains of a child’s wellbeing, as initially pointed out by Waygood et al. (2017). Existing research has mainly focused on one domain at a time; however, some have recognized that several domains are influenced by transport practices and experiences simultaneously. Important insights have been gained; however, as pointed out in various chapters of this book, important knowledge gaps still exist. In future studies, further focus needs to be placed on the relationship between children’s travel and the consequences related to their wellbeing, above and beyond the impact on their physical activity levels, which still remains the key focus of much of the literature on children’s travel. Continued research can provide insights and guidance with regard to ways of including wellbeing data both in travel behavior models and transport project appraisals, using improved applications of existing planning and assessment tools such as the Health Impact Assessments (HIA: Chapter 8) and economic cost-benefit analysis (Chapter 14). Continued research is also needed in terms of exploring transport interventions and policies that can contribute to increased wellbeing among children; Mitra and Abbasi (Chapter 13) and McDonald, Palmer, and Steiner (Chapter 10) discuss some new approaches.
3 Transport attributes affecting children’s wellbeing Over the past century, transport engineering guidelines and practices (e.g., level of service) have typically focused on the maximization of motor vehicle movements, frequently emphasizing speed. The focus on individual mobility in motor vehicles was paired with Modern-era urban planning practices that highlight the separation of housing from other land uses
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(e.g., work, shopping, schools and recreational facilities) and a low-density urban form. Within this context, transport infrastructure were designed to have a primary emphasis on space-time convergence, supposedly allowing great accessibility to destinations, despite great distances. However, as outlined in Chapter 6 by Rothman et al., fast-moving traffic on urban roads creates dangerous conditions for children and adults alike. Not surprisingly as a result, traffic collisions are one of the primary causes of death in children and adolescents. The above is just one example of how a transport attribute, in this case speed, can have unintentional negative impact on a child’s wellbeing. The benefits of new transport infrastructure are often measured in terms of travel times savings. This approach assumes that a working adult can use the time gained (from an efficient transport system) to be more productive or, in simpler terms, to work. Travel times are also important for children, but can entail both positive and negative consequences depending on the contextual conditions. Long travel times can improve a child’s health and wellbeing if they involve physical movement or social interaction. In contrast, long travel times can have a negative effect when a child is exposed to poor air quality or a greater risk of traffic danger. More broadly, and although not directly addressed in this book, we cannot ignore the longterm impact of climate change on health and wellbeing. A transport system designed for children’s needs and their willingness to travel independently by more sustainable modes can make a difference in mitigating these impacts. Independent travel, as an alternative to parents’ chauffeuring, may also help in reducing carbon dioxide emissions and traffic congestion, with co-benefits for children’s physical and mental health. Traveling with friends is generally seen as one major benefit of the active and independent modes of travel. This offers children an opportunity to discuss their world without worrying about adult censorship (parents, teachers, etc.). These active and independent journeys are also associated with greater community connections (see Chapter 4 for a detailed discussion). Walking may obviously be a better means of connecting with those living in the same area; however, it appears that traveling independently increases such instances. Conceivably, when children are traveling independently, they are probably more aware of their surroundings, and they may also be choosing routes where they know positive social interactions can occur. Putting adult accompaniment to one side, walking can benefit children as it offers the opportunity to reflect on and take control of their actions.
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Although research is growing in this field, much remains to be learned. Other transport attributes may be important; transport attributes and different segments of children may be worth looking into, as well as different contextual factors determining or influencing the importance of various transport attributes (for instance, Lin and He in Chapter 18 discuss transport attributes in developed countries as well as in developing countries; similarly van de Craats, van den Berg, Kemperman, and Waygood in Chapter 17 discuss children’s transport and wellbeing in the Netherlands, where the predominant mobility culture is different from what is commonly expected in other western societies).
4 How to include children’s voices in transport planning The innovation literature on product and service development has been showing for decades that user involvement is important and adds important value when new ideas are being generated, developed, assessed and implemented (Magnusson, Matthing, & Kristensson, 2003; Von Hippel, 1977). Although most research has been conducted with adults, children have also been acknowledged as both consumers and knowledgeable end-users, and have also been included successfully in the development of new ideas and products, e.g. building new models for LEGO or computer game features for computer games producers ( Jeppesen & Molin, 2003). However, the involvement of children in the problem identification, idea generation and development processes is less common in the domains of urban and transport planning/engineering. Ross (Chapter 15) and Mitra and Abbasi (Chapter 13), in two different chapters this book, discuss this limitation in further detail and showcase the potential of including children in the process. Ross proposes video-ethnography as a promising method to use among children with different forms of disabilities. In the case study, this method made it possible for the participating children to get their voices heard by allowing them to make films or take photos of the important situations and problems in their daily lives, e.g. traveling to school or doing other activities. Three approaches are suggested to assist in participatory methods considering the views by disabled children, namely using inclusive technologies, supporting their engagement, and using reflexivity in order to adequately understand their experiences and viewpoints. Looking beyond (dis)ability, we would argue that cellular (mobile) phones, cameras and tablets should be seen as promising tools that easily
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allow any child, with or without a disability, to participate in the planning or design processes concerning transport and/or local environments. As an increasing number of children are becoming connected to different social media platforms and other information channels, digital techniques could be used for online communication, making these children’s voices heard instantly and paving the way for easily-administered dialogues between children and city and transport planners. Although this is a promising way to go in the future, it is also important to recognize that, regardless of the type of method employed, the ethical aspects must always be considered when including children in such processes. Parental consent may be required, and data protection and privacy concerns must be considered. Within this context, inequity as regards both access to and the use of technology is something that should also be given much consideration. For example, a research or planning exercise that requires such tools to be available to children or families may exclude those who do not have such tools at their disposal. In a similar vein, Mitra and Abbasi (Chapter 13) discuss a human-centric design approach to involving children in guiding the designing of interventions and the redesigning of local environments. The authors report on a case study where focus groups were engaged in order to understand how local residents, adults and children alike, move around their neighborhoods. The results from school-based focus groups, with respect to concerns about and the desire to change their local environments, was used during designnegotiation processes. The process produced positive results children felt safer crossing roads after taking part in the design intervention. Children’s voices are not commonly heard in neighborhood and transport planning processes; this case study provides an example of the importance of including them in decision-making processes. In another chapter (Chapter 12), Johansson and colleagues discuss this topic more broadly, proposing four different approaches, i.e. place attachment, affordance, wayfinding and prospect-refuge, which may help us understand and address children’s perspectives and experiences during the planning, design and management of urban spaces. A third way of providing children with voices concerns surveys, diaries and interviews where the children themselves report on their experiences and thoughts in relation to travel, independence, social interaction, and wellbeing. These methods have indeed been the traditional means of capturing the voices of children, and should be seen as important problemidentification tools that can assist in transport planning. Westman et al. (Chapter 3) argue that it is important to apply methods that are adapted
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to the age of the child, whereby younger children should receive more focused and open-ended questions while older children should participate alone rather than with their peers in order to avoid social influences. A point of criticism has been raised in that, the absence of a universal set of methods and measures has made it difficult to provide conclusive answers related to the generalizability of current findings linking transport to a child’s wellbeing. Although limiting the generalizability, the plethora of methods paves the way for a wider understanding of various phenomena that are of relevance. Survey methods, video-ethnography, and focus groups are good at identifying the relevant problems and the important relationships. However, in order to more explicitly make children’s voices heard, and acknowledged, during transport planning processes, other ways need to be explored. Taking a closer look at the innovation literature can give rise to new methods of including children’s voices in transport planning in the future (Durl, Trischler, & Dietrich, 2017). New and interactive technologies are promising, e.g. virtual open innovation groups (Nambisan & Baron, 2009), where different stakeholders and citizens can meet online and innovate together, creating solutions to the relevant problems for the future.
5 How to change children’s travel One hundred and ninety-six countries are signatories to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (United Nations Treaty Collection, 1990), which emphasizes children’s wellbeing through various articles. An example of this is Article 27, which underlines the importance of providing a quality of living that facilitates a “child’s physical, mental, spiritual, moral and social development.” Most countries have already committed to protecting their children and their wellbeing; however, this book has highlighted that children’s rights and needs have mostly been neglected during the planning, design and management of urban spaces and transport infrastructure. Current policy and practice have contributed to a situation where children are dependent on their parents for their mobility needs. In order for our policies and planning practice to be just and equitable, children’s right to independent mobility and a safe transport environment must be given more attention. Decisions regarding capital investment in transport infrastructure are almost always based on assessments of cost versus benefit. Unfortunately, for most part of the past century, space-time convergence (i.e., mobility)
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was seen as a key benefit of transport systems with few other considerations; unsurprisingly, the design speed of roadways was a key indicator of the level of service. During recent decades, however, we have seen a shift in transport planning approaches. For example, the multi-modal level of service, which considers the efficient and desirable movement of pedestrians, cycles, public transit vehicles and cars, has become a popular concept when designing roadways. The Vision Zero concept (see Chapters 6 and 9), which emphasizes the value of traffic safety and fatality rates over any other benefits offered by transport systems, is becoming increasingly popular across the world after being successful in Sweden and some other European countries. Several chapters of this book focus on new methods and approaches that may advance this emerging emphasis on health and wellbeing during transport planning and design processes. For example, Rojas-Rueda (Chapter 8) discusses how to utilize and improve Health Impact Assessments (HIA) in order to emphasize transport-related impacts on children’s wellbeing and to inform transport planning processes. Similarly, Waygood and Manaugh (Chapter 14) discuss the economic benefits of investment in transport infrastructure which makes active transport (e.g., walking, cycling) safe, reporting that several communities have used this approach to influencing transport planning processes. An improved approach to infrastructure planning can help improve safety and thus also children’s transport experiences and outcomes. For decades, the Netherlands has been building infrastructure that separates and protects cyclists from automobile traffic. It would appear, according to van de Craats et al. in Chapter 17, that this approach has been successful in protecting children who travel by bicycle, since the largest number of school journeys in that country are by bicycle. Japan has also succeeded in protecting journeys on foot through residential streets that are often narrow, which limits speed, as identified by Waygood and Taniguchi in Chapter 16. These streets would be termed shared spaces in the Western countries, where all modes can mingle and share the same space. Arterial roads that are meant to facilitate high-speed mobility do have pavements (or sidewalks), but the speeds on such road are still often limited to 40 km/h. The examples of the Netherlands and Japan show that vulnerable road users can be protected using context-appropriate solutions. The cost of such solutions should be understood as the cost of high mobility, not the cost of active travel. Significant wellbeing benefits may also be gained by treating neighborhood streets as parts of the public domain, and not merely as roadways
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facilitating the movement of vehicles. Children have traditionally used the streets adjacent to their homes to gather and play; however, in many places around the world, they have been engineered out of their streets in order to facilitate unobstructed, high-speed vehicle movement. Somewhat ironically, children’s health and safety is often cited as a reason for legally preventing them from using these important public spaces. However, community-led efforts to reverse this practice are becoming increasingly common (see also Chapter 9). As McDonald, Palmer, and Steiner discuss in Chapter 10, communities across the Western world have organized play streets so as to bring children back to their neighborhood streets, creating new opportunities for play and independent mobility. Programs that create local play areas, and also local events, will improve children’s wellbeing by improving their independent travel and by reducing the negative impact of transport on them. In urban planning, the siting of schools, parks, and other leisure and recreational destinations must take accessibility by foot or bicycle into account, not just access by high mobility modes such as cars. Primary schools should operate at the local level, ideally using catchment areas with a radius of 2 km at most, to allow walking and cycling. Middle and high schools should facilitate active travel, but should also be located where they are accessible by public transport. These policies can be critical in developing lifelong habits of mobility where the use of active and sustainable transport modes would be integral parts reducing their dependency on expensive private transport options at an young age and also later as adults. Safe and convenient access to schools is a daily concern for millions of parents across the world. A vicious circle exists whereby some parents will cite traffic danger as a reason for driving their children to school, thus exacerbating the problem. Rothman, Buliung, Howard, Macarthur, and Macpherson (2017) have described the dangerous behaviors arising from parents dropping their children off at school. Countries with extremely low numbers of traffic deaths in school-going children, e.g. Japan, have national laws that restrict traffic within a 500 m radius of elementary schools (see Chapter 16). If restricting traffic at such a distance is impossible, creating a smaller no drop off radius could also help improve conditions as discussed by Shaw in Chapter 9. Parents could drop their children off roughly 100 m from the school, thus reducing the comings and goings right by the school, where the children will concentrate. One individual’s desire to drive his/her child “right to the door” should not override the safety of the other children. If the roles were reversed, one assumes that that a specific parent would want
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the other parents to respect the life of his/her child. Simply put, one’s convenience should not trump society’s safety. Related to this is the school-related policy of creating School Safety Zones, where traffic is limited and the advantage is given to active modes. Road crossing distances can be reduced using street design features such as curb extensions. Speeds should be limited as much as possible. Integrating the above-mentioned restriction on through-traffic with corridors would create conditions where parents would feel safe letting their children walk. In combination with that, school programs could work towards developing walking school buses. Due to its success, the Japanese model (see Chapter 16), which has existed for over half a century, should be looked to for inspiration. Seeing the journey to school as part of the school day would be one way of better incorporating this. The social-ecological framework presented in Chapter 5, by Mitra and Manaugh, can support practitioners in identifying the right “market” for interventions, and the specific factors to be addressed. Additionally, the model emphasizes that the factors of influence may not be the same for every socio-demographic group, or every geographic location. Thus, interventions may need to specifically cater to local needs; a “one-size-fits-all” approach may not work that well. Another approach is to take a holistic perspective on transport planning, as discussed by Johansson et al. (Chapter 12). This implies that transport planners should consider the prerequisites of the physical and social environments that enable children to develop an attachment to their neighborhoods, to develop an understanding of what various places offer or afford them, and how this becomes part of their independent mobility, in order to facilitate their wayfinding and address how the environment supports how they experience safety.
6 Conclusion and how to move forwards In the different chapters of this book, the impact of transport on children’s wellbeing has been discussed with respect to the physical, psychological, cognitive, social and economic domains. A number of promising avenues have been identified, with future research directions being suggested. Great merit should be given to these specific suggestions; however, the most important message in this book might be to encourage academics, practitioners and policy makers to stop believing that providing for adults’ mobility will necessarily provide for children’s transport needs and wellbeing. As has been discussed, children’s developmental and physical
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attributes are different to those of adults; so too are their daily travel needs. Great advantages in the transporting of adults, who are more capable, should not come at the expense of a vulnerable and marginalized group. We thus plead for a more dedicated and nuanced approach to transport planning and policy making, which not only takes such impacts into consideration, but which also includes children’s voices during planning, design and management of infrastructure and public spaces. After all, they are citizens of our cities and nations, and they are the future that we are building our society for.
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