Vocational behavior, 1989–1991: Life-span career development and reciprocal interaction of work and nonwork

JOURNAL

OF VOCATIONAL

BEHAVIOR

41, 101-161 (1992)

REVIEW Vocational Behavior, 1989-l 991: Life-Span Career Development and Reciprocal Interaction of Work and Nonwork JANEL. SWANSON Southern Illinois University at Carbondale This article represents the 17th in a series of reviews of the vocational behavior literature. The review includes research related to life-span, developmental perspectives of career behavior, and the reciprocal interactions that occur between work and nonwork domains. Life-span research continues to be focused primarily on early career stages, particularly on exploration and initial career choice, with lesser attention to career behavior in middle and later adulthood. Research regarding work-nonwork interface, although relatively recent in nature, has grown considerably in complexity and in volume. A greater integration of these two lines of investigation is necessary for a more complete understanding of life-span career, family, and individual development. o 1992 Academic PESS, hc.

This review is the second in a series under a new format introduced by Journal of Vocational Behavior (JVB) Editor Howard E. A. Tinsley. In contrast to previous annual reviews, the new format entails a more focused, yet more extensive review: one third of the content domains identified by Fitzgerald and Rounds (1989) are covered in each review, encompassing a 3-year period of literature. The present review contains two primary content domains: (1) life-span perspectives of career development, including developmental theories of career behavior, issues at various career stages, selection of traditional and nontraditional occupations, career growth throughout the life span, and women’s career development; and (2) the interaction of work and nonwork domains, including work-nonwork sources and consequences of stress, work and leisure, multiple life roles, dual-earner and dual-career The author thanks Melinda Best and Garett Good for obtaining articles, Karen Rains for preparing the manuscript, and William Martens for enhancing the interface of work and nonwork. Address reprint requests to the author at the Department of Psychology, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, IL 62901. 101 Oool-8791/92 $5.00 Copyright Q 1992 by Academic Press, Inc. All rights of reproduaion in any form resewed.

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couples, work-family conflict, and coping and social support. A third content domain, women’s workforce participation, was included within the defined scope of this review. Literature from this domain was incorporated into the other domains, rather than addressed separately, for two reasons based upon Fitzgerald and Rounds’ (1989) review. First, they encouraged that research specifically focusing on women be incorporated into the general body of knowledge regarding career behavior. Second, in their empirical clustering of previous JVB review topic areas, they concluded that the area of women’s workforce participation was the only 1 of 14 clusters that “defied easy interpretation” (Fitzgerald & Rounds, 1989, p. 108). Further, in their subsequent multidimensional scaling analysis of the clusters, women’s workforce participation emerged in the I/O quadrants, rather than in the counseling psychology quadrants. The three initial content domains (and subdomains) were used to identify and select relevant literature. The identification process included three steps. First, a list of approximately 80 potential journals was developed by including all journals identified in the previous three reviews (Fitzgerald & Rounds, 1989; Meier, 1991; Morrow, Mullen, & McElroy, 1990) as well as those included in Loscocco and Roschelle’s (1991) review of the quality of work and nonwork. The net was cast somewhat wider than previous reviews due to the inclusion of work-nonwork interface. Second, the contents of each journal for the years 1989, 1990, and 1991 were manually scanned to identify relevant articles. Third, reference lists of chosen articles were checked for other relevant articles. Finally, because of the broad nature of the content domains (i.e., “lifespan career development” could potentially encompass any career-related research), the initial set of potential articles was narrowed by application of three defining criteria to provide focus for the review. First, as suggested by Loscocco and Roschelle (1991), literature reflecting an organizational perspective was omitted in favor of literature reflecting an individual perspective. This decision corresponds to the distinction made by previous reviewers (Fitzgerald & Rounds, 1989; Hackett, Lent, & Greenhaus, 1991) between areas traditionally addressed by counseling psychologists and areas traditionally addressed by industrial/organizational psychologists. Second, theoretical approaches were included if the primary focus was developmental in nature, i.e., theories classified as pertaining to personenvironment fit were excluded, particularly because they were addressed in the most recent review by Meier (1991). Third, articles were selected based upon the quality of the research, according to issues of sampling, methodology, generalizability, and impact. Other unique selection criteria were applied to specific topic areas and will be noted within relevant sections of the review. Table 1 contains the final number of articles selected from each identified journal. Because of the vast quantity of literature, this paper is more of a

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TABLE 1 Sources and Number of Citations in the 1989-1991 Review Source Journal of Vocational Behavior Sex Roles Career Development Quarterly Journal of Counseling Psychology PsychologicaL Reports Psychology of Women Quarterly Journal of Marrtage and the Family Journal of Organizational Behavior Human Relations Journal of Applied Psychology Journal of College Student Development Journal of Social Behavior and Personality Group and Organization Studies Academy of Management Journal Journal of Employment Counseling Human Resource Management Journal of Applied Social Psychology Journal of Counseling and Development Psychology and Aging Journal of Family Issues Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development American Psychologist The Counseling Psychologist Journal of Occupational Psychology Prevention in Human Services Psychological Assessment Adolescence American Sociological Review International Journal of Aging and Human Development Journal of Business Research Journal of Health and Social Behavior Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes Personnel Psychology Social Psychology Quarterly Work and Occupations Academy of Management Review American Educational Research Journal Feminist Studies Industrial Relations Journal of Career Development Journal of Leisure Research Measurement and Evaluation in Counseling and Developmc mt Social Forces Social Science Research

Citations IO

26 23 20 12 12 9 9 8 8 8 8 I 6 6 5 5 5 5 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

1 1

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representative sampling than a comprehensive or exhaustive review. Readers are directed to complementary reviews of the 1989 and 1990 literature in the Journal of Vocational Behavior (Meier, 1991; Morrow et al., 1990) and the Career Development Quarterly (Cook, 1991; Spokane & Hawks, 1990) and to the series of invited contributions appearing in the Journal of Vocational Behavior in 1991 (Betz; Borgen; Chartrand & Camp; Hackett et al.; Harmon; London & Greller; Loscocco & Roschelle; Osipow; Russell). The review begins with a description of theoretical approaches to lifespan career development, and literature pertaining specifically to these approaches is reviewed. Four subsections contain literature within four career stages: (a) preentry career development, including childhood and adolescence; (b) career behavior in early adulthood, including career exploration and choice during college and initial job choice and entry; (c) career behavior in middle adulthood, including career development and career transitions; and (d) career behavior in late adulthood, including issues facing older workers, and retirement. The second major section focuses on the reciprocal interaction of work and nonwork, including the interface of work and other nonwork activities. LIFE-SPAN APPROACHES TO CAREER DEVELOPMENT Theories which have focused upon development over the lifespan (such as Super, Levinson, Gottfredson, Tiedeman, and Ginzberg, et al.) share in common an assumption that one’s self-concept becomes more clearly defined with age, and that career choice is a process of matching selfconcept with images of the occupational world (Osipow, 1983). Further, as noted by Osipow (1990), developmental approaches can be distinguished from other major career theories in two ways: the effect of life stages on human development through the life span and how the stages interact with personality, such as Super’s notion of self-concept implementation. The three developmental theories that have received the most attention in this review period are Super, Levinson, and Gottfredson. Levinson and colleagues (Levinson, 1986; Levinson, Darrow, Klein, Levinson, & McKee, 1978) proposed a series of age-related life stages, which encompass unique activities and adjustments. He discussed four “life eras”: childhood (O-20), early adulthood (20~40), middle adulthood (40-60) and late adulthood (over 60), with substages within each era. Like Levinson, Super (1957, 1990) proposed four stages in his model of career development: exploration, establishment, maintenance, and decline. However, in contrast to Levinson, Super posits that these stages are not determined by age, but rather by an individual’s circumstances and perceptions. Thus, individuals can be in any stage at various points in their lives

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or careers and, further, can recycle through the stageswhen major changes or transitions occur. A relatively new developmental approach, focusing on childhood and adolescent processes, is Gottfredson’s (1981) theory of occupational circumscription and compromise. According to Gottfredson (1981), as individuals’ perceptions of themselves and the world of work develop, the range of occupational alternatives is successively circumscribed. This processis reversed when actual occupational choices are made: as individuals face barriers to their aspirations, they must inevitably compromise, leading to an expanding of the range of occupational alternatives. Both processes of circumscription and compromise are hypothesized to follow a prioritized order: in circumscription, occupational sex type is the first to develop and thus the most central, followed by prestige and then interests; in compromise, the reverse order occurs in sacrificing interests first, followed by prestige, and finally sex type. Articles reviewed in this section are either explicit tests of lifespan models or focus on comparisons across the lifespan. Evidence specific to one career stage (e.g., career issues related to midlife transition) are reviewed in subsequent sections. Tests of Gottfredson’s Theory Studies addressing Gottfredson’s theory have generally not confirmed theoretical propositions. Six studies of compromise have provided mostly negative results regarding the order or priority hypothesized to influence the sacrificing of choices. Two of the studies varied two of the three variables. Holt (1989) reported that prestige was more important than interests, as Gottfredson hypothesized, for engineering and social work students; however, an interaction between Holland type of subjects’ majors and importance of prestige or interest suggested differences by interest area. Leung and Plake (1990) constructed an occupational choice dilemma instrument in which either sex type or prestige was sacrificed. Their results were contrary to Gottfredson’s model in that sex type was sacrificed more often than prestige, particularly by women. Two studies varied all three components of compromise. Using differing methodology, Hesketh and colleagues found a similar reversal of Gottfredson’s predictions, such that interests were more important than prestige, which in turn was more important than sex type. Hesketh, Durant, and Pryor (1990) found this pattern under both compromise and no-compromise conditions using a policy-capturing task combining three levels each of the three components. Hesketh, Elmslie, and Kaldor (1990) tested an alternative view in which circumscription is cumulative, so that later components incorporate and are more salient in compromise than earlier components; they used fuzzy ratings and paired comparisons in two samples to demonstrate the reverse order.

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Hesketh, Pryor, and Gleitzman (1989) further examined the utility of fuzzy ratings in measuring Gottfredson’s construct. Ratings for prestige were more stable over time for the “fuzzy” left and right extensions than for the most preferred point, whereas ratings for sex type were more stable for the preferred point than for the fuzzy extensions. Validity data were provided by moderate correlations of the interest, sex type, and prestige fuzzy ratings with other measures. Hannah and Kahn (1989) combined Gottfredson’s theory and self-efficacy research to examine gender and SES differences in occupational choices of 334 high school seniors. Males predominantly chose maledominated occupations; high SES females chose more male-dominated occupations that did low SES females, suggesting an interaction of gender, sex type, and prestige. Leung and Harmon (1990) examined the zone of acceptable alternatives in the circumscription process. Using retrospective data over four age intervals, they reported successively higher prestige with time, while sex type remained constant. Thus, contrary to Gottfredson’s hypothesis, the zone of alternatives expanded rather than contracted across time. Women considered a wider range of sex-type alternatives and androgynous subjects considered a wider range of sex-type and prestige level alternatives. Taken collectively, these studies have not confirmed the order of priority hypothesized to influence the sacrificing of choices, suggesting that modifications of Gottfredson’s theory may be necessary. Moreover, the process of circumscription and compromise may vary by gender, sex-role attitudes, and interest area, suggesting a greater complexity in these processes. On the other hand, this body of research continues to be plagued with measurement problems, despite some innovative methodology. Most notably, the three components may be inextricably confounded, particularly in real-life vs experimentally manipulated settings, and the early developmental nature of the processes may make them inaccessible to conscious examination. Nevertheless, Gottfredson’s theory does provide attention to variables not adequately addressed in other theories, and future researchers may benefit from the diversity of accumulated methodology and measurement. Tests of Super’s and Levinson’s Theories Support for Levinson’s theory was provided in three diverse samples; Super’s theory received support for Caucasian men but not women. Herbert (1990) reported support for Levinson’s propositions of the four early life substages in interviews with 10 African-American male entrepreneurs and proposed two new developmental tasks: formation of individual racial identity and formation of an individual self-concept that includes commitment to fighting racial discrimination. Two studies tested competing hypotheses about job and career attitudes

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and performance drawn from Levinson’s and Super’s theories. In a predominantly male sample of salespeople, Ornstein, Cron, and Slocum (1989) reported that Levinson’s age-related theory was somewhat superior in predicting factors external to the work itself, whereas Super’s stage theory was somewhat superior in predicting individuals’ perceptions about the work itself and in predicting sales performance. The early career stage was the most distinct from the remaining stages. In a replication and extension, Omstein and Isabella (1990) reported that Levinson’s theory received moderate support in a sample of 204 professional women, although not as clearly as in the previous study. No main effects were found by Super’s career stages. Significant interactions suggested that age differences occurred within Super’s stages, and that stage differences occurred within Levinson’s age groups. New Perspectives on Life-Span Career Development The role of chance factors in career development was discussed by Cabral and Salomone (1990). They proposed that individuals vary in the extent to which they cope with or capitalize on chance occurrences; locus of control and self-concept were proposed as critical individual difference variables. Scott and Hatalla (1990) examined the relative influence of predictable and chance events on career patterns in a sample of 94 women 25 years after college graduation. Predictable factors were perceived as being more influential. Differences in specific influential factors were observed across traditional and nontraditional career patterns. The constructs of identity and role investment were applied to career development in two articles. Spenner and Rosenfeld (1990) used the concept of identity to explain fluctuations in women’s careers, suggesting that individuals hold multiple identities which are interrelated and hierarchically ordered according to salience and importance. These multiple identtities provide life structure by motivating behavior consistent with salient identities. They used this framework to examine life histories of 2536 women studied at age 17 and again at age 30, focusing upon transitions from nonemployment to employment, motivated by financial need or by career orientation. In a similar vein, Lobe1 (1991) proposed two models of work and family role investment. In the utilitarian model, investment is due to the frequency and value of rewards for role activities. In the social identity model, multiple identities develop as a result of social group membership, and identification with a role is related to investment, but not necessarily to role rewards. She outlined a set of competing hypotheses related to work-family conflict and work-family balance and suggested that gender, life stage, and culture may act as moderators. Riverin-Simard (1990) presented a theory of adult vocational development based on interviews with 786 adults across nine age groups. She identified nine age-related themes across the life span corresponding to

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the age groups. As the themes show a considerable amount of similarity to Super’s and Levinson’s theories, they may be best conceptualized as a confirmation of previous theories rather than a substantively new theoretical approach. Longitudinal Studies with Implications for Life-Span Career Development A number of studies provided evidence of developmental career progress, particularly in early career. Differential career paths were predicted by ability, interest, gender, work and family involvement, and cohort effects. Smart (1989) demonstrated the varying effects of life history events over a 9-year period on the development of Holland’s (1985) Investigative (I), Social (S), and Enterprising (E) types. S types were more likely to be women from less affluent families with parents in S occupations; I and E types tended to be men from more affluept families with parents unlikely to be in I or E occupations. Initial occupational aspirations were more important for I types (positively) and E types (negatively) than for S types. Poole, Langan-Fox, Ciavarella, and Omodei (1991) used a modified version of Astin’s (1984) theory to examine professional attainment of approximately 3000 Australian young adults tested three times over a loyear interval. School attainment and occupational expectations had the largest impact on professional attainment. Parental expectations had a stronger positive effect on school attainment for men than for women, and women’s professional attainment was more negatively affected by parenthood status. Other analyses in a subsample of approximately 1300 women suggested SES differences (Poole, Langan-Fox, & Omodei, 1990) and rural vs urban differences (Poole, Langan-Fox, & Omodei, 1991) in development of career orientation and professional attainment. Austin and Hanisch (1990) analyzed longitudinal Project TALENT data to predict occupational attainment 11 years after high school from IOth-grade data (n = 13,248). T wo discriminant functions explained 82% of the variance in predicting 12 broad occupational categories, consisting of general ability, and mathematics ability and gender. Ability data contributed more than interest data to predictions. Stohs (1989, 1990) examined career patterns of 40 male fine and applied artists in an 18-year longitudinal study. As young adults, fine artists were lower than applied artists on interpersonal warmth and economic values and were rated as having more artistic ability. At midlife, fine artists had significantly lower income from less secure or stable sources and had lower occupational prestige, yet no differences existed in job or life satisfaction. T. H. Cox and Harquail (1991) examined gender differences in career paths and successsin 502 early-career MBAs with uninterrupted careers. Career successwas predicted by starting salary and job level, experience,

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and seniority. However, controlling for other variables, women had lower salary increments, fewer management promotions, and were at a lower hierarchical level. Olson and Frieze (1989) reported that career interruptions and part-time work were more common for women MBAs than for men. Interruptions due to being unable to find a job had a more negative effect on income than those due to family reasons. Schneer and Reitman (1990) found that discontinuous employment patterns were negatively related to future income and career satisfaction for MBA graduates, with stronger negative effects for men than for women. Jenkins (1989) examined career factors in a longitudinal sample of 111 women in college and noncollege teaching and entrepreneurial business careers. She reported continuity between senior year college career plans and career situations at age 30. Differences existed between the career fields in career and family outcomes. Harmon (1989) reported both developmental and historical effects in a longitudinal and cross-sectional study of women’s career aspirations. Cross-sectional similarities were evidenced in educational and career aspirations; differences were observed in that the younger group had stronger work plans and less traditional career aspirations. Stein, Newcomb, and Bentler (1990) examined relative influences of work and family involvement on self-esteem in a longitudinal sample of 654 young adults tested at ages 17-19 and 21-23. Although adolescent self-esteem was not related to marriage and family involvement in adulthood, such involvement was associated with increased adult self-esteem for men and decreased self-esteem for women. The negative relation of marriage and family involvement to adult self-esteem was not present for women who were working or attending school. Posner and Powell (1990) examined job characteristic preferences in a longitudinal study of 61 college graduates assessedas college seniors and 6 years later. Importance of job characteristics and job benefits varied over time and also varied at the second testing by career attitudes and marital and parental status. Gattiker and Larwood (1990) examined predictors of career achievement in a sample of 215 managers. Demographic and family variables were related both to individuals’ perceptions and to objective indicators of career achievement; the specific predictive variables varied by whether perceived or objective indicators were used. In summary, although longitudinal studies are likely to provide the best tests of developmentally based constructs, most result in descriptions rather than explanations of life-span changes. Further, few of the longitudinal studies explicitly test theoretical propositions. Career Issues in Childhood and Adolescence The primary focus of research on childhood career issues is sex typing of occupations. In contrast, most of the research regarding adolescent

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career development is based upon Super’s theory, particularly in its focus on career maturity and the tasks of the exploration stage. One notable characteristic of this area of research in the past 3 years is the diversity of samples used, thus extending the base of knowledge regarding adolescent career development. Occupational Stereotypes Four studies of sex typing of occupations in the primary and secondary school years suggest differential effects by age and gender and the impact of intervention. Sex typing of occupations occurs early, as Gottfredson predicts, yet also may be amenable to change through parental or school role models. Alpert and Breen (1989) assessedsex typing of occupational tasks and titles in a sample of 1288 lst- through 12th-grade students. Females gave significantly fewer sex-typed responses, particularly in the middle and upper grades; 1st and 2nd graders gave more sex-typed responses. Stockard and McGee (1990) examined occupational perceptions and preferences among 496 4th-grade students; subject gender exerted an independent and more powerful influence on preferences for 21 occupations than did perceptions of the occupations along four job-characteristic dimensions. Bailey and Nihlen (1990) exposed 219 Caucasian and Hispanic 1st to 6th graders to 20 nontraditional workers in the classroom over a school year. Hispanic and younger children were more sex typed on pretest scores. Exposure reduced sex typing of occupations, with older children more influenced, but had no effect on personal career choice. Barak, Feldman, and Noy (1991) found that gender traditionality of 5and 6-year-old children’s interests was related to the traditionality of their mothers’ occupations, but not to traditionality of fathers’ occupations, parents’ sex-role stereotypes, or parents’ employment status. Career Maturity Studies of career maturity focused upon its predictors and its ability to predict other career variables; results generally are not encouraging. Investigations of the construct of career maturity suggest fewer relations with other variables than expected, adding further doubt to the viability of the construct. In a longitudinal study, Niles and Herr (1989) found that 12th-grade achievement, career-related knowledge, and school and employment activities were minimally predictive of age 24-27 exploration and establishment stage career maturity, but not predictive of overall career maturity. King (1989, 1990) reported tests of a causal model of career maturity in two samples. Gender differences were found among 318 boys and girls (King, 1989), and the model explained more variance for girls. In a sample of hearing and hearing-impaired adolescents, King (1990) found more similarities than differences between the two groups and reported that the model explained more variance for the hearing-

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impaired group. However, the amount of variance explained in both studies was fairly small. Westbrook and colleagues (Westbrook & Sanford, 1991; Westbrook, Sanford, & Donnelly, 1990) reported that career maturity scores had little relation to appropriateness of career choice for 9th-grade students. No differences in career maturity scores were found by gender in either study, but Westbrook and Sanford (1991) reported that White students had higher career maturity scores than African-American students. Career Alternatives and Choice In a sample of 40 cancer patients and 40 healthy individuals, Stem, Norman, and Zevon (1991) reported few career-related differences by health status alone. However, for the younger adolescents, healthy subjects had higher career maturity scores than the cancer patients; this pattern was reversed for older adolescents. Cancer patients tended to prematurely foreclose on career choices, which may be adaptive. Lauver and Jones (1991) examined gender and racial-ethnic differences in perceived career options of White, Hispanic, and American Indian 9th and 11th graders. Females indicated more interest in and self-efficacy for crosssex occupations than did males; ethnic differences also were observed, particularly for self-efficacy, with American Indian students lowest. Chiu (1990) reported that sophomores and juniors who were career decisive, as measured by stated career goals, were rated higher in self-esteem by their teachers than those who were indecisive. Career-decisive boys also had higher self-rated self-esteem than career-indecisive boys. Work Values Studies of work values primarily focused on cross-cultural populations. Adolescent work values show gender differences in various countries, which are moderated by age, sex-role attitudes, and cultural factors. Erez, Borochov, and Mannheim (1989) reported that sex-role orientation mediated the relation between gender and preference for socially oriented work values in 484 llth-grade Israeli students: feminine and androgynous subjects had higher preferences. Isralowitz (1989) found no differences in work values or self-esteem in 344 Israeli adolescents whose fathers were either employed or unemployed for more than 1 year. Watson and Stead (1990) found grade, gender, and language group differences in work-role salience of 1467 White South African students in grades 8 to 12. Workrole salience tended to increase across grades, and females and Afrikaansspeaking students were higher than males and English-speaking students. Vondracek, Shimizu, Schulenberg, Hostetler, and Sakayanagi (1990) reported significant differences by country, gender, and grade in work values of 724 American and 1212 Japanese llth- and 12th-grade students, as well as numerous interactions. Leong and Tata (1990) reported gender

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and acculturation differences in work values of 177 Chinese-American 5th- and 6th-grade students. Career Behavior in Early Adulthood Research reviewed in this section includes life-span issues ranging from initial career choice, primarily during college, to initial job choice and entry; this age interval corresponds to Super’s exploration and establishment stagesand Levinson’s early adulthood period. Topics which captured research attention in the past 3 years include career exploration and commitment, family influences on career choice, women’s career choices, traditional and nontraditional careers, plans for work and family activities, and progress in career development. Career Exploration and Commitment Recent studies focused upon further explication of the constructs of exploration and commitment to career choice, examination of the correlates of exploration and commitment, and connections to ego identity development. Blustein, Ellis, and Devenis (1989) developed a model and measures of two dimensions of the process of committing to a career choice: exploration and commitment, and tendency to foreclose. Blustein (1989a,b) reported correlates of career exploration in two studies of college students. Exploration was associated with greater self-efficacy regarding career decision-making and lesser goal-directedness and commitment to career choice (Blustein, 1989a,b). Beliefs in the utility of exploration were related to need for planning (Blustein, 1989a). Neimeyer, Prichard, Berzonsky, and Metzler (1991) found that biased, confirmatory hypothesis testing occurred for occupations judged by students to be personally relevant or irrelevant. Students used both confirmatory and disconfirmatory strategies for moderately relevant occupations. Self-explorers used more evaluative statements than students characterized as diffise or foreclosed. A relatively new direction is the integration of ego identity and career development literatures. Blustein, Devenis, and Kidney (1989) reported that occupational commitment was negatively related to moratorium status, and career exploration was positively related to moratorium and identity-achieved statuses and negatively related to diffusion status. In two samples, Blustein and Phillips (1990) investigated the relation of ego identity to decision-making styles of R. H. Johnson (1978) and Harren (1979). Identity-achieved was associated with rational and systematic styles and foreclosed with dependent. Family Influences on Career Choice The quality and characteristics of students’ relationships with their parents were found to predict career-related progress. Blustein, Walbridge,

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Friedlander, and Palladino (1991) reported that women’s parental attachment and separation were positively related to progress in career commitment and negatively related to foreclosure, whereas men’s attachment to and separation from their fathers were related to progress in career commitment. Neither variable was related to indecision or selfefficacy regarding career decision-making. Kinnier, Brigman, and Noble (1990) reported that age, graduate (vs undergraduate) student status, and individuation from family were negatively related to career indecision. Lopez (1989) proposed that vocational identity was a function of anxiety and academic difficulties occurring within a family context. Independence from parents and marital conflict predicted vocational identity of 299 college students, and trait anxiety and academic adjustment each added significant variance. For both men and women, independence from the opposite-sex parent was the most powerful family predictor of identity; trait anxiety and academic adjustment were more important in predicting women’s identity than men%. Vodanovich and Kramer (1989) reported significant differences between college students and their parents on ratings of six work values; students’ ratings were higher than parents’ ratings. InfIuences on Women’s Career Choices College women’s career development was shown to be influenced by numerous factors, including ability and attitudes, role models, and willingness to take risks. Fassinger (1990) tested a causal model of career choice in two samples of college women. Overall, ability, agentic characteristics, and feminist and family-related orientation predicted career orientation, math orientation, and career choice; however, differences were found between samples on variable means as well as model structure. In a sample of 107 senior women, Hackett, Esposito, and O’Halloran (1989) reported that 10 sources of role model influence were related to career salience, educational aspirations, and nontraditionality of occupational choices and were slightly predictive of choice of major. Greeley (1991) identified six patterns of personal and career identity development for 219 college women, based on measures of autonomy, intimacy, workrole salience, sex-role attitudes, and androgyny. Three of the patterns were characterized by differentially high scores on the measures, whereas the remaining three had mostly low or moderate scores on all measures. Deuce and Hansen (1990) examined willingness to take risks and career choice in two samples of college women. Women high in risk-taking were more likely to consider nontraditional occupations, were less certain about marriage plans or planned a later age of marriage, desired fewer children, and were more likely to be androgynous or instrumental.

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Plans for Work and Family

Several studies examined college students’ attitudes about work and family activities. Stake and Rogers (1989) compared attitudes toward work and family activities among college women and their mothers. Mothers reported more interest, confidence, and support for home activities, and daughters reported equal levels for home and work activities. Cohort differences were strong, with minimal differences due to historical period or to life stage. Stickel and Bonett (1991) reported that women had greater self-efficacy for combining career and family with traditionally female occupations, and men and women had greater self-efficacy for gendertraditional occupations. Spade and Reese (1991) and Machung (1989), using survey and interview data, respectively, reported that both women and men placed equal value on career and family, yet both women and men expected women to take more responsibility for family and men more responsibility for career. DiBenedetto and Tittle (1990) found that men viewed work and family roles as independent domains, whereas women viewed the roles as necessitating a tradeoff. Men’s perceptions of their potential spouses’ work and family roles corresponded to women’s perceptions of their own roles, and women’s perceptions of spouses’ roles corresponded to men’s perceptions of their own roles. B. Jones and McNamara (1991) reported that college students with a high intrinsic religious orientation placed more emphasis on family than career and anticipated that the wife would spend less time in career. Covin and Brush (1991) found that as compared to men, women indicated less traditionally defined gender roles in work and parenting responsibilities, less belief that nonwork issues limit women’s work effectiveness, and greater need for employer and government support for work and family issues. Responses to scenarios depicting work-family decisions varied by these attitudes as well as by gender. Two studies developed measures of attitudes about work and family domains. Gilbert, Dancer, Rossman, and Thorn (1991) developed scales measuring male traditional, female traditional, and male and female atraditional perceptions of involvement in work and family roles. Scores on these scales were related to measures of attitudes toward sex roles, work, and marriage in samples of adolescents and college students. Tipping and Farmer (1991) developed a projective device to measure negative affect associated with conflict from incompatible home and career values; scores were related to women’s perceptions of traditional sex-role attitudes of significant others. Traditional

and Nontraditional

Careers

A considerable amount of research was conducted related to careers characterized by their gender traditionality or as female- or male-domi-

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nated, and the literature has three foci: selection of nontraditional careers, characteristics of individuals in nontraditional careers, and perceptions of nontraditional careers and gender-typed occupations. Selection of nontraditional careers. Several studies identified variables which predicted choice of nontraditional careers. L. Brooks and Betz (1990) applied Vroom’s motivational expectancy theory to likelihood of choosing male- or female-dominated occupations. Strong, consistent gender differences were observed by traditionality of occupations across the dimensions of expectancy, valence, and likelihood of choice. Maple and Stage (1991) tested a model predicting choice of math or science majors using a longitudinal data base consisting of 2456 students studied at three times. Across gender and racial-ethnic groups, math or science majors were predicted by high school choice, math attitudes, and completion of math and science courses. However, many differences existed across subgroups, and the model explained twice as much variance for AfricanAmerican students and for Caucasian males as it did for Caucasian females. Rubenfeld and Gilroy (1991) found that attending a single- or mixedsex high school interacted with sex of siblings in relation to college women’s traditionality and occupational interests. Least traditional were women who had attended single-sex high schools and had mixed-sex siblings. In a sample of 159 Japanese students, Matsui, Ikeda, and Ohnishi (1989) reported that men had equivalent self-efficacy for male- and femaledominated occupations, but women had lower self-efficacy for male-dominated occupations, which was related to fewer role models, lower math self-confidence, and higher self-rated femininity. Betz, Heesacker, and Shuttleworth (1990) found that masculine and androgynous subjects had the best match between their abilities and choices, whereas feminine subjects and those in female-dominated occupations had the poorest match. Gender traditionality of choice and sex-role orientation were unrelated to match between interests and choice. Surprisingly little attention has been directed to men making nontraditional choices. Chusmir (1990) proposed a model to explain men’s choice of nontraditional careers: personal influences are modified by family factors and societal influences, resulting in a nontraditional career choice, which then leads to positive and negative career outcomes. Chusmir (1990) noted that limited occupational sampling in relevant research restricts our knowledge about men’s nontraditional career choices. Characteristics of women and men in nontraditional careers. The topic of characteristics of women in nontraditional careers remains of interest. Chatterjee and McCarrey (1989) reported that women in traditional vs nontraditional training programs rated their own and their peers’ sex-role attitudes as traditional vs nontraditional, respectively. Women in traditional programs were less likely to view potential barriers in nontraditional

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occupations. Fitzpatrick and Silverman (1989) found fewer differences between women in traditional and nontraditional college majors than reported in the 1970s;often, the differences were within the nontraditional group (engineering vs science), suggesting that nontraditional women should not be considered a homogeneous group. Murrell, Frieze, and Frost (1991) reported that college women who chose male-dominated careers had higher occupational aspirations and gave more economic reasons for their choices. Black and White women did not differ in nontraditional plans, although Black women and women who chose nontraditional careers tended to plan for more education than was necessary to achieve their career goals. Mazen and Lemkau (1990) reported significant CPI score differences between women in traditional vs nontraditional blue-collar occupations; however, most of the mean score differences were relatively small. Mansfield, Koch, Henderson, Vicary, Cohn, and Young (1991) examined job climate perceptions of women in nontraditional (trades and transit worker) and traditional (school secretary) occupations. Women in nontraditional jobs reported more adverse working conditions, more job stress, and less job satisfaction; tradeswomen reported the highest levels of sexual harassment and sex discrimination, as well as racial discrimination among Black tradeswomen. Only one study examined characteristics of men in nontraditional occupations. In a large data base, Hayes (1989) found relatively few differences between men in male- vs female-dominated occupations: those in female-dominated occupations had more liberal sex-role attitudes, reported more support for educational goals, and were more likely to have had their father present during early adolescent. They also had lower income, yet had completed more years of education. Perceptions of nontraditional careers and gender-typed occupations. Several studies demonstrated that women and men in nontraditional careers are perceived poorly, suggesting a negative consequence of violating gender norms in occupational choice. Brabeck and Weisgerber (1989) compared subjects’ perceptions of men and women entering careers of elementary or secondary education, or management. Males received lower overall ratings, as did elementary education majors regardless of gender; however, gender had more impact on ratings of subjects low on sex-role egalitarianism. Ward (1991) examined job suitability ratings for men and women in sex-typed blue-collar jobs; subjects rated the job as more suitable for the incumbent if it was sex congruent. Pfost and Fiore (1990) reported that females portrayed as pursuing traditionally male occupations were viewed negatively by both men and women as potential romantic partners. A related area of research examined the effect of shifting gender ratios

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within an occupation, most notably the impact of “feminization” on an occupation’s prestige or desirability. Several studies attempted to replicate Touhey’s (1974) findings that an occupation was devalued when it was portrayed as becoming more female dominated. In a cross-cultural replication in India, Kanekar, Kolsawalla, and Nazareth (1989) reported that both women and men gave higher “respectability” ratings to male than to female incumbents in the same occupations. R. D. Johnson (1991) manipulated the personal relevance of gender shifts by varying whether the shift would occur in the near or distant future; occupations were devalued only by men in the near condition. Finally, Ostertag and McNamara (1991) interpreted gender parity in the field of psychology as due to both the influx of women and the efflux of men. They concluded that the “feminization” of psychology could be viewed as symptomatic of deeper problems within the field, rather than as a problem in and of itself, and they hypothesized several potential positive effects of female domination of psychology. Barnes-Farrell, L’Heureux-Barrett, and Conway (1991) manipulated gender type of job task and occupation to determine their effects on accuracy of task performance evaluations made by 139 college students. Subjects’ assessmentswere more accurate when the task gender was congruent with the. occupation gender. Surprisingly, gender of the job incumbent did not affect performance ratings. Cleveland and Smith (1989) reported that sex type of job title and job content independently contributed to perceptions of the job among 230 students. Masculine titles and jobs with higher proportions of masculine tasks were rated more masculine and more likely to have a male incumbent, and men were rated as more likely to succeed in them. Sex type did not affect estimated salary. Scozzaro and Subich (1990) examined perceptions of 216 college students regarding the availability of intrinsic and extrinsic job rewards in nine sex-typed occupations; ratings of nine rewards differed by subject gender and by sex type of occupation. Female-dominated occupations were perceived as offering pleasant working conditions, male-dominated occupations were perceived as providing pay and promotion opportunities, and neutral occupations were perceived as offering autonomy. McRae (1991) manipulated sex type of job, gender, and race of the applicant; ratings were made by 134 Caucasian managers. All applicants were rated more favorably for the female sex-typed job than for the male sex-typed job, regardless of applicant gender or race. Leong and Hayes (1990) demonstrated gender and racial stereotyping among 194 White students who rated qualifications and probability of success for a hypothetical student. Swanson and Lease (1990) found sex typing in students’ ratings of their own and same-sex peers’ skills; further, women rated peers higher and

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men rated peers lower than themselves. White, Kruczek, Brown, and White (1989) found evidence for decreased sex stereotyping of the 106 occupations on the Strong Interest Inventory. Career Development Progress Differences were found among college students on career-related variables such as vocational identity, realism, work values, perceived barriers, and academic performance and adjustment and by age, gender, academic year, or college major. Poe (1991) reported that vocational identity increased and need for occupational information decreased with year level in a sample of 152 psychology majors; women reported more need for occupational information than did men. Steward and Krieshok (1991) reported a sex by race interaction in vocational identity among graduating college seniors: African-American and Caucasian men had higher scores than Caucasian women and Hispanic men. Bowman and Tinsley (1991) reported that realism about educational plans increased across the college years for 172 African-American students. Realism about expected salary did not differ by year, and satisfaction with school was not related to either type of realism. Ben-Shem and Avi-Itzhak (1991) reported that 8 of 15 work values differed between students in helping professions vs other majors, and Haislett and Hafer (1990) improved the prediction of successful academic performance for freshmen engineering students by adding three items from the Career Decision Scale (Osipow, Carney, Winer, Yanico, and Koschier, 1976) to SAT scores and GPA. Healy (1991) reported relations between anxiety, disruption in decisionmaking, vocational identity, and life satisfaction in a sample of 142 community college students. Healy and Reilly (1989) found age differences in seven career needs of a community college sample; in general, need decreased with age. Women reported greater need to become certain about career plans, and men reported greater need for obtaining jobs. Mauer and Gysbers (1990) cluster analyzed My Vocational Situation items (Holland, Daiger, & Power, 1980) of entering university freshmen and reported career need factors for anxiety, confidence, self-assessment, and occupational information. Swanson and Tokar (1991a) reported that college students perceived a wide variety of career-related barriers, which differed across anticipated career stages, and Swanson and Tokar (1991b) developed an instrument to measure perceptions of 18 career barriers. Gender differences were observed on 6 of the 18 scales.

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Job Choice and Entry

Variables related to initial job choice and entry or transitions from school to work received relatively less research attention than those related to initial career choice. Preentry work experience and matches in values or expectations had positive effects on career perceptions and adjustment. Bimbaum and Somers (1991) reported that relevant preentry work experience was related to postentry job perceptions of 97 early career nurses. Those with experience had a more realistic view of nursing, greater job satisfaction and job involvement, and less discrepancy between real and ideal roles. Feldman and Weitz (1990) examined experiences of 72 college students in summer retailing internships. Positive attitudes toward the internship and toward retailing as a career were predicted by preintemship expectations and internship experiences such as organizational socialization and supervisors’ attitudes and expectations. Enoch (1989) examined the change in occupational values that occurs during professional socialization: compared to social science majors at the same year level, freshman social work students differed in values, and senior social work students were similar in values. One year after graduation, their values were similar to others in the profession. Krau (1989) examined the modification of work values during the transition into employment in a cross-sectional sampling of 930 Israeli high school and university students and adults. He concluded that vocational identity remained relatively stable throughout life stages. West and Rushton (1989) examined the effects of person-environment mismatches in the transition from training to work among 145 students nurses. Individuals with a high desire for control exhibited more emotional frustration, surprise, and personal change when placed in an environment which was characterized by little opportunity for discretion. Osbom (1990) examined factors related to job choice in a sample of 96 graduating seniors who were actively interviewing for jobs. Subjects indicated their personal minimum requirements and the acceptability of each potential job on four dimensions. Rankings of the acceptable jobs 1 month later indicated that the four dimensions decreased in importance, suggesting that the dimensions were no longer considered in job choice decisions if minimum requirements had been met. Early Career Development of Racial-Ethnic

Minorities

A number of models related to career development of racial-ethnic minorities appeared in the past 3 years (Cheatham, 1990; Credle & Dean, 1991; Hawks & Muha, 1991; Martin, 1991). Arbona (1990) reviewed the literature since 1970 related to Hispanics. She concluded that Hispanics had high occupational aspirations but lower expectations, that career pro-

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gression and work values of college-educated Hispanics were similar to Whites, and that educational attainment varied by national origin, generational status, and social class. Several studies documented differences in career variables across racialethnic groups. Arbona and Novy (1991) compared occupational aspirations and expectations among 866 African-American, Mexican-American, and Caucasian freshmen, finding more gender than racial-ethnic differences. Dunn and Veltman (1989) reported that career maturity scores were higher for minority students after participating in a summer preengineering program. Evanoski and Tse (1989) developed a career awareness program for Chinese- and Korean-American parents; the vast majority of participants reported increased knowledge regarding career opportunities. Leong (1991) found that Asian-American students were lower in career maturity and higher in dependent decision-making and extrinsic and security values than Caucasian students. Leong and Sedlacek (1989) reported that 18 of 25 career and academic needs were rated more highly by Asian international students than by American students, and Leong, Malhnckrodt, and Kralj (1990) found greater adjustment difficulties for Asian international graduate students than for American graduate students. Career Development in Middle Adulthood The middle adulthood period spans a wide age range (for example, Levinson’s stage includes ages 40 to 60), and thus includes many careerrelated issues. Unlike early adulthood, however, research related to career behavior in middle adulthood has been studied more extensively by I/O psychologists than by counseling psychologists. This section includes research which has focused on career stage issues, career commitment, career transitions, job insecurity and unemployment, women in management, and career issues of racial-ethnic minorities during middle adulthood. Career Stage Issues C. P. Williams and Savickas (1990) examined the career concerns of 136 upper and middle managers classified as being in Super’s maintenance stage. Six latent categories emerged from a principal components analysis of responses to a free response probe that were classified by 15 judges. Three components (keeping up with new developments, struggling to hold on, and shifting focus) were related to Super’s maintenance stage, and one (preparing for retirement) was related to Super’s disengagement stage. Two categories (continuing education and questioning future direction and goals) were unrelated to Super’s theory, although the latter category was interpreted as representing a transitional period between establishment and maintenance stages.

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Callanan and Greenhaus (1990) tested a model of employee career indecision in a sample of 397 bank managers and professionals. The model posited relations between personal experience and characteristics, shortterm vs long-term career indecision, and career outcomes. They identified seven sources of career indecision and reported moderate support for the model. Career development strategies were examined in two studies. Bierly and Lewis (1989) examined faculty and administrator perceptions of career advancement strategies, reporting agreement on job performance dimensions, and differences on strategies related to power and political behavior. McEnrue (1989) assessedwillingness to use self-development to enhance career progress among 140 university employees and managers. Willingness was predicted by higher organizational commitment and younger age, but not by perceived promotion opportunities nor training needs. Career Commitment

Interest in employees’ level of commitment to their employing organizations traditionally has been the domain of industrial/organizational psychologists, primarily because of the assumed organizational benefits. Recent work, however, has begun to focus on concepts related to but conceptually distinct from organizational commitment (such as career or professional commitment) and has investigated the impact on the employee rather than the organization. Studies of the construct of career commitment, defined as individuals’ attitudes toward their vocation, have examined predictors and correlates of career commitment and demonstrated its distinctiveness from other constructs. Arnold (1990) examined the relative effect of three sets of predictors of career commitment among 92 student nurses. Predictors varied for career commitment assessedon the first day of training and at 4 months and 1 year. Chemiss (1991) conducted a 1Zyear follow-up study of career commitment in a sample of 25 human service professionals. Career commitment was positively related to age, marriage, positive life attitudes, and job satisfaction and negatively related to career change. Interview data indicated that those with high career commitment engaged in challenging work before the present career and professional development experiences, perceived a supportive organizational climate, and characterized their work as interesting. Colarelli and Bishop (1990) found that the career commitment of 426 managers and chemists was predicted by age, internal locus of control, and presence of a mentor. Matsui, Ohsawa, and Onglatco (1991) reported that the career commitment of 412 female Japanese clerical employees was positively predicted by liberal sex-role attitudes, instrumentality, and educational level. Career commitment was examined as a predictor of job change in two studies of female-dominated occupations. Blau (1989) found that career

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commitment was negatively related to turnover among 133 bank tellers; the construct of career commitment was distinct from the constructs of job involvement and organizational commitment. Bedeian, Kemery, and Pizzolatto (1991) reported that the perceived utility of the present job for attaining career outcomes was negatively related to turnover intentions for nurses with high career commitment, whereas this relation was positive for nurses with low career commitment. Morrow and Wirth (1989) studied professional commitment in a sample of 728 university employees. Using a multitrait-multimethod analysis, they reported that professional commitment was defined by two factors (generalized commitment and intention to remain in the profession) and was distinct from the constructs of organizational commitment and job involvement. Reilly and Orsak (1991) examined career vs organizational commitment in 520 nurses. Factor analysis indicated distinctiveness between the constructs; further, as predicted, organizational commitment varied with career stage, whereas career commitment did not. Theories of work importance and career motivation show some similarity to the construct of career commitment. Sverko (1989) developed a model to account for individual differences in the importance attached to work, in which importance is dependent upon an individual’s perception that salient values may be attained through work. In a large Yugoslavian sample spanning from grade 10 through adulthood, work importance was only slightly related to the rated importance of values but more strongly related to the rated attainment potential of values. Noe, Noe, and Bachhuber (1990) developed a measure of London’s (1983) theory of career motivation, consisting of career identity, insight, and resilience. In a sample of 173 professionals, the measure was related to work role salience and perceptions of job characteristics. Career Transitions The study of job/career change has focused upon antecedents and consequences of change, the change process, and the effects on job incumbents of changes in the structure of an occupation. McNeilly and Goldsmith (1991) found that reasons related to turnover intentions differed by gender for 138 sales personnel and was somewhat mediated by job performance. Focusing on the decision to change jobs within an organization, Kirschenbaum (1991) reported that destination factors (new job) consisted mostly of job-related concerns, whereas origin factors (current job) consisted primarily of nonwork factors. Both work and nonwork factors were significant in predicting change decisions. Shamir and Arthur (1989) sampled professionals in Israel who had been reemployed after an average unemployment of 4.3 months. Satisfaction with the new job was negatively related to the magnitude of career change and positively related to the volitionality of change and to the duration

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of unemployment. However, volitionality and length of unemployment did not increase commitment to the new job. West and colleagues examined upward, downward, and lateral career moves in a longitudinal sample of 1082 British managers. West and Nicholson (1989) reported that job change was related to increases in perceived opportunities for growth and material rewards; job immobility was related to decreases in perceived opportunities. West, Nicholson, and Rees (1990) reported that downward moves were related to poorer adjustment and were more likely due to involuntary job loss. Using a complex qualitative methodology with 10 subjects, Chusid and Cochran (1989) reported that career choice and change could be interpreted as the reenactment of previous roles in one’s family of origin. Doering and Rhodes (1989) identified reasons and strategies for career change from interviews with 20 elementary and secondary teachers. Ackerman (1990) examined career transitions in 71 middle-aged women classified into four groups by volitionality of choice (wanting vs forced to leave) and planfulness of transitions (planned vs unplanned). Women who wanted to leave and were planful fared the best in terms of better psychological adjustment, fewer life stressors, more social support, and more financial resources. Similarly, Pliner (1990) constructed a taxonomy of midcareer job transition in the face of downsizing and bailout offers. The four groups were defined by who made the choice (individual vs organization) and the result of the choice (stay vs leave). Hill and Elias (1990) interviewed 113 midcareer managers facing retraining. Potential for advancement and prior training experiences were positively related and seniority was negatively related to self-efficacy regarding future training. Pazy (1990) interviewed 50 research and development professionals and reported that the meaning of obsolescence varied across individuals. Career-stage differences were observed in the meaning of obsolescence, types of available updating resources, and use of resources. Two articles focused specifically on transitions unique to farmers. Hughey, Heppner, Johnston, and Rakes (1989) outlined a career workshop for farm families, including descriptive information related to participants’ career indecision and interest patterns. Heppner, Cook, Strozier, and Heppner (1991) found that men reported greater progress in dealing with career transition stress, more confidence in problem-solving appraisal, and less confusion in vocational identity. Gender differences also were observed in predictors of coping styles, problem solving, and vocational identity. Job Insecurity The effects of job insecurity is a relatively new research area, reflecting changes in organizational structure. Based on interviews with 20 women,

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Earnshaw, Amundson, and Borgen (1990) concluded that five transition stages occurred in response to job insecurity: enthusiasm, disillusionment, remission, realization, and adaptation. Kuhnert, Sims, and Lahey (1989) found significant negative relations between perceived job security and mental health in 201 employees of two manufacturing organizations. Kuhnert and Palmer (1991) reported that perceived job security among 104 state employees was related to both intrinsic and extrinsic work variables; intrinsic variables were stronger predictors than extrinsic variables. Further, perceived job security was the strongest predictor of psychological and physical health. Roskies and Louis-Guerin (1990) examined antecedents and consequences of job insecurity in a sample of 1291 managers, drawn from one low-risk and two high-risk companies. Perceptions of job insecurity, but not actual job insecurity, were related to poor psychological health. Interestingly, only a small minority of managers were seriously concerned about imminent job loss, even in the high-risk companies; however, many more were concerned about deterioration in working conditions and long-term job security. Unemployment Vocational psychology traditionally has not examined issues related to job loss; however, as with job insecurity, unemployment is an increasing concern for blue-collar workers and professionals. E. H. Schein (1990) proposed that temporary unemployment be redefined as an inevitable and normal condition in the lifespan. Research related to unemployment has provided evidence of the consequences of job loss and predictors of reemployment. Caplan, Vinokur, Price, and van Ryn (1989) conducted a well-designed field experiment to investigate the impact of an intervention on coping with job loss; 928 recently unemployed adults were randomly assigned to experimental or control conditions. The experimental treatment consisted of eight 3-h sessions focusing on job search training, social support, and setback inoculation. Post-test measures were administered 1 month and 4 months after the intervention. Subjects in the treatment group reported higher quality reemployment (earnings and job satisfaction), or higher motivation for those still unemployed. Davy, Kinicki, and Scheck (1991) proposed a model for survivors of layoffs; the model was tested with 88 employees before and after a scheduled layoff. Perceived control and input were related to perceived fairness of the layoff and job satisfaction. Fairness and job security were related to job satisfaction. Job satisfaction served as a mediating variable between control, fairness, security, and organizational commitment, which in turn affected turnover intentions. Kinicki (1989) studied 126 employees 1 month prior to involuntary job loss to determine predictors of future role choices. Vroom’s expectancy valence model was not predictive of behavioral job search intentions and expected job attainment efforts, whereas

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a behavioral choice model was predictive of these criteria. Expectations of getting a job were negatively related to age and education and positively related to self-esteem and anticipation of job loss. Kinicki and Latack (1990) developed five coping scales related specifically to job loss; the scales were related to appraisal process and coping resources, but not to stress. Leana and Feldman (1990) examined responses to job loss among 198 steelworkers and 163 space shuttle employees. Financial distress and job attachment were the strongest predictors of negative job loss reactions; mixed results were found for company-provided assistance, length of unemployment, and coping strategies. Leana and Feldman (1991) explored gender differences in perceptions and reactions to job loss and coping strategies. No differences were found in amount of distress symptoms. Men reported using more problem-focused coping and women reported more symptom-focused coping. Mallinckrodt (1990) reported a follow-up study of 24 unemployed professionals over the age of 40. Satisfaction with current job vs retrospective satisfaction varied by the aspect of job satisfaction being measured for the 16 reemployed subjects. Age, self-esteem, and internal locus of control assessed1 year previously was positively related to job satisfaction. No differences were found between reemployed and unemployed subjects on initial age, depression, self-esteem, locus of control, or financial concerns. Allan (1990) examined job search experiences of 348 members of a self-help job club for managers and professionals over the age of 40. Most (54%) experienced involuntary job loss; 24% still were unemployed after a 2-year period. Reemployment often was in nonmanagerial positions or lower levels of management, in smaller organizations, or self-employment. Hamilton, Broman, Hoffman, and Renner (1990) examined the effects of actual and anticipated unemployment on mental health using a sample of 1597 workers from 4 closing and 12 nonclosing auto production plants interviewed 3 months before scheduled closings. Workers who already were laid off were more affected than those anticipating layoffs or a control group; effects varied by gender, marital status, and race. Kessler, Turner, and House (1989) reported that unemployment distress and differential reemployment were not attributable to baseline distress before unemployment; reemployment contributed to recovery from unemploymentrelated distress. L. P. Jones (1989) developed a typology of responses to unemployment based on interviews with 153 adults. Level of depression was used to dichotomize favorable vs unfavorable adaptations: favorable reactions were further typed as unaffected, blessing in disguise, and cyclers (within occupations with predictable fluctuations), and unfavorable reactions were typed as anxious but coping, and dysfunctional.

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Career Issues of Women Several studies responded to recent media reports on the flight of women MBAs from organizations. In two articles, Rosin and Korabik (1990,199l) examined family and workplace factors, respectively, in women’s intentions to leave. In a sample of 391 women MBAs, Rosin and Korabik (1990) reported that family obligations were influential for women who were working part-time or unemployed, whereas gender-related factors were influential for women who were self-employed or who wished to quit their full-time jobs; these women had the fewest family obligations. In a subsample of 306 women who were working full time for others, Rosin and Korabik (1991) found that intention to leave was related to job characteristics, unmet expectations, office politics and a male-dominated environment, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment. Rosen, Miguel, and Peirce (1989) surveyed 284 CEOs and human resource managers in Fortune 500 companies. Over 50% reported difficulties in attracting and retaining female managers and professionals. The most serious reported career problems for women were organizational politics and nonsupportive environments, lack of career development opportunities, and family conflicts. Nkomo and Cox (1989) examined career mobility of 283 African-American managers. Compared to men, women were younger, lower in seniority and salary, higher on job performance ratings, and more satisfied with their rate of promotion. The number and rate of promotions and present management level did not differ. Nine of 11 variables predicting promotion rate differed by gender, suggesting that different factors operated in upward mobility for Black men and women. Johnsrud and Wunsch (1991) examined perceptions of barriers in academia among 44 faculty women participating in a mentoring program. Senior faculty anticipated more difficulties for the junior women than the latter did for themselves, and differences existed between the two groups in which barriers were rated as most important. Perceptions of women as managers. Several studies replicated and extended V. E. Schein’s (1973, 1975) findings regarding women and managers, in which ratings of “successful middle managers” were very similar to ratings of “men in general,” but only slightly similar to ratings of “women in general.” Among 228 college students, V. E. Schein, Mueller, and Jacobson (1989) reported that women’s ratings were less stereotypic but men’s ratings were virtually the same as compared to previous studies. Similarly, Brenner, Tomkiewicz, and V. E. Schein (1989) reported that male middle managers continued to hold stereotypic views, while female managers did not sex-type managerial positions. Heilman, Block, Martell, and Simon (1989) found nearly identical results under Schein’s conditions in a sample of 268 male managers. Ratings of four additional targets

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(female and male managers, female and male successful managers) revealed that the correspondence between various ratings increased dramatically when women were portrayed as successful managers; however, women still were portrayed differently than were men as managers, particularly on attributes central to managerial performance. In related research, Dion and Schuller (1990) reported that women described as using the title “Ms.” were perceived more similarly to successful, middle managers than women using a more traditional title of address. Ware and Cooper-Studebaker (1989) reported that female undergraduate and MBA students held more favorable attitudes toward women as managers; graduate students were more likely to view women as possessing necessary traits for management. Westman and Etzion (1990) compared responses to four vignettes of female and male managers in a sample of 233 Israeli management students. Career successwas viewed as causing personal failure, although the personal price paid for career success varied by vignette. A young woman and man were perceived as paying a higher price in marital and social domains than a mature woman and man, and a young woman was perceived as paying a higher price than a young man. Two studies tested the assumption that an androgynous management style is preferable. Bar& Elbert, Mahar-Potter, and Reavy (1989) examined effectiveness and satisfaction with supervision in a sample of 65 supervisors and 561 of their subordinates; each supervisor also was rated by two superiors. Women high on masculinity were rated more effective, and women high on femininity received higher satisfaction ratings from their subordinates. Contrary to predictions, androgynous and undifferentiated managers were rated by their superiors as least effective. Powell and Butterfield (1989) analyzed two samples of business students collected in the 1970s and the 1980s. Each subject rated sex-role attitudes for her/himself and a “good manager.” Subjects rated the good manager higher on masculinity than on femininity, and the good manager was classified as masculine by over half of the subjects. Career Issues of Racial-Ethnic Minorities Organizations that are responsive to racial-ethnic minorities may have positive effects on majority and minority managers. Burke reported that Caucasian managers who perceived their organization as more responsive and positive for minorities were themselves more satisfied and more committed (Burke, 1991b). Minority managers (mostly Asian and East Indian) who perceived positive treatment by the organization also were more satisfied, committed, and integrated (Burke, 1991a). Greenhaus, Parasuraman, and Wormley (1990) examined a model of racial effects on organizational experiences and outcomes among 814 African-American and 814 Caucasian managers. Black managers reported

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less job discretion, less acceptance and more career dissatisfaction, received lower performance evaluations and promotability ratings, and were more likely to be at career plateaus. D. A. Thomas (1990) studied mentoting experiences of 88 Black and 107 White managers within one organization. Only one White protege reported a cross-race relationship, as compared to 63% of Black proteges. Same-race mentors provided more psychosocial support than cross-race mentors. Watts and Carter (1991) found that racial identity attitudes were related to perceptions of racial climate and personal discrimination among 142 Black civil service employees. Career Behavior in Late Adulthood The late adulthood stage is characterized by Super’s stages of maintenance and decline, during which time individuals make the transition out of work roles. The literature reviewed in this section deals with the career development of older workers and retirement issues. Older Workers Studies of older workers focused primarily on perceptions of jobs held by older workers and age-related changes in job performance. Two studies suggested that worker age had positive effects on perceptions of jobs. Avolio and Waldman (1989) obtained importance ratings of six skill categories for 197 male mining managers from 55 superiors. Ratings varied by the age of the rater and of the job incumbent. Safety and interpersonal skills were rated as more important for older workers and by older raters, and technical skills were rated as less important for older workers and by older raters. The age of the rater and ratee added only a small amount of unique variance above that due to job-related factors. Cleveland and Hollmann (1990) examined the effects of incumbent age and age type of job tasks on job perceptions of 57 college students. The job was rated as more appropriate for older workers as the proportion of older job incumbents increased, and ratings of the job’s worth increased as the proportion of older-typed tasks increased. Age effects in performance and productivity were examined in samples of faculty, managers, and nonmanagers; relatively little age-related decrement was found. Homer, Murray, and Rushton (1989) analyzed crosssectional and 2- to 15-year longitudinal teaching effectiveness ratings in a sample of 106 academic psychologists aged 26 to 55. The overall crosssectional correlation between age and general teaching effectiveness was - .33; age accounted for 8% of the variance in longitudinal teaching effectiveness ratings. J. E. Jones, W. P. Jones, and Preusz (1991) examined publication productivity in a sample of 489 dental school faculty, reporting a positive association between years in occupation and number of research publications. Peaks in productivity occurred at 6-10 years and over 21 years of work experience. Over (1989) analyzed authors’ ages in

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psychology publications defined as high impact or low impact based on frequency of citation. Age was not significantly related to impact: younger authors were overrepresented among both the high- and low-impact articles. Streufert, Pogash, Piasecki, and Post (1990) examined age-related performance of middle-level managers in a decision-making simulation. While the young and middle age groups performed similarly across 15 dimensions, the older groups made fewer decisions, were less strategic and less responsive to information, and engaged in more irrelevant group discussion. However, the older groups used opportunities as well and handled an emergency situation as effectively as the two younger groups. Avolio and McDaniel (1990) found that experience was a better predictor of work performance than age in a U.S. Employment Service data base of 24,219 individuals in nonmanagerial jobs. The relations differed somewhat by occupational type, and consistent plateauing effects were observed for age and experience. Retirement Issues Research related to retirement has been influenced by demographic changes in the workforce and federal legislation. First, planned workforce reductions due to corporate reorganization have prompted researchers to examine the impact of early retirement incentives. Second, an opposing change indicated by predictions of a considerably reduced labor force by the year 2000 has resulted in research attention to maximizing the productivity of older workers and extending retirement to a later age. Finally, the federal Age Discrimination in Employment Act abolished mandatory retirement for most employees, making the decision to retire more of a voluntary choice for individuals. Four types of research are included in this section: attitudes toward and adjustment to retirement, work and leisure experiences in retirement, reentering the labor force after retirement, and early retirement and involuntary retirement. Attitudes toward and adjustment to retirement. A number of studies focused on the prediction and measurement of retirement attitudes and adjustment. Anson, Antonovsky, Sagy, and Adler (1989) reported that Israeli women and married subjects anticipated greater gains from entering retirement than did men and single subjects. Proximity of one’s children was differentially related to perceived gains from entering retirement, particularly for women, Erdner and Guy (1990) surveyed 201 female teachers aged 23 to 65 regarding attitudes toward retirement. Teachers with strong work identity, assessedby inclusion of “teacher” as 1 of 20 responses to the question “Who am 1,” had more positive attitudes toward retirement. One intriguing finding was that 54% of the sample did not include “teacher” as part of their identity responses. Kragie, Gerstein, and Lichtman (1989) investigated the occurrence of retirement planning in four areas: income, health, work/leisure, and interpersonal relation-

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ships. Only income and work/leisure planning were predicted by demographic variables. Hanisch and Hulin (1990, 1991) examined retirement as a special case of organizational withdrawal and provided evidence for two separate components: work withdrawal (e.g., absenteeism and lateness) and job withdrawal (e.g., desire to retire and intended retirement age). Predictors of work and job withdrawal differed for academic vs nonacademic university employees. Rosen and Jerdee (1989) surveyed 600 human resource managers and reported that they perceived little flexibility in retirement policies and little support from top management for such flexibility. Need for flexible policies was endorsed more frequently by managers in smaller organizations, those with older work forces, those in a growth vs decline stage, and those in education, nonprofit, professional, or service organizations (vs industrial or manufacturing organizations). Retirement anxiety was the focus of two studies. Fletcher, and Hansson (1991) developed an instrument to measure the social components of retirement anxiety, reporting validity evidence from a series of four studies involving 692 subjects aged 25 to 76. Four factors were identified: social integration and identity, social adjustment/hardiness, anticipated social exclusion, and lost friendships. The scale showed predicted relations to convergent and discriminant criteria. Fretz, Kluge, Ossana, Jones, and Merikangas (1989) reported that preretirement anxiety was predicted by low self-efficacy, self-reported health problems, and low planfulness, over and above demographic variables. Preretirement depression was predicted by low self-efficacy and planfulness. No differences were found by immediacy to actual retirement. Bosse, Aldwin, Levenson, Workman-Daniels, and Ekerdt (1990) reported that retirees and workers differed in the amount of reported social support, but not in the rated quality of social support. The total group of retirees reported fewer co-workers as friends or confidants and were less likely to talk to co-workers about problems, but recent retirees did not differ from workers in the number of co-workers reported as friends or confidants. Work and leisure experiences in retirement. Active involvement in work or volunteer roles appears to be beneficial for retirees. Fischer, Rapkin, and Rappaport (1991) studied the experiences of 169 older community volunteers. Men were more likely than women to be in volunteer leadership roles, and gender differences were found in perceptions of leadership experiences. Work history was a significant predictor of perceptions of leadership for men: men with prestigious preretirement histories perceived volunteer roles as less influential than men with lower status preretirement jobs. Cohen-Mansfield (1989) examined experiences of employment and volunteering roles among 169 Israelis. Workers were more

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likely to be older and male than were nonworkers, whereas volunteers were more likely to be female. Reasons for involvement differed with the type of role, but active involvement in either role was related to more education and greater life satisfaction. Similarly, Duncan and Whitney (1990) reported that satisfaction with and interest in daily life was higher for individuals over age 55 who were still employed or who volunteered than among homemakers or retirees and was higher for those employed full-time than part-time. Reentering the labor force after retirement. Several studies examined the reasons that retirees reenter the labor force. Fontana and Frey (1990) examined the perceptions of 180 workers who reentered the labor force. Financial need was the primary reason for returning to work; only 2% reported difficulty in finding work. Subjects reported positive feelings about their new employers and jobs and believed that their employers viewed them positively. Herzog, House, and Morgan (1991) examined the relation of work and retirement to health and well-being in a sample of 1339 individuals aged 55 or older. Contrary to previous general results indicating little relation between these variables, they reported that the match between one’s preferences and actual work patterns was related to higher levels of physical and psychological well-being; these results did not differ by gender, occupation, or age. McNaught, Barth, and Henderson (1989) analyzed data from a survey of 1751 men aged 55 to 64 and 1758 women aged 50 to 59 to estimate the potentially available older work force; their estimates ranged from 1.1 million to 1.9 million (of 8.2 million potential). Their results also addressed some employer myths about older workers, demonstrating that older workers possess desirable job skills, want additional income, retired involuntarily or retired voluntarily under conditions that have changed, and are willing to take less prestigious jobs without benefits. Reported life satisfaction was higher for those working than for those not working. Rife and First (1989) interviewed 73 discouraged unemployed workers (53% men), aged 50 to 74. The majority (67%) believed that their continued unemployment was due to their age. Although they reported high levels of work ethic, work identification, and life aspirations, they also were mildly depressed and dissatisfied and reported financial difficulties. Age, education, and length of unemployment were differentially related to depression, level of financial problems, and use of unemployment social services. Early retirement and involuntary retirement. Early retirement was perceived positively by many retirees, but may have some of the same negative effects as involuntary retirement. Hanks (1990) interviewed 60 individuals who had accepted early retirement incentives. The majority (72%) reported satisfaction with retirement; health was related to satisfaction. Incentives were a bonus or the deciding factor for 55% of the

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subjects, but 32% felt pushed out with no alternative to retirement. McGoldrick and Cooper (1990) studied 1207 men in the United Kingdom who had retired early. A factor analysis of assessedreasons resulted in 13 factors, encompassing retirement opportunities, work-related reasons, and financial and health issues. Scores on the 13 factors varied by social class status and voluntary vs involuntary retirement. Swan, Dame, and Carmelli (1991) examined involuntary retirement in a sample of 1103 men (mean age = 72); Type A behavior had been assessed27 years earlier as part of a cardiovascular disease study. Men identified as Type A reported more involuntary retirement, different reasons for retirement, and poorer perceived health than those identified as Type B. Further, involuntary retirement was related to depression, poorer physical status, and poorer retirement adjustment, regardless of Type A status. RECIPROCAL INTERACTION OF WORK AND NONWORK Acknowledgment of the reciprocal influence of work and nonwork domains is relatively recent and may have been prompted in part by the influx of women into the labor force. In spite of its recency, a flurry of research activity has addressed important issues; this section includes literature related to relations between work and nonwork domains, work and well-being, dual-earner issues, work-family conflict, effects of multiple roles, dual-career issues, and work and nonwork stress, social support, and coping. Relations between Work and Nonwork Domains Studies of the linkages between work and nonwork provided evidence of the distinctiveness of perceptions and behavior in the two domains and of the process of identification with work and nonwork roles. Brook and Brook (1989) used a repertory grid technique to explore the distinction between work and nonwork activities among 144 adults in five occupations. Differentiation was greatest when work was less structured and time constrained, or less physically active, and when nonwork did not involve other people nor challenging and goal-directed activities and was perceived as relaxing, freely chosen, varied, and not time constrained. Several studies have examined individuals’ work and nonwork identifications. Bielby and Bielby (1989) analyzed data from the 1977 Quality of Employment Survey to examine commitment to work and family identities. They concluded that women gave more priority to family in balancing work and family, whereas men had more flexibility to develop independent work and family identities. Interestingly, these results converge with those reported earlier by DiBenedetto and Tittle (1990), in which work and family roles were viewed as a balance or tradeoff by women and as independent dimensions by men. Gecas and Seff (1990) reported that the

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relation between self-esteem and social class was moderated by role identification in a sample of 228 midcareer men: social class and job-related factors had more effect on self-esteem when work was central, whereas family factors had more effect on self-esteem when nonwork was central. Chusmir and colleagues reported that women and men were similar in attitudes and conflict resolution styles at work, but differed at home. Chusmir and Mills (1989) reported no gender differences in conflict resolution styles at work or at home when job level was controlled; both were more likely to use a competitive style at work than at home and an accommodating style at home than at work. Job level interacted with collaborative and conflict-avoidance styles. Chusmir and Parker (1991) found that values were similar for men and women at work, but differed at home; further, work versus home values differed for men and women. Work and Leisure Similar processes may occur in leisure and in work, and leisure experiences may ameliorate work stress. Cunningham (1989) reported significant negative relations between satisfaction with leisure and measures of stress and psychological, interpersonal, and physical strain in a sample of 86 therapeutic recreation professionals. Csikszentmihalyi and LeFevre (1989) sampled daily experiences of 78 adult workers for 1 week. Experiences characterized by high challenge and high use of skills were rated as higher quality, regardless of whether in work or in leisure; the majority of these experiences occurred at work. Individuals were more motivated in leisure than in work, regardless of quality. Miller (1991) found a moderate degree of congruence between summary Holland codes derived from the Self-Directed Search and from the Leisure Activities Finder (Holmberg, Rosen, & Holland, 1991) among 70 counseling graduate students. Liptak (1991a,b) outlined connections between leisure and work, focusing on leisure interests as untapped resources for unemployed individuals. Work and Well-Being Several studies demonstrated effects of work satisfaction on individuals’ well-being. Tait, Padgett, and Baldwin (1989) reviewed 34 studies (combined n = 19,811) which reported correlations between job and life satisfaction. In contrast to previous reviews, their meta-analytic results suggested a considerable relation between satisfaction with work and nonwork (r = .44). Differences in the relation for men and women were related to publication date: the correlation for men (r = .40) was greater than that for women (I = .20) prior to 1974, but the correlations were similar (r = .37 and .39, respectively) after 1974. Crohan, Antonucci, Adelmann, and Coleman (1989) examined gender and racial-ethnic differences in the relation between job characteristics and well-being at midlife among 811 individuals in two samples collected

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in the 1970s. Job satisfaction and marital status were related to well-being across four groups (African-American/Caucasian, men/women); some differences existed within the four groups. In a sample of 1145 Army wives, Rosen, Ickovics, and Moghadam (1990) reported that time spent in employment and actual vs ideal employment time were related to role satisfaction, which in turn was related to well-being. Satisfaction with career development prospects had a significant direct impact on well-being. Parasuraman, Greenhaus, Rabinowitz, Bedeian, and Mossholder (1989) examined the impact of wives’ employment on husbands’ well-being in a sample of 413 accountants. Men with employed wives reported lower job satisfaction and quality of life; however, the effect of wife’s employment on job satisfaction was explained by amount of time men spent on work. Arnold (1989) examined career decidedness and well-being in a twocohort longitudinal sample of 317 undergraduates and recent graduates. Decidedness and well-being were significantly related, particularly for subjects at the time of graduation. Winefield and Tiggemann (1990) reported a longitudinal study of 672 Australian young adults tested during high school and again 2 and 3 years after leaving school. Unemployed subjects had lower self-esteem and greater depression, negative mood, and external locus of control than employed subjects. This difference was not due to deterioration in unemployed subjects, but rather to improvement in employed subjects. Work and Family The importance of enhancing work and family connections is gaining considerable attention in the psychological literature, as evidenced by recent articles in the American Psychologist (Starr, Phillips, & McCartney, 1989; Zedeck & Mosier, 1990) and a 1990 special issue of the Journal of Family Issues regarding workplace family policies. The increase in the proportion of dual-earner households in the past 15 years has prompted a series of research questions regarding work and home interface. Studies reviewed in this section focused on working mothers, child care issues, and division of household responsibilities. Working Mothers Studies of working women with children have focused on motivations for working, attitudes held by other people, and interaction of children and career. Cotton, Antill, and Cunningham (1989) surveyed 166 Australian women with preschool children and found that mothers with high work attachment cited more nonfinancial (i.e., intrinsic) reasons for working, those with low work attachment cited financial reasons, and those with moderate work attachment cited equal numbers of financial and nonfinancial reasons. Husbands cited similar but less diverse reasons for

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their wives working. The measure of work attachment (Cotton, Antill, & Cunningham, 1990), designed to more accurately reflect continuity and intensity of work experience, demonstrated predicted relations with demographic variables. Etaugh and colleagues tested perceptions of “mother” stimulus persons by manipulating characteristics such as employment status, occupational prestige, and marital status. In three samples of college students and adults, mothers who were employed tended to gain in ratings of competence, but lose in ratings of family orientation, compared to mothers who were not employed (Etaugh & Nekolny, 1990; Etaugh & Poertner, 1991; Etaugh & Study, 1989). Three studies examined the interaction of children and career for professional women. Toren (1991) found that scholarly productivity among 42 Israeli full professors was not related to number of children; women who were single and without children had lower publication rates than did married women with children. Grant, Simpson, Rong, and Peters-Golden (1990) interviewed 57 female and 147 male early-career physicians. Number of work hours did not vary by gender, but did show a gender by parenthood interaction, with mothers working the fewest hours. Discrepancy between preferred and actual work hours was smallest for mothers and largest for fathers, suggesting differences in satisfaction with workfamily balance. Cooney and Uhlenberg (1989) analyzed 1980 U.S. Census data to examine marital and childbearing patterns for women in law, medicine, and postsecondary teaching. All three groups had lower marriage and childbearing rates than the general population. Intergroup differences revealed that physicians were more likely to marry and have children, and lawyers had higher divorce and lower remarriage rates. Child Care Issues

Several studies examined the impact of child care on work behavior and attitudes. Goff, Mount, and Jamison (1990) reported that use of a child care center at work did not reduce work-family conflict nor parental absenteeism. However, support from supervisors regarding family issues and satisfaction with child care, regardless of location, was related to lower work-family conflict, which in turn was related to less absenteeism. Kossek (1990) reported that women and employees experiencing problems with child care arrangements had less favorable attitudes toward managing work and family responsibilities; these attitudes were related to absenteeism. Haas (1990) analyzed data from a 1986 study of 319 sets of new parents in Sweden; fathers who took parental leave were more likely to be involved in child care and to reduce their work involvement. Mothers retained primarily responsibility for child care and remained less involved and rewarded in the labor market, regardless of fathers’ participation in parental leave.

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Division of Household Responsibilities Interest in household division of labor has stemmed from hypotheses about its effect on women’s multiple role stress, work-family conflict, and career progress (Hochschild, 1989). Biernat and Wortman (1991) examined household and child care responsibilities among faculty and business women who were married with small children. Women did considerably more home and child-care tasks, yet were generally satisfied with the division of labor and tended to be self-critical about their home performance. For the faculty women and their husbands, the longer each spouse worked, the more child care was done by the other spouse. No relation was found between work hours and division of child care for the businesswomen. Three studies of time use revealed that women have decreased time spent on household work since the 197Os,particularly in response to time spent at work, and men have increased time spent on household work. Men’s increased participation may be primarily on weekends and in specific activities, and does not necessarily vary with their wives’ employment status (Douthitt, 1989; Shelton, 1990; Zick & McCullough, 1991). Gunter and Gunter (1990) reported that sex-role orientation was related to household tasks in 139 couples. Although women did more household tasks than men, the discrepancy was greatest for couples with a masculine husband. Both spouses did more household tasks in couples with an androgynous or feminine husband, and androgynous subjects reported less conflict over tasks. Work-Family Conflict Research on work-family conflict has delineated contributing factors, expanded the conceptualization of work-family conllict, and refined the measurement of work-family conflict. Two studies examined different sources of work-family conflict. Greenhaus, Parasuraman, Granrose, Rabinowitz, and Beutell (1989) reported that work-related pressures predicted time- and strain-based work-family conflict differently for dualcareer men and women. Conflict for men was lowest when both partners had high job involvement and was higher for men and women when both partners placed a higher priority on their own careers or when both placed a higher priority on their partner’s careers. Similarly, Loerch, Russell, and Rush (1989) reported differential effects of family variables on employed men’s and women’s perceptions of three types of time-, strain-, and behavior-based work-family conflict. Duxbury and Higgins (1991) examined gender differences in antecedents and consequences of work-family conflict among 240 professionals with dual-career spousesand children, testing an extension of a model proposed by Kopelman, Greenhaus, and Connolly (1983). Analysis of path-analytic

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coefficients corresponding to relations between expectations about conflict and involvement in separate work and family domains, work-family conflict, and quality of work and family life revealed 11 of 17 gender comparisons were significant. Gutek, Searle, and Klepa (1991) tested two competing frameworks for predicting work-family conflict; in the rational view, conflict is linearly related to total amount of time spent in paid work and family activities, while gender and gender-role expectations moderate the relation between hours spent and perceived conflict in the gender-role view. A unique feature of this study was inclusion of two separate measures of workfamily conflict: work interference with family and family interference with work. Data from 423 psychologists and 209 senior managers suggested that both of the frameworks received partial support. Both men and women reported substantially more work interference with family than family interference with work. Women reported more work interference with family than men, even though they spent similar amounts of time at work, and women and men reported equal family interference with work, even though women spent more time than men in family activities. Burley (1991) examined role overload (number of hours engaged in family and paid work) and equity (discrepancy between partners in family and paid work) as factors in the spillover of family activities into work activities among the 277 psychologists from Gutek et al.% sample who were in dualcareer relationships. Family work time and family work discrepancy were related to higher family-work spillover for women; neither were related to spillover for men. Small and Riley (1990) developed a multidimensional measure of work spillover into family life. They performed a multitrait-multimethod analysis of data from a sample of 130 bank executives and their wives and found support for three hypothesized processes of spillover (time, energy, and psychological interference), but not for four hypothesized roles (marital relations, parent-child relations, leisure, household tasks). Greenglass (1990) found that Type A behavior was related to conflict between work and family roles in a sample of 80 women faculty; number of hours spent on home and work predicted Type A scores. Wiersma and van den Berg (1991) sampled 208 men and women in dual-career families; women reported more work-family conflict, which was partially explained by greater household responsibilities. Work-family conflict was negatively related to family climate for both men and women. Powell and Posner (1989) examined commitment to career versus family and home in a sample of 154 MBA students with full-time jobs. Women were more likely than men to perceive spillover of work-related activities and concerns into their nonwork domain. Men and women did not differ in ratings of whether most of their life satisfaction derived from home or career. Kinnier, Katz, and Berry (1991) explored the resolution of “career

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versus family” conflict in married couples with children. Individuals who were more resolved were less worried about the conflict, had higher selfesteem, and were more satisfied with various aspects of their lives. Women were more satisfied with their lives, reported being more resolved, and used more conflict-resolution strategies. Effects of Multiple Roles Research on the impact of occupying multiple life roles (e.g., worker, parent, spouse) has focused primarily on women and has examined mental health effects. Earlier research simply counted the number of roles in which people were occupied; more recent efforts have investigated the quality of the occupied roles. Amatea and Fong (1991) examined the influence of role stressors and personal resources on level of stress in 117 faculty women. Role stressors alone predicted little of the variance in perceived stress, yet role stressors plus personal resources predicted 51% of the variance. Higher levels of personal control and social support and a greater number of roles were associated with lower strain symptoms. Coverman (1989) distinguished between role conflict and role overload in a sample of 936 married employed adults. Role conflict decreased men’s and women’s job satisfaction and men’s marital satisfaction and increased women’s stress symptoms; role overload had no effects on satisfaction or stress. Kibria, Bamett, Baruch, and Pleck (1990) reported that perceived quality of employed women’s homemaking role was positively related to psychological well-being and negatively related to psychological distress, regardless of perceived quality of paid work roles. The negative relation between homemaking and distress was weaker for older women than for younger women. Voydanoff and Donnelly (1989) found that satisfaction and strains with work and family roles were similar across gender for 630 adults, yet women reported higher levels of anxiety and depression. Experience within roles was more predictive of distress than role occupancy per se, but gender remained consistently related to distress regardless of role occupancy or experiences. K. J. Williams, Suls, Alliger, Learner, and Wan (1991) sampled the behavior of 20 women eight times a day for 8 days to examine effects of juggling multiple role demands. Juggling had an immediate negative impact on affect, but dissipated quickly. Interrole juggling was associated with more negative affect than intrarole juggling. Helson, Elliott, and Leigh (1990) tested the “enhancement model” of multiple roles in a longitudinal sample of women first studied as college seniors and again in their 40s. No advantage was found for the actual number of roles held at Time 2, controlling for Time 1 psychological health. However, quality of roles (marital satisfaction and work status) was associated with positive outcomes. Further, the particular combination

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of roles (parent, worker, spouse) appeared to be an important factor. Tiedje, Wortman, Downey, Emmons, Biemat, and Lang (1990) investigated the assumption that both conflict and enhancement may be derived from multiple roles using a sample of 158 married women faculty and managers with preschool children. Those high on enhancement and low on conflict scored the highest on measures of mental health and role satisfaction, while those low on enhancement and high on conflict scored lowest, thereby providing support for the independence of these two dimensions (vs bipolar anchors on a continuum). Jackson and Sullivan (1990) examined 331 undergraduates’ perceptions of men and women in work, parental, and marital multiple roles. Men and women in identical role combinations were perceived similarly; the observed differences suggested that a combination of traditional and nontraditional roles enhanced perceptions of competence and other gendertyped traits, particularly for women. Those in more roles were more favorably perceived, and favorable perceptions were influenced most by work roles and least by parental roles. Participation in parental roles was primarily responsible for perceptions of role overload. Dual-Career Issues Research related to dual-career couples often has as its focus a specific outcome variable, such as work-family conflict or division of household responsibility. However, several studies focused on within-couple variables, such as effects unique to dual-career couples, or impact on marital interaction. Rosin (1990) interviewed 15 dual-career men with children under age 18 and identified positive effects of wives’ career participation on men’s career satisfaction. Most men reported high levels of career, marital, and family satisfaction; men who were dissatisfied seemed to implicate the effects of wives’ career participation only in the marital domain. Dissatisfaction appeared to be associated with disruption in the initial “marital contract. ” V. G. Thomas (1990) studied dual-career issues in 41 African-American couples. She found problems similar to those expressed by Caucasian couples, plus additional issues related to tension due to spillover of racial discrimination at work and competition and resentment resulting from perceptions that Black women have more opportunity than Black men. Other issues related to being the first generation of Black career professionals, such as guilt stemming from success and social isolation. Guelzow, Bird, and Koball (1991) presented and tested a model of the dual-career stress process in a sample of 312 individuals. Path-analytic results differed for men and women. No relation was found between the age of children and role strain, parental stress, and distress for women. For men, flexible work scheduling was related to lower marital, parental,

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and professional stress and lower distress. They concluded that more differences than similarities existed by gender. Three studies examined whether women’s career involvement provided equity of resources or power within the marital relationship. Sexton and Perlman (1989) focused on marital influence as a function of career orientation and sex-role attitudes in 50 dual-career and 50 single-career couples. Dual-career couples engaged in more actual influence attempts, as did women high on masculinity. Steil and Weltman (1991) sampled 30 dual-career couples in which the wife’s income exceeded her husband’s by one third and 30 couples in which the reverse was true; half of the couples within each group had children under age 12 and half did not have children. Men rated their own careers as more important than women did, and women and men were unlikely to rate wives’ careers as more important than husbands’, regardless of the direction of income discrepancy. Interestingly, higher income was the most frequent reason given for greater valuing of husband’s career when he earned more, whereas income was not cited for valuing the wife’s career when she earned more. Wicker and Burley (1991) examined relative influence of spouses in workand home-related decisions in a sample of 24 women involved in familyrun businesses. Wives were more influential at home than at work and about the division of labor; amount of influence in both domains varied with number of hours worked and sex type of the business. Work and Nonwork Stress, Social Support, and Coping The articles reviewed in this section examine connections between work and nonwork sources and consequences qf stress. Studies focusing primarily on work/family conflict were reviewed earlier and those focusing solely on job-related stress are not included. Work and Nonwork Stress Four studies explicitly examined spillover of work stress into nonwork domains. In a comprehensive study, Frankenhaeuser, Lundberg, Fredrikson, Melin, Tuomisto, Myrsten, Hedman, Bergman-Losman, and Wallin (1989) studied stress on and off the job in 60 Swedish managers and clerical workers. Repeated physiological measures were taken to chart the effects of work activities. All subjects showed similar and expected increases in these measures while at work, but group differences appeared after work. Blood pressure and norephinephrine dropped for male managers, suggesting rapid “unwinding,” while blood pressure stayed at the work level and norephinephrine increased for female managers, suggesting that they recovered more slowly from work stress. Further, female managers were more androgynous and reported more work-nonwork conflict, more Type A behavior, and feeling more tired. Men, and managers in general, reported more work overload.

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In a unique use of naturally occurring events, Eden (1990) measured acute and chronic job stress and psychological and physiological strain among 29 university employees at four times. The impact of two critical job events (a planned shutdown of the computer system and its reopening 2 weeks later) was compared to the intervening 2-week vacation respite and to a routine work period 1 month later. The two critical events were perceived as more stressful and resulted in more strain than the routine period. The vacation period was perceived as less stressful than work, but the level of strain did not decrease during this period, suggesting a spillover effect. Bolger, DeLongis, Kessler, and Wethington (1989) used a longitudinal method to examine the direction of causality in relations underlying stress contagion across home and work roles. Models depicting spillover (one domain affecting the other) vs crossover (one spouse’s stress at work affecting the other spouse at home) were tested. Daily diaries were completed by 166 married couples on 42 consecutive days. Contrary to prediction, husbands were considerably more likely than wives to bring stress at home into work. Wives tended to increase household work in response to spouses’ work overload. Rook, Dooley, and Catalan0 (1991) studied spillover of husbands’ job stress to wives’ psychological distress in 1383 married women. Adverse job events experienced by husbands were related to elevated symptom levels in wives; social support decreased but did not buffer the relation between stress and symptoms. Neither the presence of children nor the wives’ work status influenced the relation. Social Support

Studies of the impact of work and nonwork sources of social support suggest that support directly influences the relation between stress and strain, but little evidence was found for a hypothesized interactive buffering effect of social support. Haines, Hurlbert, and Zimmer (1991) examined the buffering effect of work and nonwork sources of support on different types of work stress in a sample of 685 employed men and women. Older workers reported less work stress, and gender, level of income, and level of education affected the types of work stress reported. Women reported less work support and men reported more marital support, and older workers and those with higher income received more marital support. Of 10 possible buffering effects, only work support buffered the relation between workload stress and conflict and strain measures. Abdalla (1991) reported gender differences in a sample of 511 Kuwaitis in the moderating effects of work and nonwork sources of social support. Work and nonwork support attenuated the negative effects of job stress on perceived skill use and job satisfaction for men. For women, nonwork support moderated the job stress and skill utilization relation, and work support moderated the job stress and job satisfaction relation.

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Reifman, Biernat, and Lang (1991) examined stress, social support, and health in a longitudinal sample of 200 married professional women with small children. Stress was significantly related to physical and depressive symptoms measured at the same time; these relations were reduced over a l-year time period. Social support was beneficial under low stress, but under high stress greater social support was associated with more symptoms. Leiter (1990) reported that both family and work resources contributed to decreased burnout 6 months later for 122 mental health workers; family vs work resources differentially predicted three dimensions of burnout. Wohlgemuth and Betz (1991) studied the relation between stress, social support, and physical symptoms over a 5-week period in a sample of 115 college students. Women reported more negative stressful life events, more physical symptoms, and more social support and satisfaction with social support. Stress, social support, and their interaction predicted 18 to 29% of the variance in physical symptoms for women, but a nonsignificant amount of variance for men. Low perceived family social support was related to higher physical symptoms for women, regardless of stress level. Loscocco and Spitze (1990) reported that working conditions negatively affected well-being among 2260 factory workers. Social support exerted a direct positive effect on well-being, but not an interactive buffering effect. Coping Another frequently studied variable in relation to stress and strain is amount and type of individuals’ coping responses. Long (1990) compared work stressors, coping strategies, sex-role attributes, and work demands and resources of male and female managers. Women reported more interpersonal conflicts than men. Women and men were equally likely to use active problem-solving coping, and women were more likely than men to use avoidance and problem-reappraisal coping. Instrumentality, expressiveness, work demands and resources, and the importance of the stressor episode were differentially related to the three types of coping. Long (1989) examined the impact of women’s sex-role orientation and occupational traditionality on self-efficacy, strain, and coping; high instrumentality was related to lower anxiety and strain and to higher problem-focused coping and self-efficacy. For women in nontraditional occupations, low expressivity was related to higher self-efficacy and problemfocused coping. Nelson and Sutton (1990) examined stress, coping, and job performance in 91 new employees over a g-month period. Self-rated mastery was minimally predicted by stress and coping; job performance was not predicted. Distress symptoms at 9 months were much more strongly related to distress on the first day of the job than to work demands. Bhagat, Allie, and

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Ford (1991) investigated the role of work and nonwork stress in predicting life strain symptoms, including the moderating effects of coping styles. Direct negative relations between stress and strain symptoms were differentially moderated by coping in their sample of 276 public school teachers. Problem-focused coping moderated 7 of 14 hypothesized relations, whereas emotion-focused coping moderated only one relation. P. R. Brooks, Morgan, and Scherer (1990) studied the effects of sexrole orientation and type of stressful situation (work or nonwork) on selfreported coping behaviors among 176 college students. Only sex-role orientation affected the amount of coping behaviors reported. Nontraditional women and men had a greater repertoire of coping behaviors, as indicated both by total coping behaviors and by the range of eight coping styles used. Traditional women used less of each coping style than other subjects. Wright (1990) surveyed 137 employees of a juvenile detention center. Type of coping response varied by whether the stressful situation was related to work or nonwork. McDonald and Korabik (1991) interviewed male and female managers in low and high stress groups and content-analyzed reported stressful work situations and coping behaviors. The amount of stress reported did not differ by gender, but women reported more sex discrimination and work/family conflict as sources of stress, and men reported more stressors related to organizational structure and climate. Women were more likely to cope with feelings about problems by talking to others, and men were more likely to engage in a nonwork distraction. Anderson and Leslie (1991) compared dual-career, dual-job, mixedstatus, and traditional single-earner couples on reported family stress, coping strategies, and marital adjustment. Women reported more stress than men; employment status was not related to stress. Reframing as a coping strategy was associated with marital adjustment. Frone, Russell, and Cooper (1991) examined the relative contributions of job and family stressors and work-family conflict in predicting psychological distress and the moderating effects of four psychological or social factors among 596 adults. Job stress, family stress, and work/family conflict all were related significantly to depression and somatic symptoms. Social support, sense of mastery, and active coping did not moderate the stress-symptoms relation, whereas self-focused attention exacerbated the relation between stress and symptoms. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS A summary view of the literature in life-span career development reveals that much of the research continues to focus on early career stages, particularly as related to exploration and initial choice. Little attention is given to later career stages, and there is relatively little application or testing of life-span theoretical approaches. Although Super’s theory con-

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tinues to be a useful model for interpreting the literature, it often is employed only in adolescent and early adulthood stages, and it often is not explicitly tested. Studies which did explicitly test Super’s theory in later life stages were somewhat supportive, but the theory did not adequately explain women’s career behavior in the one available gender comparison. Moreover, Super’s theory often is operationalized based upon age, a practice inconsistent with his concept of recycling of stages. More attention must be given to later career issues if research regarding career development is to mirror population and demographic changes. One interesting direction is the application to later stages of concepts from early stages, such as career commitment and career indecision. The career experiences of racial-ethnic minorities remain underresearched and poorly understood. For example, T. Cox and Nkomo (1990) found that publications related to diversity issues were severely underrepresented in 20 journals devoted to organizational behavior and human relations from 1964 to 1989. In the present review, research related to the earliest stages (childhood and adolescence) offered the greatest diversity of samples, with little racial-ethnic research conducted in early and middle career stages and virtually none in the late career stage. Clearly, more work is needed. Reviewing the literature within career stages suggests several observations and directions for future research. First, in the early career stage, attention has been given to how people seek and process information in career exploration and commitment and to the application of ego identity and family systems literatures to career development, bringing new vitality to a well-studied age group and career stage. Second, the question of why women choose nontraditional careers may be decreasing in importance as the acceptability of such choices becomes more widespread. Perhaps we now need more attention to factors that inhibit nontraditional choices (such as Betz’s (19891 discussion of the null environment for women) and to men who make nontraditional choices. Finally, the relative inattention given to the transition from school to work and to initial career experiences must be remedied. This inattention may be due in part to the easier access of investigators to college students as subjects. Topics such as decisional characteristics of job choice and adjustment and organizational socialization during job entry need to be examined from an individual perspective. Our knowledge regarding the middle adulthood period is relatively sparse, and theories of life-span career development have not been tested adequately. On the other hand, some new and innovative directions are evidenced in applications of career constructs to this period. For example, work on career commitment and career indecision, constructs which typically are studied in the context of initial career choice, offer promise in

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understanding later career behavior. Further, the study of career transitions, such as job change, insecurity, and loss, lends itself well to theoretical approaches, particularly Super’s formulation of the recycling of stages throughout the life span. These notions have not yet been tested within the framework of Super’s theory. Current literature related to late adulthood career development is at a rudimentary stage. However, due to the aging of the American workforce, research related to career development of older workers, through the transition into retirement, is likely to increase in the coming decades (London & Greller, 1991). As with earlier career stages, issues related to transition and adjustment in late career and retirement seem to be the most critical, such as preparation for and transition to retirement. In addition, gender and racial-ethnic issues in late career and retirement need further examination. In addition to substantial demographic changes, the past decade has witnessed an enormous amount of societal change, such as women’s increased workforce participation, dual-career and multiple role demands, insecurity and transition in midcareer based upon organizational and economic changes, and changing patterns of retirement. The consequences of these societal changes are reflected in the growing body of literature regarding the interaction of work and nonwork. In spite of the relative recency of this literature, we have learned a considerable amount about the interaction of work and nonwork in individuals’ lives. The complexity of women’s and men’s lives is reflected in the complexity of the literature, and yet we are beginning to understand how individuals experience the stressors, conflicts, and benefits of multiple work, parental, marital, and leisure roles. Several encouraging trends are occurring in the work-nonwork literature. First, more conceptual clarity seems to be emerging in the literature and is evidenced by several recent theoretical models linking components of work and family. For example, there has been a subtle shift in focus from assuming that work and nonwork inherently involve conflict to viewing how the two domains interact and complement one another. Thus, multiple life roles are increasingly being conceptualized as offering unique psychological benefits, as evidenced by research using an enhancement model of multiple role effects. Likewise, operationalizations of multiple roles are beginning to take into account the quality of the role rather than merely role occupancy (McBride, 1990). Relatedly, we need to quit framing research questions. as pitting career versus home/family: while time is a zero-sum game, investment in multiple roles need not be. The second trend relates to the view of men and women. Early research related to work-nonwork interface focused almost exclusively on women. However, there is a clear sense from recent literature that these issues

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are no longer viewed as women’s issues, with notable progress made in thinking about work-family conflict, dual-career issues, and multiple roles as concerns for both men and women. Such trends need to be continued in future research. Lambert (1990) has suggested a useful research agenda which emphasizes the needs for longitudinal research and multivariate analyses, for specification and examination of the direct and indirect effects of work-family linkage, for more comprehensive measurement of work and family activities and their interaction, for greater diversity of outcome measures, and for more sophisticated analysis of gender differences and similarities. In addition to Lambert’s agenda, researchers need to make a greater effort to sample intact couple and family units. Many of the cited studies on dual-career and dual-earner issues used samples consisting of unpaired men and women. Paired or matched samples are more difficult to obtain, but are necessary to fully capture the phenomena under study. Further, we need more precision in measuring career and family status variables. Individuals’ involvement in career and family roles are much more complex than the mere number and ages of children, or whether or not both spouses are employed full time. Degree of flexibility and autonomy in one’s job, spouses’ career orientation and level of commitment to work and family roles, presence of stepchildren and noncustodial parenting responsibilities, and use of paid household help all have significant potential for influencing the interaction of career and family activities. The combination of life-span career development and work-nonwork interface within one review article highlights contrasts between the two bodies of literature. I chose to use the life-span perspective as the overarching framework in an earlier draft and incorporated work-nonwork topics into the career stageswithin which they were most salient. However, it became evident that this classification was somewhat artificial, with most of the work-nonwork literature assigned to the middle adulthood section, and the majority of the career development literature focused on adolescence and early adulthood. This earlier framework was discarded because it seems that we know very little about the time of life when many individuals are attempting to establish both careers and families and that such a framework reinforced ideas of the “proper” time to engage in work and nonwork activities. The societal and demographic changes noted earlier lead to new expectations that individuals hold about their own career and family participation throughout the life span. Conceptualizations of life-span career development based solely on age-related stages or transitions will likely be less useful than those that allow for individual variation in timing and sequencing of career and family events. Further, such variation argues for theories that explicitly attempt to integrate personal, career, and family development and that do so in a way that accounts for life events in a

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flexible way. For example, Osipow (1991) noted the vast shift in career patterns for women, suggesting that if a modal pattern exists at all, it consists of early career entry, a brief interruption for family obligations, and a return to the workforce for the remainder of the life span. Likewise, modal patterns of career, family, and individual development, whether considered separately or collectively, may no longer exist or be very descriptive of anyone. One strength of a life-span approach is its acknowledgment of shifting demands throughout the life course and its potential ability to adapt to continued societal changes. It is time to focus more attention to the integration of developmental changes in career, family, and personal domains, and life-span approaches seem ripe for the inclusion and integration of nonwork variables. REFERENCES

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