What is a successful environmental geochemical study?

What is a successful environmental geochemical study?

Applied Geochemistry xxx (2015) 1e8 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Applied Geochemistry journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/apgeoch...

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Applied Geochemistry xxx (2015) 1e8

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Applied Geochemistry journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/apgeochem

What is a successful environmental geochemical study? €rg Matschullat a, *, Eleonora Deschamps b Jo a b

€ Interdisciplinary Environmental Research Centre (IOZ), TU Bergakademie Freiberg, Brennhausgasse 14, D-09599 Freiberg, Germany Fumec University, Rua Cobre 200, 30310-190 Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brazil

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Received 30 April 2015 Received in revised form 14 August 2015 Accepted 18 August 2015 Available online xxx

A successful piece of applied research will not only influence the related problem perception within the scientific community, but also lead to much better understanding of a complex challenge, including the delivery of solutions. Ideally it may contribute significantly to reducing possible risk situations for people and/or the natural environment. In short, a successful study will have a broader impact beyond the sphere of science. Planning, timing, funding, networking, communication, and interdisciplinarity are identified as key aspects for a successful project and are being examined in their scope and boundary conditions, while not neglecting the particular role of local and regional people and authorities. Defining what makes a successful environmental geochemical study is clearly based upon experience and evidence found, and not upon any particular theoretical concept. Here, experience is drawn from the outcome of many projects and specifically first-hand from the complex ARSENEX project in Minas Gerais, Brazil. Against the backdrop of both perceived and real arsenic contamination of environmental compartments, including local people, all subsequent project steps and proposals were set up using a threeprong approach that sought to a) understand the processes, b) educate and inform the public and all other stakeholders and c) remediate the situation. © 2015 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

Keywords: Impact Risk assessment Project management Project planning Project timing Project funding Networking Communication Interdisciplinarity Bangladesh Brazil

1. Introduction and thematic scope Most, if not all, scientists are eager to present meaningful and successful research results and related stories. Yet, what makes a study become a success? And how should such accomplishment be defined? While many colleagues would certainly argue that scientific impact hinges on publishing in high-ranking journals and appreciable citation numbers, which hence denote achievement, we take a slightly different stance here without neglecting the previous argument. This approach to evaluate success is inapplicable to basic research in any science, but appears useful to any applied studies that need to directly deal with the interface to society, especially to environmental geochemical projects. A successful research work will influence not only the way the scientific community perceives an issue, but also lead to much better understanding of it. The study may provide improvement through paradigmatic examples or contribute significantly to reducing possible risk situations for people and/or the natural environment.

* Corresponding author. E-mail address: [email protected] (J. Matschullat).

In short, a successful study will have a broader and measurable positive impact. Environmental studies often do touch at least several interfaces with society and human living conditions. More often than not (in cases where this applies), the people involved represent all levels of society. Yet the conditions of those that live in the study areas, often characterized by significant geochemical anomalies, may be subject to poverty and limited access to resources such as education, health care and other infrastructures (Fig. 1). When scientists work in such settings, the question arises whether there are wider implications of the study for the surrounding community or environment? The local people involved often perceive incoming scientists with a bias, similar to a company that wishes to invest in, to explore or to exploit and use natural resources e and accordingly, local people immediately develop expectations towards such scientific projects. The concept of scientific work as ‘art for art's sake’ is generally foreign to them. In consequence, they may even hinder or counter the effort of scientists, which can take even more radical forms such as destruction or theft of scientific infrastructure. An environmental scientist and a chemical and environmental engineer have written this paper. The authors attempt to venture into the realm of meta-science e analysing the core question of this

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeochem.2015.08.011 0883-2927/© 2015 Published by Elsevier Ltd.

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that was certainly more or less coincidental, very practical recommendations for successful future projects can be distilled from the knowledge gained. 2. The setting e evidence from the ARSENEX case study

Fig. 1. Poverty can express itself in living conditions with limited access to resources such as education, health care and other infrastructures. The picture shows standard conditions in a rural house in Minas Gerais.

paper from the perspective of independent evaluators e with all inevitable bias. This contribution is based on roughly 30 years of work experience in various African (Cameroon, Ghana, Namibia, South Africa), Asian (India) and Latin American (Brazil, Chile, Peru) countries. This includes mostly areas where social contrasts have been rather high at the time and location of the studies. More importantly, the understanding gained in a ten-year project in Minas Gerais, Brazil (1998e2007) is exemplary for the understanding of favourable outcomes from environmental geochemical work (Deschamps and Matschullat, 2011a). Following a project description to deliver some specific insights, five key aspects will be critically discussed, namely planning and timing, funding, networking, communication, and interdisciplinarity. The discussion is clearly based on experience and evidence found, and does not claim to be based upon any particular theoretical concept. We found it hard to find publications that elucidate the topic (e.g., GIZ, 2015; Liverman et al., 2008, and references therein), making this contribution more of a discussion rather than a true review paper. Considerable expertise has been gained from environmental geochemical studies and particularly arsenic-contaminationrelated cases in Brazil as well as examples in Argentina, Bangladesh, Chile (Ferreccio and Sancha, 2006), China (Sun et al., 2001), India (Caussy, 2003), Inner Mongolia, Taiwan, and the USA (Anderson et al., 1999) to name but a few. When reviewing the plethora of related activities and publications, Bangladesh appears to serve as a global icon of arsenic pollution. Yet, it is surprising how little success in respect to feasible solutions is visible, given the still ongoing studies (Davis, 2001; Hanchett et al., 2002). One of the lessons learnt in Bangladesh appears to be that the health sector should take the pivotal role and that community participation is necessary for any sustainable public health program (George et al., 2013; Milton et al., 2012). An expanded and improved public education programme is essential to ensure that the Bangladesh public, especially the less educated, will benefit from future technological improvements. The bottom line, however, appears to be that rather little is known about the set-up, philosophy, management and success of such projects and that generally speaking, hardly anyone seems to have investigated the success-and-failure factors of such projects. In this respect, everyone involved in the ARSENEX project in Brazil have all been through a steep learning curve largely due to the constellation of participating colleagues and their individual experience. While

Mining has a long history in Brazil; namely in the state of Minas Gerais, where gold mining on placer deposits commenced in the late 17th Century during the Portuguese rule. The exploitation of primary hydrothermal gold mineralization started in the mid 18th Century, strongly influenced by British know-how and interests. A growing array of mined minerals rapidly became the state's and Brazil's key export item and the base for modern Brazilian development (Meneses et al., 2011). Most of the early gold mining has been taking place in the Iron Quadrangle to the south of the state capital Belo Horizonte (Almeida et al., 2011, Fig. 2). The hydrothermal deposits are very rich in arsenic minerals and the arsenic concentration in the mined primary ore is between 0.8 and 8.0 mass-% As (Matschullat et al., 2000). Disquieting news about As-poisoning risks for people in Bangladesh, West Bengal, and various other places (Chappell et al., 1994; Smedley and Kinniburgh, 2002) further strengthened the interest in elucidating the situation in Minas Gerais and its underlying processes of possible As-pollution. The idea for the research project, later named ARSENEX, was conceived in 1997. Due to the regional mining history and the many well-known boundary conditions, there was an obvious dispersion of mining residues that likely contained arsenic in various bonding forms that were perceived as a potential risk and a promising study object. Preliminary studies from the State University of Campinas (UNICAMP) under Prof. Dr. Bernardino Figueiredo and by the British Geological Survey (Rawlins et al., 1997) suggested As-related environmental problems near mining sites in the Nova Lima district (Fig. 2b,c). Their results motivated a “closer look” and posed the question as to whether any As-contamination might have consequences for human health in the vicinity. From 1998 to 1999, UNICAMP developed a pilot-project in partnership with the Minas Gerais Environmental Agency (FEAM) and the Minas Gerais State Health Service (FUNED), as well as with two German partners, the Baden-Württemberg State Health Agency in Stuttgart, and the lead author, then Institute of Environmental Geochemistry at the University of Heidelberg. Three supposedly contrasting areas were selected, representing the oldest industrial Au-mining district in Brazil (Ouro Preto-Mariana; Fig. 2a,d), the more modern and until today intensive mining district of Nova Lima with already known contamination issues (Fig. 2a,b,c), and the supposedly barely influenced Santa B arbara district as a baseline (Fig. 2e). The latter assumption was soon to be falsified. Different from most related projects, the team developed a multi-media, multi-element assessment and aimed from the beginning to quickly obtain data that should test the hypothesis of widespread environmental arsenic pollution. The general objective of the ARSENEX project was to detect, understand and minimize As-emissions and fluxes into the environment and their impact on humans, resulting from multiple pathways into the food chain. Specific objectives were to evaluate As-contamination of environmental compartments and human exposure, to correlate the encountered As-anomalies in the environmental and biological samples (including human biomonitoring), to identify the As-liberating processes, to implement analytical methods to quantify different As-species, to identify, test and select regional mineral sorbents for As-immobilization, and to train personnel at all levels from the institutions involved (as well as from the village population) to better understand and combat environmental risks (even beyond the As-related issues;

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Fig. 2. The Iron Quadrangle in Minas Gerais, Brazil (a), with the key target districts Nova Lima (b, c), Ouro Preto/Mariana (d) and Santa Barbara (e); modified after Borba et al., 2000).

Deschamps and Matschullat, 2011b). A first major field campaign was carried out in April 1998, following a related one-week workshop at UNICAMP with subsequent fieldwork exercises. Representatives of all partner institutions participated, already generating a sense of team spirit. To test the hypothesis of widespread contamination, samples

were collected for a spatially representative evaluation of Asconcentrations in most environmental compartments. Atmospheric deposition and transport were assessed sampling crustose lichens on roof tiles and gravestones and using lab wipes to collect indoor dust samples (Matschullat et al., 2000; Matschullat, 2011). Surface water was membrane-filtered in situ to differentiate

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between particulate and dissolved arsenic phases (Vasconselos et al., 2011a). Stream and reservoir sediments, and soils were studied as well. Both surface sediments and topsoil material were collected as spatial composites, the latter representing entire private garden plots and township blocks, to assess both concentrations and possible soil-plant transfer potentials (Deschamps et al., 2011). Another focus was given to local edible plants and vegetables as well as fruit from private gardens (Vasconselos et al., 2011b). From the beginning human biomonitoring was perceived as necessary and planned for, with human urine and occipital hair to be used as proxies to evaluate possible pollution pathways into the human body (Couto et al., 2011, Fig. 3). Elevated As-values were found in individual samples from all media. The first batch of urine from village primary school children (age group 6e12 years) showed a median value of 18.7 mg As g1 (creatinine-corrected) with maximum values exceeding 100 mg As g1 (n ¼ 126). About 20% of the children were seriously affected by As-uptake (class III: > 40 mg As g1) and another 45% noticeably affected (class II: 15e40 mg As g1; Krause et al., 1987; Matschullat et al., 2000). These data justified further studies and precautionary measures. The results were communicated in meetings and workshops to officials from the local to the ministerial levels of the environmental and health-related authorities, and to the teachers of the village schools. Based on these preliminary data, the ARSENEX project received financial support from the Ministry of the Environment and the Brazilian Environment Fund (FNMA) as well as from German partner institutions (BMBF, DAAD, DFG) as of the year 2000. Additional partners were integrated, such as the Minas Gerais State Secretary for Environmental and Sustainable Development, the State Sanitation company COPASA, the Engineering College of the Federal University of Minas Gerais in Belo Horizonte (UFMG), the Water Chemistry Division of the Karlsruhe Institute of Technology (ITC-KIT), and the Technical University Bergakademie Freiberg (TUBAF), the latter two from Germany. In this constellation, the entire crew worked until the end of 2007, when the State Environmental Agency FEAM released a first book publication in Portuguese for the regional audience (Deschamps and Matschullat, 2007). This interdisciplinary approach, while time-consuming, developed into a strong success factor of the ongoing project. The results from 1998 showing that people and particularly children were likely negatively affected by arsenic intake and that various environmental compartments carried specific and highly localized positive arsenic anomalies led the team to adopt a more practical than purely academic approach in collecting data over an

extended period of time to generate more reliable, robust and representative results e and to make them available through various communication channels. All subsequent project steps and proposals were based on a three-prong approach that sought to a) understand the processes, b) educate and inform the public and all other stakeholders and c) remediate and mitigate the situation. 2.1. Understanding To understand meant to both improve the existing database and to find out who the stakeholders and the decisions-makers were in order to determine how information was best dispersed and discussed. The database grew steadily by continual sampling of the various environmental compartments, their analysis and data interpretation. The key emphasis here lay on human biomonitoring (Fig. 3), yet the other media were also sampled at least until 2007. This was done to obtain a quantitative idea of inter-annual and partly intra-annual fluctuations (rainy season versus dry season). There was an initial general public perception (also amongst scientists and government officials) that an area-wide environmental contamination prevailed e with very serious risks for most, if not all, of the population (ca. 100,000 people; Meneses et al., 2011). With the results of the campaign in 1998, that image became a lot more differentiated. It was increasingly understood that the real risks were highly localized e a blessing in disguise, since that allowed for specifically targeted and concrete actions to be taken. Such experience is very important, already from the point of view of risk perception of local and regional authorities. Confronted with any notion of a large area-wide contamination (such as in Bangladesh), frustrated retreat and inaction are common responses, while distinct issues that can realistically be targeted with success can highly motivate all stakeholders. In parallel, the steady communication built up trust between the research team and the various stakeholders. Emerging obstacles mostly related to “hidden stakeholders”, representatives from local or regional authorities that had been overlooked in the beginning. 2.2. Education and information To educate and to inform went beyond mere communication and information dispersal. It translated into raising awareness among the inhabitants of the targeted areas (from school children to grandparents), as well as among authorities in respect to related environmental risks and their assessment. With the latter this went as far as to organize training workshops for selected individuals

Fig. 3. Photograph from human biomonitoring. Left: Containers with fresh spontaneous urine (bulk samples) and Whirlpack® bags with sample aliquots for the creatinine test. Right: School children waiting to receive their sample containers and individual codes.

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from Brazil in Germany and in Spain to build up necessary expertise as fast as possible (e.g., laboratory techniques). The key activity, however, related to FEAM's smart, absolutely crucial and dedicated idea to carry out outreach work. The environmental authority defined and started to regularly send a team of highly motivated and talented communicators to all villages and communities involved (Fig. 4). In a rural environment, where entertainment options are very scarce and not comparable to urban settings, let alone anything in more well-to-do parts of the world, distractions from daily routines are highly welcome. Using this constellation, the team around Leonardo Fittipaldi, a trained biologist and , a trained chemist dedicated communicator, and Sandra Oberda and talented speaker, organized frequent evening events in local community houses to educate the locals about environmental and  et al., 2011). Their sense of humour, amazing health issues (Oberda dedication and engagement to translate complex issues into comical and yet meaningful “stage performances” turned these into eagerly attended events whose content rapidly became the “talk of the town”. We scientists were sometimes invited as special “exotic” guests for public interviews and for moderated question and answer sessions. A parallel activity involved many highly motivated local schoolteachers. Informative meetings were organized and teachers managed in many cases to sensitize the school children e who in turn, further carried their new understanding into their families, thus educating their parents. In an environment where a fair share of the population was analphabetic, such endeavours and indirect information dissipation pathways can be powerful and effective. 2.3. Remediation and mitigation To remediate means minimizing risks through appropriate

Fig. 4. Impression from the educational activities. Leonardo Fittipaldi teaching household garbage collection and safe intermediate storage (to prevent dengue, infections and injuries).

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measures. Whenever human health is at stake, this may be the most important task to fulfil. However, everyone could possibly list many projects, where futile activism was more characteristic of the efforts than true success in the objective sense. The activities developed within the ARSENEX project were not anticipated in their complexity in advance (Deschamps et al., 2008). Favourable boundary conditions may or may not emerge in the planning, performance or final stage of any project. Beyond doubt, the positive development of economic boundary conditions in Brazil during that period (1998e2007) had a very positive feedback effect on project success. Public authorities rather quickly took up various ideas and partly complemented already existing ideas for rural development. This included the transition of the small community schools from relatively poor-looking and loveless places of basic education (in 1998, where all that shone was the faces of the children and partly highly dedicated teachers) to a school infrastructure that citizens as much as authorities can be proud of. In addition to visual improvements such as painting school buildings and classrooms, the schools received small libraries and some useful intranet-based computer infrastructure to enhance the work of the teachers and to express appreciation of their numerous efforts. At the same time, village infrastructures were improved, e.g. by paving some streets, which effectively reduced (partly As-laden) dust mobilization. More opportunities emerged from a study on regional mineral sorbents (Deschamps et al., 2005). Jointly with the ITC-KIT colleagues and a small German company (GEH Wasserchemie), a local water purification plant was conceived, planned and built to clean local As-polluted surface waters for the villagers. Here, a low-tech solution was favoured to guarantee that trained local people ~o, could maintain and service the plant (Deschamps and Assunça 2011). This did work out indeed; the small purification plant is still running (Fig. 5). The examples above stand for moderate investments and material change, leading to mitigation and risk reduction. Still, the project success was at least as much based on a change in people's behaviour as a result of the educative and communication efforts discussed above. In the year 2003 already, the mean arsenic value in children's urine had dropped to about 9 mg g1 creatinine and was in all subsequent years thereafter never higher than slightly below 12 mg g1 creatinine e with annual maximum values between 35 and 99 mg g1 creatinine (Couto et al., 2011). Compared with the results of the first campaign in 1998, this is more than a 50%

Fig. 5. The water purification plant (ETA) in Santana do Morro, St. Barbara district.

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reduction of the mean value. As of 2003 only a few individuals showed corporal As-loads in class III (urine-based). Class II cases decreased to below 30% in the most affected township and were <20% on average (Couto et al., 2011) as compared with 45% in 1998. A sociological study was performed in parallel to the monitoring and education efforts described above and based on interviews and questionnaires with more than 300 participants (Tostes and Deschamps, 2011). That study aimed at obtaining a representative understanding of people's perception, likes and dislikes of their environmental situation at large and of their behaviour. Waste management, water supply and sanitation, children's play and leisure sites, miscarriages, cancer and other health issues, and knowledge about arsenic as a pollutant were the key issues discussed. The results portrayed the answers and the underlying boundary conditions of the participating people as rather typical for rural Brazil. Thus, the answers can likely be transferable to other regions and countries as well. Interestingly, the local mining activities have not provided direct and universal benefits to the people, although individual families benefit through employment. As a result, it was rather typical that people living in the village or township for many years were generally not socially involved in the community, e.g., through supporting adaptation to environmental degradation and pollution. People's perception of reality was mostly inaccurate. Villagers assumed, for instance, that certain surface waters were safe for drinking and had no concept that these might bear waterborne diseases. The sociological study closes with the remark that “… the success of any environmental education work will depend upon the support of the institutions in these regions to guarantee continuity. Prompt action is not enough to reach the proposed aims. Any joint and articulated action of these institutions needs not only to include the citizens, but also the private companies” (Tostes and Deschamps, 2011). This important study further corroborated and fuelled the educational and communication efforts. At the same time, it highlighted various obstacles and pitfalls that deserve attention. In essence, we strongly recommend organizing such studies in parallel to the scientific approaches discussed above.

3. Obstacles and pitfalls This chapter discusses the various obstacles that many projects encounter and attempt to show possible ways to avoid serious pitfalls (Palmer, 2014).

3.1. Platitudes Some readers might perceive much of what is to follow as platitudes, since “somehow everyone knows what it takes”. Yet, if everyone knew, then why are there so very many projects that may achieve some scientific success per se, but do not substantially contribute to improving living conditions and equal opportunities for the local population, who are subject to the situation studied, such as the potential risk of arsenic poisoning here. The Aspollution case in Bangladesh may serve as a rather sobering example in this respect, when comparing the by now decades of very high financial costs to the remaining problemsda still persisting detrimental situation for many people in that region. The usual keywords like “corruption”, “understaffed local or regional administration”, “incompetent local partners” cannot excuse such failure, but appear more like welcome arguments to not elucidate (and later avoid) the deeper reasons for failure.

3.2. People Without the right people who are capable and willing to dedicate their expertise and time to a joint project, any more complex study is likely to fail. While this may sound like not much of a surprise, it cannot be emphasized enough, since such a constellation can neither be taken for granted, nor can it be built up overnight. In our real world today, where few degrees of liberty exist (at least for university-based researchers) to follow a larger topic over extended periods of time (since funding is mostly available for two or three years only), success chances are likely a priori limited. Yet, the given example may serve as a model on how to overcome such obstacles (at least to some extent e and any improvement is helpful). It should also be considered that any non-enthusiastic response by local people, including authorities, may be rooted in highly rational arguments, yet hidden to the eager foreign scientist. Thus, dedication and the investment of time are required to explain and win over such important stakeholders before the project really starts on-site. Professional networks, especially involving highlevel researchers i.e. from the German Alexander von Humboldt Foundation network, are particularly well-prepared platforms to answer enquiries about quality partners in a given region (http:// www.humboldt-foundation.de/web/humboldt-network.html). For Brazil, the Lattes Platform of the Federal Research Funding Agency CNPq may serve as another, albeit regional, example (http://lattes. cnpq.br). 3.3. Planning and timing Most, if not all, geoscientists are driven by an inner compass and agenda, trying to figure out riddles and to master intellectual challenges that push the momentary frontier of scientific understanding. A certain percentage are involved in projects that include the human interface in various ways. While it appears rather straightforward to plan for a purely science-driven project, challenges rise as soon as the interface to people and their particular perception and position within a given context is being touched. It may be infeasible to conduct a specific project at a given time, if necessary non-scientific boundary conditions (such as socioeconomic, political or regulatory) are not met. The previous point on people already touches upon this issue. In our global reality this also means that intergovernmental (bi-lateral or multi-lateral) contracts that define open doors for subsequent scientific studies might want to consider a) slightly more generous time frames and b) a less actionism-driven approach. Instead, the support of embassies and consulates as well as other ex-patriate institutions may play a most helpful role in easing the way for successful scientific projects by guiding and possibly sometimes even training the foreign goodwill. Unfortunately, such support is very rarely seen as a necessity by acting scientists. Obviously, this topic touches a potential structural problem for many university-based researchers, since project funding is generally limited to a maximum of three years and often shorter (see below). Since delivery will have to be demonstrated at the end of such a period, patience and a relaxed approach needed to build up local and regional networks are difficult to sustain. There are two potential ways out of this deadlock: a) seek strong collaborative local and regional partners from the beginning and b) remain patient and dedicated in order to aim for a longer-lasting project with various steps of subsequent funding, which will at last allow for all the necessary works and tasks to be fulfilled. 3.4. Funding If decision makers, including politicians, would try to imagine

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what they truly achieve within project support time frames of up to a maximum of three years (often considerably shorter), they'd likely rethink project funding principles. Especially when projects are funded that involve people and shall improve a perceived or objectively given detrimental situation, then time will already be needed just to gain trust from the people towards the scientists involved. Mostly these two groups speak rather different languages and even if related problem awareness exists, funding does not often allow catering to such basic necessities. In effect, results of related projects may still be scientifically satisfactory yet they mostly fail in impacting the underlying issues at the interface between people and any given setting. This argument does not necessarily demand that the money spent for such projects is insufficient e it means in the first place that the boundary conditions of project funding should acknowledge the time needed to build a base of mutual trust and understanding so that the “hard science” to be performed can be successful beyond h-indices. Yet, the argument can also be reversed. If scientists would include such aspects as discussed above in their proposals e and argue strongly for related necessities e they might just contribute to a shift in perception and in funding principles. Scientists might also consider promising just a little bit less of short-term success and performance in their proposals and all parties involved could settle for a more honest real-world approach. The issue does not relate to decision makers alone, but extends into funding agency structures and staff and extends into many foundations. Since most structures have developed from pure science approaches, they are per se rather inhibited in respect to interdisciplinary ideas and complex projects at the interface of various fields of science and society. 3.5. Networking Most people are aware of the fact that a familiarity with a local or regional situation is needed to be able to move around without hitting obstacles. They are also aware that one needs mutual trust between project partners as well as between scientists and the local population that happens to live at a study site. Yet, many studies appear to neglect these simple truths and follow a “hit and run” practice e often driven by the above-mentioned pressure of funding policies and time restrictions. Another aspect adds to the complexity and may form almost insurmountable barriers. International scientists working in a nonfamiliar social environment need to gain trust also from local authorities. This may lead up to the level of ministries and high-level decision-making, even if the intended study does not directly relate to such responsibilities and interests. Many countries' administrative behaviour may often reflect mistrust, protectiveness with data and information hogging rather than openness and a welcoming attitude towards potentially helpful external input. The American Freedom of-Information Act certainly is something that other highpowered industrial countries may still want to copy. While such described mistrust, or to word it less strongly, caution, appears to be partly “the nature of the beast”, it needs to be acknowledged and it needs to be worked with e not against (since time is too short). 3.6. Communication The simple truth that good communication makes for a substantial building block of success is certainly no secret. Yet, many, if not most, mistakes are made right here and information dispersal is mostly limited to certain counterparts, while deliberately or unknowingly leaving out others. It appears almost impossible, especially for a scientist in another country or region, to be aware of all

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relevant persons or entities that need to be communicated with. Yet an understanding of the relevance of such communication is the first step to organize the necessary contacts, to introduce and explain a project, to seek advice and to offer information exchange as of the first day. Possibly the best work on this issue so far, and directly related to environmental geoscience, has been published by the Geological Society (Liverman et al., 2008). It should go without saying that mutual respect should characterize the communication e and that the scientist is in the role of “the new kid on the block”. Thus, it is the “visitor's” role to be proactive, no matter how reputable and famous the scientists involved may be. If researchers wish to earn respect and not just provoke an attitude such as in the pop song by singer Shania Twain (“so you are a rocket scientist e that don't impress me much”), then it is their responsibility to develop empathy for their counterparts. Again, hopefully this does not sound like a platitude. As described above already, communication may take very different routes. While we scientists may not have all the talents necessary to play the instruments needed, we do require the related awareness and should seek collaborators, who can assist in achieving these goals, honestly, efficiently and engaged. Yet, even a scientist should be able to spare the time needed to accept the invitation of a rural peasant to drink a tea and have a chat regardless of language barriers. Such expression of respect and empathy is often lacking. 3.7. Interdisciplinarity While the term “interdisciplinarity” has gained some fame, we must certainly acknowledge that the reality of scientific work and studies usually consists of multi-disciplinary activities, where people, representing various fields of expertise collaborate under some umbrella and joint guidance. This is partly linked to funding issues (see above) and partly to the still predominating pathways of mainstream university education. Without at least some individuals who are capable to think and plan across traditional boundaries of expertise, it is unlikely that more complex issues can be solved successfully and in a reasonable period of time. Ever too often, the general situation reflects a parallel duplication of work by people from various fields, e.g., biologists, geoscientists, medical people, etc., speaking hardly, if at all, to each other and who dismiss mutual planning of their work in a coordinated fashion. Admittedly, this again is partly due to the “rules of the game” with funding and reporting issues, where each party is almost urged to direct their results to “single-track” disciplinary platforms e a late revenge of Cartesian thinking (Grosholz, 1991). Thus, true and capable generalists appear indispensable. When included in a complex research project they will likely help avoiding many obstacles and contribute significantly to successful results. 4. Conclusions Even if research project funding defines tight barriers in respect to time commitment, it appears not only advisable but almost indisputable to allocate time for communicating the intended project to a maximum number of well-selected stakeholders e starting before any fieldwork commences. Local or regional project partners can play a most important role in this phase. The selection of project partners, the people involved, is a key factor in making a project become more than just “one more study”. Obviously, this demands planning and timing the intended work well and in close collaboration with partners. Since this may partly interfere with bureaucratic constraints (approved time plans, etc.), a close and

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steady information exchange with representatives from the funding agencies can be helpful. At this point, one can only hope that funding agencies reflect their policies and structures to better cater to complex applied projects, which does not necessarily translate into higher costs. Local networking is paramount and time invested here will pay off in the long run. Any project will only be successful when it is welcome in the target study area or region, and when all or at least most stakeholders receive a chance to understand its purpose and potential benefit. In the end, most of the above arguments boil down to appropriate, constant and honest communication. Since the type of projects discussed here mostly take on a multidisciplinary if not interdisciplinary form, the added advantage of this diversity bears many opportunities for enhanced scientific progress e and ideally, should be accompanied in larger projects by fully integrated socio-economic and/or socio-psychological studies. Undoubtedly, the most important key to the success of the ARSENEX project in Minas Gerais, Brazil, was the very early integration of highly dedicated and motivated personnel from the state environmental (FEAM) and health authorities (FUNED). Openminded and truly dedicated local schoolteachers were no less important. The second most important key to fruition of this project certainly lay in the fact that from the very beginning, all possible environmental media were tested for As-accumulation. Thus, a knowledge base was available early on that could be communicated well to decision makers on various levels of government and regional authorities. Acknowledgements Without Professor Bernardino Figueiredo (UNICAMP), this project would likely never have taken off. His doctoral student Ricardo Perobelli Borba, today professor of geoscience at UNICAMP, particularly guided the lead author in understanding the Brazilian way of life and was extremely engaged in the initial years of the project. Numerous colleagues and employees of the state agencies FEAM, FUNED, and COPASA substantially supported the project over its entire period. We wish to thank all of the magnificent schoolteachers of the various village schools in the Iron Quadrangle and all helpers and students e without their dedication, this project would not have succeeded. Last, but certainly not least, we are indebted to the various funding agencies and bodies that trusted in our concept and kept the boat afloat. This contribution is largely based on the ideas expressed in Deschamps and Matschullat (2011b). A final big thank you goes to Anne Marie de Grosbois for her indispensable language editing and for improving Fig. 2. There are no conflicts of interest with this contribution. The various (over the years) and exclusively public funding sources are not listed here for obvious reasons. References Almeida, K., Matschullat, J., Mello, J., Meneses, I., Viola, Z. 2011. Physical aspects of the Iron Quadrangle. In: Deschamps, E., Matschullat, J. (Eds.) 2011a. 7: 81e90 Anderson, H., Knobeloch, L., Warzecha, C., 1999. Public health hazard surveillance and response to arsenic contamination. In: Chappell, W.O., Abernathy, C.O., Calderon, C.L. (Eds.), Arsenic Exposure and Health Effects III, pp. 367e372. Borba, R.B., Figueiredo, B.R., Rawlins, B., Matschullat, J., 2000. Arsenic in water and sediment in the iron quadrangle, State of Minas Gerais. Braz. Rev. Bras. Geociencias 30 (3), 554e557. Caussy, D., 2003. Normative role of WHO in mitigating health impacts of chronic arsenic exposure in the South-east Asia region. In: Chappell, W.O. (Ed.), Arsenic Exposure and Health Effects V, pp. 439e447.

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Please cite this article in press as: Matschullat, J., Deschamps, E., What is a successful environmental geochemical study?, Applied Geochemistry (2015), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.apgeochem.2015.08.011