Value systems and cross-cultural contact: The effect of perceived similarity and stability on social evaluations

Value systems and cross-cultural contact: The effect of perceived similarity and stability on social evaluations

lnrernorronul Journal of Inrerculruml Relarions. Vol. 12, pp. 363-379. 1988 Printed in the USA. All rights reserved. 0147.1767188 13.00 + .oO Copyrig...

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lnrernorronul Journal of Inrerculruml Relarions. Vol. 12, pp. 363-379. 1988 Printed in the USA. All rights reserved.

0147.1767188 13.00 + .oO Copyright 0 1988 Pergamon Press plc

VALUE SYSTEMS AND CROSS-CULTURAL CONTACX THE EFFECT OF PERCEIVED SIMILARITY AND STABILITY ON SOCIAL EVALUATIONS ISIDORE S. OBOT Universityof Jos ABSTRACT This study w&s designed to test the effect of perceived v&e simifority and stability on the evaluation of culturally similar and dissimilar targets. Subjects were 160 male and female black American coilege students. Stimulus persons were described as either black American fingroup) or African (outgroup) students in the same institution. Each subject WIJSasked to evaluate one stimulus person defined by conditions of value similarity and stability. Targets with similar values were evaluated morepositively on all measures than dissimilar targets. The stability main effect was signifcunt only on traits of competence. A stabilityx cultural group interaction was also obtained on the same dimension indicating a denigration of the unstable black American target. There was no significant group effect. The implications of these findings for intergroup relations and the attributions for stabihty are discussed.

INTRODUCTION What are the interpersonal problems in situations of cross-cultural contact? Psychologists and other social scientists have been interested in this question for a long time and, through research, have identified several problem areas. Those areas and processes with the potential for conflict and misunderstanding in cross-cultural situations include communication (Argyle, Furnham, & Graham, 1981; Klineberg, 1980; Porter, 1972), ethnocentrism and stereotyping (Triandis & Vassiliou, 1967), values (Feather, 1976, 1980), and subjective culture (Triandis, 1972). Though contact between people from different cultures takes place in many capacities and settings, more attention has been devoted to students undergoing cross-cultural education in Europe and North America than to other areas of contact. Most of these students, especially in recent years, are from the developing countries of Africa, Asia, and South America. StaThis paper is based on the author’s doctoral dissertation submitted to the Department of Psychology, Howard University. The author is grateful to Lawrence W. Littig, Lloyd R. Sloan, A. Wade Boykin, Albert Roberts, and Dean Pruitt for their advice and comments. Reprint requests should be addressed to Dr. Isidore S. Obot, Department of General and Applied Psychology, University of Jos, P.M.B. 2084, Jos-Nigeria.

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tistics from the Institute of International Education (IIE) indicate that more than 300,000 foreign students were studying in the United States in 1984. Among these were more than 2~,~0 students from developing countries, including 41,000 Africans. Beginning from the early 1970s several countries showed phenomenal increases in the number of their citizens studying in the United States. For example, in 1970 there were less than 2,000 Nigerian students in the United States; by 1984 the number increased to more than 20,080 (Zikopoulos & Barber, 1985). Like most sojourners, these students experienced a variety of problems of adaptation to a new and different culture. Foreign students, according to a report by the American Council on Education (ACE), often “complain about lonefiness, lack of institutional interest, and insensitivity” (ACE, 1982, p. 5). Studies of African students in sojourn have focused on what Becker (1978) calls the “African view” of their experiences. Apart from the general finding that these students go through periods of elation, frustration and effective role performance, represented by the U-curve (Gullahorn & Gullahorn, 1963), several studies have reported strains in their relations with black Americans (Becker, 1978; Institute of International Education, 1961; Pruitt, 1978; Veroff, 1963). The neglect of the “American view” in the study of African-black American relations is only one problem in this research area. A more serious problem is the over-emphasis on descriptive studies. Smith (1956), Brein and David (197 I), and Stening (1979) have recognized this deficiency and have called for more theoretically based studies of cross-cultural contact. Several reiated conceptual frameworks would contribute to this area of research. These include the similarity-attraction paradigm (Byrne, 1971; Byrne & Nelson, 196.5), Aronson and Linder’s (1965) evaluation-attraction conception, and balance theory of cognitive consistency (Heider, 1946, 1958). From the perspective of similarity-attraction, a sojourner’s attitudes and patterns of interaction can be viewed as influenced by his perceptions of similarity with host nationals. The reactions of hosts can also be interpreted in terms of their perceptions of similarity with sojourners on relevant dimensions. The positive effect of similarity on attraction and the maintenance of balance in interpersonal relations have been demonstrated in cross-cultural settings (Brewer & Campbell, 1976). In social situations certain variables may moderate the effect of similarity on attraction, Schachter (1951), for example, found that when an individual moved from disagreement to agreement he was liked more than when he consistently agreed or disagreed with majority opinion. This study led to others which, in effect, posed the question: what is the effect of the temporal pattern of attitudinal shifts (to similarity or dissimilarity) on interpersonal evaluation? Several related studies have tried to answer

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this question. Aronson and Linder (1965), using an evaluation-attraction model, found that a target who changed from a negative position to a positive position (- +) was liked more than the all positive target (+ +). Levine, Ranelli, and Vale (1974) studied majority reactions to shifting and stable attitudinal deviates and found that “a target moving toward the group was liked better than a target moving away” (p. 65). In this study, subjects’ attributions to movement toward similarity included the desire to be liked, and the desire to feel similar to others. As discussed earlier, change is a constant feature of cross-cultural experience. The sojourner’s behavior involves accommodation to the behavioral patterns of the new environment (movement toward similarity) or accentuation of differences between himself and his hosts (movement toward dissimilarity). How do host nationals react to perceived changes in values, dress, and speech style-in the sojourner? Is change or stability a significant variable in intercultural relations? The claim that attitude change per se may be evaluated negatively was tested by Allgeier, Byrne, Brooks, and Revnes (1979). The main findings of the study were summarized thus: An individual whose attitudes appear stable over time is evaluated more positively than an individual whose attitudes change. Attitude change which results in decreased similarity is rated most negatively. Even when a person changes his attitudes in such a way as to indicate more agreement with a subject, however, he is still regarded as less decisive, less reliable, more open-minded, and a worse leader than an individual with stable attitude. (p. 179)

This “waffle phenomenon” (or the negative evaluation of those who change attitudinally), though discussed in terms of its relevance to the perception of political candidates, is germane to the realm of crosscultural contact. In most of the studies in the similarity-attraction tradition, similarity has been manipulated on the attitudinal dimension. But Byrne (197 1) has reported studies using similarity in beliefs, opinions, self-concept, and other non-attitudinal personal dimensions. Levine et al. (1974) have investigated the effect of similarity on attraction using a “behavioral dimension.” Studies of values within the attraction paradigm have also been reported. For example, Feather (1976, 1980) has demonstrated that perceived similarity in values is positively related to interpersonal behavior among culturally dissimilar people in some Australian samples. In the earlier study, values of Papua New Guinea students and perceived values of Australian expatriates were investigated. The students were asked to complete the Rokeach Value Survey (Rokeach, 1968) for themselves and as they thought the expatriates would complete them. The results showed a discrepancy between values attributed to self and those attributed to

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others, and a discrepancy between attributed values and actual values of the expatriates. The author viewed these findings in light of the effect of perceived value conflict or congruence in impeding or facilitating interaction. Rokeach (1973) has also “conjectured that a person will be more accurately attuned toward persons who would support his own value orientation and will misperceive those who would threaten to discomfirm it” (p, 190). These and the findings by Shotland and Sikula (cited in Rokeach, 1973) that interpersonal attraction is determined more by the similarity of terminal values (“end-states of existence”) than instrumental values (“modes of conduct”) suggest the efficacy of the value concept as a tool for studying the relationship of perceived outgroup values to the stereotypes of that group and the consequences of the discrepancy between perceived and actual values in interpretation behavior. This study was explicitly designed to assess the reactions of college students to ingroup (black American) and outgroup (African) stimulus persons defined by conditions of value similarity and stability in hypothetical social situations. Three significant main effects were hypothesized, that is, the ingroup (black American), the similar, and the stable targets would be evaluated more positively than the outgroup (African), the dissimilar, and the unstable targets. A major prediction was that the evaluation of stability would be a function of group identification such that a stable ingroup target would be evaluated more positively than other targets. METHOD

Design Overview A 2 x 2 x 2 completely randomized factorial design was used, with independent manipulations of value similarity, value stability, and cultural group identification of the stimulus person. The manipulations of similarity and stability were based on the 18 terminal values of the Rokeach Value Survey (RVS). The three independent manipulations for similarity, stability, and group identification resulted in eight stimulus persons (targets). Each subject was asked to evaluate one target on several measures of interpersonal relations. Subjects In introductory psychology classes at Howard University, 160 students participated as subjects in fulfillment of a class requirement. There were 63 males and 97 females with a mean age of 18.6 years. The subjects were

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black Americans; data collected from non-Americans the analyses.

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were not used in

Procedure The study was conducted in two stages. The first stage was the administration of the RVS to participants in groups of twenty or less. Each subject was given a package containing three lists of the terminal values from the RVS (Form E). They were instructed to rank the values “in order of importance to you, as guiding principles in your life.” After that they were requested to rank the values in the other two identical lists as they thought “black Americans in general” and “African students at Howard University” would rank them. The order of completing the survey for the two groups was counterbalanced. Additional information collected at this stage, which lasted about 25 minutes, included demographics and a means of identification for the second stage. The second (or experimental) stage took place two weeks after the first. Testing was done in groups of 3-5 and in some cases individually. Assignment to experimental conditions was random and was done, with the aid of the subject’s value survey, prior to arrival for the experiment. On arrival the subjects’ identification numbers were collected on a piece of paper and experimental protocols corresponding to the identifications were given to them. Since they had been instructed to sign up for participation in the experiment with their identification numbers it was possible to assign them to conditions and get the packages ready the day before the experiment. Each participant received a folder containing the following items in order: 1. The subject’s completed value survey; 2. Two bogus value profiles (labeled A or B) said to belong to a stranger who completed the surveys on two previous occasions “a year ago” (A) and “two weeks ago” (B); 3. The Interpersonal Judgement Scale (I JS); 4. Social Distance Scale; 5. Adjective ratings form; 6. Social relations questionnaire dealing with direct measures of interaction with African students. After receiving the folder with the above items, subjects were told what to do and asked to follow the separate instructions on the questionnaire very closely. Testing lasted about an hour after which subjects were de-

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I. S. Obot

cards signed, and they were thanked for par-

Stimulus Material The value survey (Rokeach, 1968) consists of lists of 18 terminal values (or “end-states of existence”) and 18 instrumental values (“modes of conduct”) distilled from different sources and arranged alphabetically. The respondent is presented with the lists with a brief definition of each value and asked “to arrange them in order of importance to you, as guiding principles in YOUR LIFE” (Rokeach, 1973, p. 27). Test-retest reliabilities as high as .70 and .73 have been obtained for the terminal values (Feather, 1972; Rokeach, 1973). Two value profiles were attributed to the stimulus person each labeled “A” or “B.” The A profile was ostensibly completed by a stranger “a year ago,” and the B profile “two weeks ago.” Value similarity (+) was attained by ranking 78% (14 out of 18) of the bogus stranger’s B values in the same order as those of the subject; dissimilarity (-) was manipulated by ranking not more than 22% (4 out of 18) of the stranger’s B values in the same order as the subject’s values. Value stability was determined by comparing the two value profiles attributed to the stranger and purportedly completed on two past occasions. Stable and unstable profiles were simulated by making the A and B either similar to each other (+ + and - -) or different from each other (- + and + -), respectively. The manipulations for similarity and stability resulted in a 2 x 2 combination in which a target could be similar and stable (+ +), similar and unstable (- +), dissimilar and stable (- -), or dissimilar and unstable (+ -). It should be recalled that the condition of similarity was based on the second (B) profile and represented here with a plus sign for similar and minus sign for dissimilar. That being so, the similar target had the combined effect of separate conditions (+ +, - +), and the dissimilar target was the result of combining the other two conditions (- -, + -). The two major conditions of the stability variable were the result of similar combinations: + +, - - for stable; - +, + - for unstable or shifting target. Value similarity or dissimilarity could therefore be consistent or inconsistent and value change could be toward or away from the subject’s values. The third independent variable, group identification of target, was manipulated by instruction. In the similar condition, the two bogus profiles were said to belong to a “black American undergraduate student at Howard University,” in the dissimilar condition the stimulus person was described as an “African undergraduate student at Howard University,” This manipulation served as a categorization treatment with the black

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American student as the ingroup member and the African student target the out-group member, that is, belonging to a cultural group objectively different from the subjects’ cultural background. Studies of the effect of categorization in intergroup relations (Billig & Tajfel, 1973) and studies of the determinants of friendship formation among culturally different people (Bochner & Orr, 1979) would lead to a prediction of differential evaluation of the two targets.

Measures Interpersonal Judgement Scale (IJS). The IJS (Byrne, 1971) consists of six 7-point rating scales dealing with a respondent’s “opinions about and evaluations of the stranger” (p. 41). A rating of 7 indicates the most positive response and 1 the most negative response. A total score of 14 indicates the greatest attraction and is based on the last two items which specifically ask about liking. These items were: “I feel that I would probably like this person very much” and “I believe that I would very much dislike working with this person in an experiment.”

Social Distance Scale (SDS). Because Bogardus’ social distance scale was ambiguous on whether the rejection of a stimulus person was due to his race or social status, Triandis and Triandis (1962) constructed a scale in which the respondent was required to react to hypothetical persons described in great detail. The approach makes it possible to vary the information provided the respondents and extends the use of the scale by taking into consideration the relative importance of characteristics of both the stimulus and responding persons. A modified version of this scale (Triandis & Triandis, 1965) was used in the study. Subjects were required to rate their willingness to engage in several social behaviors with the stranger. Adjective Ratings. Both the IJS and SDS are primarily affective measures of attraction. It was necessary, therefore, to include a dependent measure responsive to informational stimuli. The adjective ratings form (Allgeier et al. 1979) served this purpose. The measure consists of ten 7point scales including the following items: weak-strong, indecisive-decisive, bad leader-good leader. The ten trait terms and the four descriptive terms of the IJS not included in the attraction score were factor analyzed. The resulting factors were rotated to a varimax solution. Only those factor loadings greater than .40 were interpreted. Factor 1 was interpreted as competence because it was made up of traits (strong, intelligent, decisive, good leader, reliable, sincere, moral) generally associated with competence. The second factor was made up of a cluster of traits (open-minded, tolerant, flexible, kind) related to a liberal outlook and was called liberalism. The two factors had

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no negative loadings and accounted for 90% (70 and 20) of the total variance with eigenvalues of 4.18 and 1.19, respectively. Both were used in the analyses as separate dependent measures.

Post-Experimental Measures. In order to check the success of the experimental manipulations, subjects were required to answer two questions on perceived similarity and stability. The question for similarity was: “Looking at the set of values labeled “B”, how similar would you say this student is to you in the way both of you ranked the values?” For stability the question was: “Judging from the way this student ranked the values, how much change do you notice in the two sets of values (A and B) completed on two separate occasions ?” Response to the questions were on scales of l-7 (Not similar-very similar or No change at all - Changed much). The other post-experimental measure was on attribution of cause for change or stability. Based on the procedure by Levine et al. (1974), the subject was asked to attribute perceived change or stability on a 7-point (true-false) scale to the following: Belief in the correctness of the original position; desire to be liked by peers; desire to demonstrate assertiveness and independence; desire to see self as similar to peers; influence exerted by society. RESULTS

Check on Experimental Manipulations Two analysis of variance were conducted on the scores for perceived similarity and change. For the subjects’ perception of similarity of the targets’ values to their values, a 2 (group identification) x 2 (value similarity) ANOVA yielded a significant effect for similarity, F( 1, 156) =412.80, p< .OOl. The analysis for perceived change also yielded a significant main effect for change, F(1, 156)=472.19, p<.OOOl. The intended effects of the manipulations were therefore obtained since subjects were able to recognize similarity and change by looking at the two sets of values attributed to the stranger (in the case of change) or by comparing the stranger’s second profile to theirs (in the case of similarity).

General Analyses The two most important measures of interpersonal evaluation in the study were the IJS and SDS. The other two were competence and liberalism measures derived from the descriptive trait ratings. A 2 (similar, dissimilar) x2 (stable, unstable) x 2 (African, black American) ANOVA was conducted on each of the dependent measures.

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The analysis for IJS yielded a significant main effect for value similarity. Similar targets were evaluated more positively than dissimilar targets, F(1, 152)=34.56,~<.001. On social distance the similarity main effect was also significant F( 1, 152) = 11.Ol , p c .OOl. Closer social distance was shown for targets with similar values than targets with dissimilar values. Stability did not yield any significant difference on the two measures. It should be recalled that similarity was defined by comparing the second value profile of the target to the subject’s values without regard to the target’s initial profile. Since there was no significant similarityxstability interaction, initial values had no effect on the two attraction measures. What seems to have mattered in these contrived social situations was the actor’s immediate values, not his prior values. Group identification of target had no significant effects on IJS or SDS. Two three-way ANOVA were also conducted to test the effect of value similarity, stability, and group identification on competence and liberalism ratings. For competence, there were significant main effects for similarity, F(1, 152)=58.71,p<.OOOl, stability, F(1, 152)=7.Ol,p<.Ol, and a significant interaction between stability and group identification, F( 1, 152)=6.22,pc .Ol. Targets with similar and stable values were rated higher on competence than dissimilar and unstable targets. The two-way (group x stability) interaction on the competence measure was as predicted. The rating of the black American on the competence traits was a function of stability, such that the stable black American was rated significantly higher than targets in all other conditions. Mean scores and a graphic representation of the interaction are presented in Table 1 and Figure 1, respectively. Post-test comparisons of the four means using the Scheffe test showed that all paired comparisons, except between the stable and unstable African targets were significant at the .05 level. In the analysis for liberalism, a target with similar values was rated higher than a dissimilar target, F( 1, 152) = 10.46, p < ,001 .I

Additional Analysis Attribution of Cause for Stability and Similarity. Especially in the case of the competence measure, subjects’ attribution of cause for targets’ ISeparate three-way (similarity x stability x Group) ANOVA were performed on the trait terms of the competence and liberalism factors to test the similarity of the individual traits to the composite factors. The findings were comparable. The similar target was rated as significantly stronger, more decisive, more sincere, a better leader, more open-minded, more reliable, kinder, more tolerant, more moral and more intelligent than the dissimilar target. The stable target was rated as more decisive, and more intelligent than the unstable target.

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TABLE 1 Mean Scores of Major Dependent Variables as a Function of Group Identification, Value Similarity and Stability Similar

Not Similar

Stable

Unstable

IJS (Max. score = 14) African Black American Row

10.75 11.85 11.3

10.75 10.70 10.73

9.40 8.90 9.15

8.75 8.15 8.45

SDS (Max. score = 100) African Black American Row

19.69 17.90 18.79

10.34 18.86 19.10

24.39 26.14 25.26

27.34 27.97 27.67

5.46 5.68 5.57

5.11 4.89 5.00

4.21 4.39 4.30

4.51 3.74 4.12

Competence (Max. score = 7) African Black American Row

Stable

Unstable

Note. Higher scores indicate more positiveevaluationexcept in the case of SDS where higher scores indicate less attraction.

stability or shift in personal value profiles may have influenced their evaluations. The subjects may also have made different attributions about observed similarity or stability of African and black American targets. To test for these speculations, a multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted with the three independent variables (similarityxstabilityxgroup) on the five attributions. The mean scores are presented in Table 2. The analysis showed that similarity, F(5, 148)=23.92, p< BOOI, stability, F(5, 148)=2.37, p< .05, and the similarityxstability interaction, F(5, 148)=2.65, p< .02, were significant. There was no significant effect of cultural group. Univariate analyses revealed that the similarity effect was on the attributions of the “need to be Eked” and “need to be similar to peers”; stability on “belief in the correctness of original position”; and the interaction on “influence exerted by society.” A target whose values were different from the subjects’ was seen to be so because of the needs to be similar to and Iiked by peers; a stable target, that is, one whose values remained consistent was so because of a belief in the correctness of his original position. The surprising attributions of the need for similarity to a dissimilar target can only be understood if subjects regarded the target’s peers as others but them-

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81 ack American African

RI

Unstable -+, +-

Stable ++, --

Value Stability FIGURE 1. Competence scores as a function of cultural group and value stability.

TABLE 2

Mean Ratings of Attributions for Similarity and Stability Similar Stable (+ +) a. Belief in the correctness of original position”’ b. Desire to be liked by peers” c. Desire to demonstrate assertiveness and independence d. Desire to be similar to peers’ 8. Influence exerted by society”

Not Similar

Unstable (-

+I

Stable (-

Unstable

-)

(+ -)

5.27 2.85

2.85 2.50

5.80 3.00

2.72 3.77

4.47 2.92 3.95

4.70 3.20 3.37

4.22 3.35 3.32

4.30 4.02 4.52

Note. The higher the score, the greater the importance of that attribution lar condition. Since the cultural group had no effect on attributions, constructed to exclude this variable. ‘PC .Ol, “p< .005, ‘“p<.OOO1.

for the particuthe table was

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selves. The obtained interaction on “influence” was the result of relatively high ratings of this attribution in the case of the unstable but dissimilar and stable but similar targets compared to others.

DISCUSSION The findings of this study showed general support for the predicted relationships between value similarity and measures of interpersonal attraction. Targets with similar values were more attractive and were rated more positively on non-affective traits than targets with dissimilar values. The predicted categorization or cultural group identification effect was not obtained. The black American target was not generally evaluated more positively than the African target. But a significant interaction revealed that on the measure of competence the black American was rated as less competent in the shifting condition than in the stable condition while the stable and shifting African targets were not differentially evaluated. The lack of a significant main effect of cultural group may have been due to a feeling of racial affinity between black Americans and Africans or to the fact that subjects and targets were drawn from the same pool of university students with obvious similarities. Analysis of related data indicated that the subjects regarded themselves as more similar to African students than to fellow “black Americans in general.” This black American view of Africans as being similar to themselves was also reflected in an earlier study (Obot, 1978). The perception of similarity, in spite of obvious cultural dissimilarity, and the consequent positive evaluation of African targets may be, perhaps, a reflection of a socially desirable response pattern by the participants. Support for this assertion lies in the nature of black American reactions to Africa. Beginning with the 1960s there has been a change in black American reactions to Africa and Africans from ambivalence to identification and closer collaboration, at least at the cultural level. Howard University students and staff have contributed immensely to this change and continue to do so in, for example, articulating the concept of an African diaspora (Harris, 1982, 1984). A black American student at Howard may, therefore, be expected to evaluate an African target in consistency with the idea of a black brotherhood or sisterhood. A recent study among African University students in Nigeria confirms the universality of this sentiment (Fenyo, 1986). The negative evaluation of change is in support of findings by Allgeier et al. (1979). An unstable target is seen as less strong, decisive, reliable, intelligent, etc., than a target who maintains a similar position on two occasions. Two factors may account for the significance of stability, at least on one dimension (competence), in this study: one is the nature of

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the stimulus, the other is attributions made for stability. Terminal values, as expressions of end-states of existence should be expected to remain stable over time. Therefore stability or consistency, because of the predictability it imposes on the interpersonal situation, is more desirable than unstable or “wishy-washy” behavior. This view is reinforced by the findings regarding the attribution of cause of stability or change. Whether or not the target was stable and similar (+ +) or stable and dissimilar (- -) (see Table 2), the behavior was attributed more to belief in the correctness of the targets’ original position than to anything else. The importance assigned to this belief was significantly different from the importance assigned to belief in the unstable condition and also different from all other attributions. It seems that stability or consistency implies confidence in one’s position and is related to the perception of strength, decisiveness, sincerity, intelligence, etc. This is especially so in the case of a culturally similar person. The depreciation of instability may also be related to the attribution of external influence. This is partially suported by this study because the highest rating on societal influence, and significantly different from others, was for one unstable target (+ -), though the other (- +) was not rated highly on this attribution. Moreoever the main effect of this attribution was not significant. But some evidence to support the effect of the perception of external influence was provided in another study. Dutton (1973) found that opinion change by another person, when perceived to be due to environmental influence resulted in diminished attraction toward that person. Considering that values occupy a more central position within one’s personality and cognitive system than opinions and attitudes, and are more related to behavior (Rokeach, 1973), a drastic change in values within a year, if perceived to be due to the influence of other people or events in the environment, may give the impression of the actor as untrustworthy, unpredictable, and lacking in personal integrity. The sojourner, unlike the actor from the same cultural background, is more susceptible to influence and is therefore, probably, expected to change as reflected by the lesser denigration of his value instability. The effect of stability was significant only on the competence dimension, but similarity was significant on all measures. Similarity, therefore, seems to affect a broader range of interpersonal reactions than stability. If the only measures used were the interpersonal judgment and social distance scales, value change would have been regarded as unimportant in interpersonal evaluations. According to the analysis by Clore and Byrne (1974), supported by Allgeier et al. (1979), change is heavily loaded on informational components while similarity is loaded on both affective and informational components. By studying the combined effect of similarity and change with traditional and evaluative measures of attraction, the sensitivity of the two types of dependent variables was assessed with

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support for a conceptual separation of the two sets of stimuli (Clore & Byrne, 1974; Kaplan & Anderson, 1973).

CONCLUSION Further experimental research is necessary in this area in order to clarify and add to some of the findings from descriptive studies. The problems of cross-cultural contact during educational, business, diplomatic, or research sojourn need to be studied from different perspectives. Some limitations of this study should be mentioned at this point. As Feather (1976. 1980) has shown, the Rokeach Value Survey is amenable to different manipulations and a useful tool in intercultural relations research. But the survey, expectedly, has its share of critics (e.g., Heath & Fogel, 1978; Zavalloni, 1980). More pertinent to this study, studies reported by Rokeach (1973) showed the effect of similarity with terminal values. Feather (1980) has shown the same effect for instrumental values. It may be necessary in future research, to use the two sets of values. Moreover, different degrees of similarity may be tested in situations involving samples from groups of interest. Concerning the possible effect of social desirability on the responses, it may also be necessary, in future studies of this nature, to control for the influence of this response set. This can be done by administering the Social Desirability Scale (Crowne & Marlowe, 1960) and comparing the evaluative reactions of high and low scores. In spite of these limitations, it is clear that in intercultural relations perceived similarity in values is more important than value stability. While shifts in values by a member of the same cultural group is denigrated on the competence dimension, such is not the case with the outgroup member or “stranger” who, in this case, was an African student. This is significant especially since the whole process of cross-cultural adaptation of the sojourner involves changes in values, attitudes, and behaviors.

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B., & REVNES, D. (1979). The of those who shift attitudinally. 9, 170- 182.

(1982). Foreign students and institutional poli-

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Washington, DC: Author. ARGYLE, M., FURNHAM, A., & GRAHAM, J. A. (1981). Social situations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ARONSON, E., & LINDER, D. (1965). Gain and loss of esteem as determinants of interpersonal attractiveness. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 1, 156-171.

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ABSTRACT

TRANSLATIONS

Oetts &tude avait amne but cizmettre i 1’ &ewe 1’ eff et ck, la similitude et de la atahilite de valetit apequa sur l’&aluaticn &s cibles seirtiahles ou diffkentes du point & vue 160 &diants et itudiantes noirs am&icains 6taient cultural. tiers avona *ait les paraonnes de sujets da oette &u&. stimului amrme 6tudiants noirs am&i’riczaina cunrlre les &udiants

Values and Intercultural Relations

noirs am&icains (inclusdans le qrouce)oules &udiants africains (hors& groupe)dansl~m&e~institution. Nous avons d&nande'Hchaste suietd'kluer cne pxsonne & stimulus&finie entenne cia&nilit&z et de stabilit& LXIr&ultat ckkenu,cks cziblesauxvaleurssemblaUes&iient kldesd'mefaannplus psitiveque bs citAesauxvaleur.5diffkentes. L'effet princriplb stabilite'n'&aitsiqificatifqw sur letraitck aanpAena2. Unea~tionr&i~cquabgroups arlturelda stabilitkx&ait&plcment obtenuzsur lam&e dimension,csqui signifieur denigrenentd'instabili& du sujet lloiran&Cain. 11 n'y a eu aucun effet da groups sigrifioatif.L.esimplications du rfkultatobtenupx des ralationsentr~groupesainsiqwles attributionsdues1la stabilitGsent dis~ut&s dans aette &x%2. (author-supplied abstract)

El presenteestudioha sick axxabiti mnel fin de amqxobar el efectockla semejarsack valor y aala estabilidad pardbidos enla evaluxion dalosobjetivos culturales semejantesy diferentes. Lapblacionestudiada oonsistioenm ubnjuntoda160 estudiantesnorteamericsrps de exuelas sewn ciarias, hanbrey mujeres,de ratanagra. Laspersonasestimulo se han descritobien aanonortearnerica~~~ ds raza rxagra(grup interm) o bien axnoestudiantesafricarw (grup exterrP) partenxientesambosalamisnainstituCion. &da sujeto snneti& a estrdiofue entrevistadoox al finds evalwr rma personaestimulodefinidapx ckterminadasoondidonesde seme jarza ck valor y estabilidad. Los objetivosconvalores semejanteshan side valoradnsmas psitivanente entodaslas medi~iones,gue 10s objetivosdiferentes. La estabilidxiha mostra do U-Iefedoimprtante siqificativo uricamentesobre rasqx & axnptercia. Se ha observadbtambienura interacdon da estabilidadx grup arlturalsobrelamisoa dimension,loqw in dici w cknigradon dsl ~bjetivoirestablenagto nortemnerica M. NC se ha otservadoefecto ds grup sigrificativo.Se estuciian lasimplicacriones de estoshallazpi aonrespxtoalas relarzionesintergrupalesy losatrikxtos ck estabilidad.(authorsu~@iedalxtra~t)

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