- Email: [email protected]
Why smart people can be so stupid
578
Book reviews
of ‘‘specific’’ abilities (or clinical disabilities) such as reading (including our own laboratories) than is given over to g. Readers inspired to do the genomic and biochemical studies needed to understand that the full hierarchical structure of ability will find this book valuable.
Timothy C. Bates Macquarie Centre for Cognitive Science, Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW 2109, Australia E-mail address: [email protected] Tel.: +61-2-9850-8623; fax: +61-2-9850-6059 PII: S 0 1 6 0 - 2 8 9 6 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 1 4 4 - 7
Why smart people can be so stupid Robert J Strernberg (Ed.). (2002). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, ISBN 0-30009033-1, pp. ix+254 Spotting this book on my desk, a smart colleague: ‘‘So you’re still trying to figure out how it is you ended up in Aberdeen!’’ The question implicit in the title will attract and intrigue the many, many smart people who (like me), having behaved stupidly, now face the unwelcome long-term consequences of their stupid behaviour. For this reason alone, the book should sell well and be as widely read as any other popular psychology book. There are other good reasons too. It is easily readable and well referenced. It is often at or close to the six points made by the editor in his short preface: viz. the nature, theoretical status, measurability and modifiability of stupidity, and its relation to intelligence, and how it contributes to stupid behaviour. The book does what it says it will do at the outset, but do not expect it to be largely scientific. At one level, this is perhaps what can only be expected. Motivational research is difficult at the best of times. Smart people who know they must have been stupid are surely among the most slippery of subjects for psychological research on the origins of their stupidity. Ray Hyman in the first of 11 chapters sets the tone with a gentle canter, keeping company with a few of those many distinguished scientists who have been stupid. Perhaps, an understandable concern for the sensitivities of present day scientists ensures that none of his examples will sue for defamation. His introduction is replete with anecdotes. Some later chapters maintain this theme. Diane Halpern examines the salacious case of the ClintonLewinsky scandal and the book has many other examples, some of which are more tragic. Anecdotes—no matter how carefully they are sourced—are probably not proper subjects for behavioural scientists untrained in historical methods. But many of us gorge on the views of modern-day commentators on newsworthy events who express the ‘‘expert view’’ to ‘‘explain’’ why some public figure has behaved in such a way. At its lowest points, this book does not rise above the threshold of disgust many feel on hearing such ‘‘expert’’ views. Nevertheless, the book contains much of value. Occupational psychologists will enjoy the clarity of Richard Wagner writing about managerial incompetence. I have spent many
Book reviews
579
fruitless hours completing staff appraisal exercises with colleagues who want to be experts. His analysis of the development of expertise is one I wish I had read years ago. Although Freud and the post-Freudians merit barely a mention, their thinking about the role of the unconscious in maladaptive behaviour permeates several chapters. The classically trained therapist may be irritated not to see credit given where it is due for helpful concepts like ‘‘rejection sensitivity’’ (Ayduk and Mischel, Chapter 5) or to find all their ego defence mechanisms repackaged (David Perkins, Chapter 4). These minor irritations should not prejudice the therapist from looking for and finding much of clinical relevance. Keith Stanovich’s chapter is just such an example. It contains a great deal of well thoughtout analysis and summarises superbly key question in research on the origins of individual differences in intelligence and rationality. Elizabeth Austin and Ian Deary take up this theme with clear examples of their own thinking illustrated with neat summary analyses of large contemporary datasets. Theirs is perhaps the chapter with most clinical relevance not least because of its dissection of the irksome problem of personality disorder and stupid behaviour. I suspect my aforementioned colleague—an Aberdonian with a fixed world view—will not read this book. But for those of us who know we are smart yet we do stupid things, settling down one evening with this comfortable read may provide just enough momentum for change.
Lawrence J. Whalley Department of Mental Health, Clinical Research Centre, University of Aberdeen, Royal Cornhill Hospital, Cornhill Road, Aberdeen, Scotland AB25 2ZD, UK E-mail address: [email protected] PII: S 0 1 6 0 - 2 8 9 6 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 1 5 9 - 9
Book reviews
of ‘‘specific’’ abilities (or clinical disabilities) such as reading (including our own laboratories) than is given over to g. Readers inspired to do the genomic and biochemical studies needed to understand that the full hierarchical structure of ability will find this book valuable.
Timothy C. Bates Macquarie Centre for Cognitive Science, Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW 2109, Australia E-mail address: [email protected] Tel.: +61-2-9850-8623; fax: +61-2-9850-6059 PII: S 0 1 6 0 - 2 8 9 6 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 1 4 4 - 7
Why smart people can be so stupid Robert J Strernberg (Ed.). (2002). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, ISBN 0-30009033-1, pp. ix+254 Spotting this book on my desk, a smart colleague: ‘‘So you’re still trying to figure out how it is you ended up in Aberdeen!’’ The question implicit in the title will attract and intrigue the many, many smart people who (like me), having behaved stupidly, now face the unwelcome long-term consequences of their stupid behaviour. For this reason alone, the book should sell well and be as widely read as any other popular psychology book. There are other good reasons too. It is easily readable and well referenced. It is often at or close to the six points made by the editor in his short preface: viz. the nature, theoretical status, measurability and modifiability of stupidity, and its relation to intelligence, and how it contributes to stupid behaviour. The book does what it says it will do at the outset, but do not expect it to be largely scientific. At one level, this is perhaps what can only be expected. Motivational research is difficult at the best of times. Smart people who know they must have been stupid are surely among the most slippery of subjects for psychological research on the origins of their stupidity. Ray Hyman in the first of 11 chapters sets the tone with a gentle canter, keeping company with a few of those many distinguished scientists who have been stupid. Perhaps, an understandable concern for the sensitivities of present day scientists ensures that none of his examples will sue for defamation. His introduction is replete with anecdotes. Some later chapters maintain this theme. Diane Halpern examines the salacious case of the ClintonLewinsky scandal and the book has many other examples, some of which are more tragic. Anecdotes—no matter how carefully they are sourced—are probably not proper subjects for behavioural scientists untrained in historical methods. But many of us gorge on the views of modern-day commentators on newsworthy events who express the ‘‘expert view’’ to ‘‘explain’’ why some public figure has behaved in such a way. At its lowest points, this book does not rise above the threshold of disgust many feel on hearing such ‘‘expert’’ views. Nevertheless, the book contains much of value. Occupational psychologists will enjoy the clarity of Richard Wagner writing about managerial incompetence. I have spent many
Book reviews
579
fruitless hours completing staff appraisal exercises with colleagues who want to be experts. His analysis of the development of expertise is one I wish I had read years ago. Although Freud and the post-Freudians merit barely a mention, their thinking about the role of the unconscious in maladaptive behaviour permeates several chapters. The classically trained therapist may be irritated not to see credit given where it is due for helpful concepts like ‘‘rejection sensitivity’’ (Ayduk and Mischel, Chapter 5) or to find all their ego defence mechanisms repackaged (David Perkins, Chapter 4). These minor irritations should not prejudice the therapist from looking for and finding much of clinical relevance. Keith Stanovich’s chapter is just such an example. It contains a great deal of well thoughtout analysis and summarises superbly key question in research on the origins of individual differences in intelligence and rationality. Elizabeth Austin and Ian Deary take up this theme with clear examples of their own thinking illustrated with neat summary analyses of large contemporary datasets. Theirs is perhaps the chapter with most clinical relevance not least because of its dissection of the irksome problem of personality disorder and stupid behaviour. I suspect my aforementioned colleague—an Aberdonian with a fixed world view—will not read this book. But for those of us who know we are smart yet we do stupid things, settling down one evening with this comfortable read may provide just enough momentum for change.
Lawrence J. Whalley Department of Mental Health, Clinical Research Centre, University of Aberdeen, Royal Cornhill Hospital, Cornhill Road, Aberdeen, Scotland AB25 2ZD, UK E-mail address: [email protected] PII: S 0 1 6 0 - 2 8 9 6 ( 0 2 ) 0 0 1 5 9 - 9