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Western political quarterly
188
Guide to Journal Articles
predicts the election result about as well as the Gallup final pre-election poll, and a 50 per cent approval rating will ensure re-election. Peter Lesche, 'Unternehmen im Wahlkampf. Eine Untersuchung yon Corporate Political Action Committees und amerikanischen Kongresswahlen', Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 23:4, December 1982, pp. 367-95. The author examines the role and significance of political action committees in elections to the American Congress and the effect they have on the American political system, in particular the relationship between these groups and Congress and the political parties. Ian McAllister and Jonathan Kelly, 'Class, Ethnicity and Voting Behaviour in Australia', Politics, 17:2, November 1982, pp. 96-107. The analysis presented in this paper assesses the importance of a range of social structural influences on Australian electoral behaviour with specific reference to ethnicity and occupational class. Both aggregate level and individual level data are used. The conclusion is that only some aspects of socio economic status are important in accounting for voting patterns, the most important of which were occupation and being a capitalist. Peter McDonough, 'Repression and Representation in Brazil', Comparative Politics, 15:1, October 1982, pp. 73 99. This paper examines two aspects of elite mass relations in Brazil. First, the agreement/disagreement between elites and non-elites on specific issues and, secondly, the institutional alternatives through which differences on these issues can be processed. The author concludes that Brazilian 6lites are divided not only from the Brazilian public but also among themselves. Jonathan Mendilow, 'Party Cluster Formations in Multi-Party Systems', Political Studies, 30:4, December 1982, pp. 485-503. An analysis of the multi-party systems in Israel and France over the last 20 years reveals the emergence of three distinct types .of party clusters--(1) Conglomerate Blocs; (2) Proportionally Amalgamated Parties; and (3) Unitary Amalgamated Parties. Robert J. Mundt and Peggy Heilig, 'District Representation: Demands and Effects in the Urban South', Journal of Politics, 44:4, November 1982, pp. 1035-48. The authors examine (1) the local environmental factors that influence whether minority leaders attempt to replace atqarge systems of electing city councils with districts and (2) the effects of such changes on representational equity. Sten Sparre Nilson, 'Elections Presidential and Parliamentary: Contrasts and Connections', West
European Politics, 6:1, January 1983, pp. 111-24. The method of election adopted for presidential elections, it is shown in this article, will bear upon the ways in which presidential elections affect parliamentary elections. The three cases of Hindenburg in Weimar Germany, Eisenhower in the United States and de Gaulle in France are compared. Gianfranco Pasquino, 'Sources of Stability and Instability in the Italian Party System', West
European Politics, 6:1, January 1983, pp. 93-110. This article explores the changes which the major Italian political parties underwent in the 1970s. A process of depolarization appears to be underway, affecting both the behaviour of political leaders and the outlook of voters who are more inclined to transfer their support from one party to another. Samuel C. Patterson, 'Campaign Spending in Contests for Governor', Western Political Quarterly, 35:4, December 1982, pp. 457-77. The author examines elections of state governors in 1978 in order to assess the effects of
Guide to Journal Articles
189
campaign spending whilst taking account of partisan strength and incumbency on the electoral outcomes. Campaign spending is a powerful influence but party strength and incumbency retain their own substantial effect on gubernatorial elections. Marcus D. Pohlmann and George S. Crisci, 'Support for Organised Labor in the House of Representatives: The 89th and 95th Congresses', Political Science Quarterly, 97:4, Winter 1982 83, pp. 639-32. The article examines whether and in what ways population shiits, changes in representatives' ideologies, partisanship, and presidential support and the election of 'New Democrats' have undermined support for organized labour in the US House of Representatives. Labor support continues to be closely tied to the strength of liberalism in the congressional Democratic Party. Lynda W. Powell, 'Issue Representation in Congress', Journal of Politics, 44:3, August 1982, pp. 638-78. This is an analysis of the impact of the election process on issue representation. Equivalent scales are constructed to measure citizens' and representatives' positions on four issues. Seniority, turnout and electoral competitiveness are among the factors that affect issue representation. Bruce W. Robeck, 'State Legislator Candidacies for the US House: Prospects for Success',
Legislative Studies Quarterly, 7:4, November 1982, pp. 307 14. State legislators run infrequently for congressional nomination. When they run they are more likely to contest districts or primaries where no incumbent is standing. Lawrence E. Rose and Ragnar Waldahl, 'The Distribution of Political Participation in Norway: Alternative Perspectives on a Problem of Democratic Theory', Scandinavian Political Studies, 3:4, 1982, pp. 285-314. The authors first examine earlier synchronic investigations and then present a diachronic analysis of panel data from the 1965, 1969 and 1973 national election surveys. Richard Scase, 'Why Sweden has Elected a Radical Government', Political Quarterly, 54:1, January-March 1983, pp. 43-53. In the Swedish general election of 1982, the Swedish electorate returned the Social Democrats to power on a radical platform after an interval of six years. This paper traces the development of the Social Democratic party in Sweden, considering in particular how it has been able to define the political parameters within which the parties compete for electoral support. Stephen D. Shaffer, 'Policy Differences Between Voters and Non-Voters in American Elections', Western Political Quarterly, 33:4, December 1982, pp. 496-510. The policy preferences of American voters and non-voters are examined by using the CPS Election Studies between 1932 and 1980. On most issues there are no significant differences between voters and non-voters. Where differences do emerge, they are not ideologically consistent across issue areas. W. Phillips Shively, 'The Electoral Impact of Party Loyalists and the "Floating Vote": A New Measure and a New Perspective', Journal of Politics, 44:3, August 1982, pp. 679-91. This paper develops group-level measures of the impact of partisan blocs and the floating vote on election results. Walter J. Stone, 'Party Ideology and the Lure of Victory: Iowa Activists in the 1980 Prenomination Campaign', Western Political Quarterly, 35:4, December 1982, pp. 527-38. Direct measures of ideological proximity and perceptions of candidates' electability are employed in this analysis to account for activists' candidate choice. Iowa activists were more influenced by the expected electability of a candidate than by ideological proximity.
Guide to Journal Articles
predicts the election result about as well as the Gallup final pre-election poll, and a 50 per cent approval rating will ensure re-election. Peter Lesche, 'Unternehmen im Wahlkampf. Eine Untersuchung yon Corporate Political Action Committees und amerikanischen Kongresswahlen', Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 23:4, December 1982, pp. 367-95. The author examines the role and significance of political action committees in elections to the American Congress and the effect they have on the American political system, in particular the relationship between these groups and Congress and the political parties. Ian McAllister and Jonathan Kelly, 'Class, Ethnicity and Voting Behaviour in Australia', Politics, 17:2, November 1982, pp. 96-107. The analysis presented in this paper assesses the importance of a range of social structural influences on Australian electoral behaviour with specific reference to ethnicity and occupational class. Both aggregate level and individual level data are used. The conclusion is that only some aspects of socio economic status are important in accounting for voting patterns, the most important of which were occupation and being a capitalist. Peter McDonough, 'Repression and Representation in Brazil', Comparative Politics, 15:1, October 1982, pp. 73 99. This paper examines two aspects of elite mass relations in Brazil. First, the agreement/disagreement between elites and non-elites on specific issues and, secondly, the institutional alternatives through which differences on these issues can be processed. The author concludes that Brazilian 6lites are divided not only from the Brazilian public but also among themselves. Jonathan Mendilow, 'Party Cluster Formations in Multi-Party Systems', Political Studies, 30:4, December 1982, pp. 485-503. An analysis of the multi-party systems in Israel and France over the last 20 years reveals the emergence of three distinct types .of party clusters--(1) Conglomerate Blocs; (2) Proportionally Amalgamated Parties; and (3) Unitary Amalgamated Parties. Robert J. Mundt and Peggy Heilig, 'District Representation: Demands and Effects in the Urban South', Journal of Politics, 44:4, November 1982, pp. 1035-48. The authors examine (1) the local environmental factors that influence whether minority leaders attempt to replace atqarge systems of electing city councils with districts and (2) the effects of such changes on representational equity. Sten Sparre Nilson, 'Elections Presidential and Parliamentary: Contrasts and Connections', West
European Politics, 6:1, January 1983, pp. 111-24. The method of election adopted for presidential elections, it is shown in this article, will bear upon the ways in which presidential elections affect parliamentary elections. The three cases of Hindenburg in Weimar Germany, Eisenhower in the United States and de Gaulle in France are compared. Gianfranco Pasquino, 'Sources of Stability and Instability in the Italian Party System', West
European Politics, 6:1, January 1983, pp. 93-110. This article explores the changes which the major Italian political parties underwent in the 1970s. A process of depolarization appears to be underway, affecting both the behaviour of political leaders and the outlook of voters who are more inclined to transfer their support from one party to another. Samuel C. Patterson, 'Campaign Spending in Contests for Governor', Western Political Quarterly, 35:4, December 1982, pp. 457-77. The author examines elections of state governors in 1978 in order to assess the effects of
Guide to Journal Articles
189
campaign spending whilst taking account of partisan strength and incumbency on the electoral outcomes. Campaign spending is a powerful influence but party strength and incumbency retain their own substantial effect on gubernatorial elections. Marcus D. Pohlmann and George S. Crisci, 'Support for Organised Labor in the House of Representatives: The 89th and 95th Congresses', Political Science Quarterly, 97:4, Winter 1982 83, pp. 639-32. The article examines whether and in what ways population shiits, changes in representatives' ideologies, partisanship, and presidential support and the election of 'New Democrats' have undermined support for organized labour in the US House of Representatives. Labor support continues to be closely tied to the strength of liberalism in the congressional Democratic Party. Lynda W. Powell, 'Issue Representation in Congress', Journal of Politics, 44:3, August 1982, pp. 638-78. This is an analysis of the impact of the election process on issue representation. Equivalent scales are constructed to measure citizens' and representatives' positions on four issues. Seniority, turnout and electoral competitiveness are among the factors that affect issue representation. Bruce W. Robeck, 'State Legislator Candidacies for the US House: Prospects for Success',
Legislative Studies Quarterly, 7:4, November 1982, pp. 307 14. State legislators run infrequently for congressional nomination. When they run they are more likely to contest districts or primaries where no incumbent is standing. Lawrence E. Rose and Ragnar Waldahl, 'The Distribution of Political Participation in Norway: Alternative Perspectives on a Problem of Democratic Theory', Scandinavian Political Studies, 3:4, 1982, pp. 285-314. The authors first examine earlier synchronic investigations and then present a diachronic analysis of panel data from the 1965, 1969 and 1973 national election surveys. Richard Scase, 'Why Sweden has Elected a Radical Government', Political Quarterly, 54:1, January-March 1983, pp. 43-53. In the Swedish general election of 1982, the Swedish electorate returned the Social Democrats to power on a radical platform after an interval of six years. This paper traces the development of the Social Democratic party in Sweden, considering in particular how it has been able to define the political parameters within which the parties compete for electoral support. Stephen D. Shaffer, 'Policy Differences Between Voters and Non-Voters in American Elections', Western Political Quarterly, 33:4, December 1982, pp. 496-510. The policy preferences of American voters and non-voters are examined by using the CPS Election Studies between 1932 and 1980. On most issues there are no significant differences between voters and non-voters. Where differences do emerge, they are not ideologically consistent across issue areas. W. Phillips Shively, 'The Electoral Impact of Party Loyalists and the "Floating Vote": A New Measure and a New Perspective', Journal of Politics, 44:3, August 1982, pp. 679-91. This paper develops group-level measures of the impact of partisan blocs and the floating vote on election results. Walter J. Stone, 'Party Ideology and the Lure of Victory: Iowa Activists in the 1980 Prenomination Campaign', Western Political Quarterly, 35:4, December 1982, pp. 527-38. Direct measures of ideological proximity and perceptions of candidates' electability are employed in this analysis to account for activists' candidate choice. Iowa activists were more influenced by the expected electability of a candidate than by ideological proximity.