Women’s Work and the Built Environment

HABI¹A¹ IN¹¸. Vol. 23, No. 1, pp. 5—18, 1999  1998 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved Printed in Great Britain 0197—3975/98 $19.00#0.00

PII: S0197-3975(98)00032-0

Women’s Work and the Built Environment: Lessons from the Slums of Calcutta, India MALLIKA BOSE College of Architecture, Georgia Institute of ¹echnology, Atlanta, GA 30332-0155, ºSA

ABSTRACT Using a theoretical framework that reveals the interconnections between spatial categories and gender needs, this paper addresses the issue of spatial confinement and spatial segregation as it relates to employment opportunities for women in the slums of Calcutta, India. Based on a qualitative study of the lives of 63 women living in five settlements in Calcutta, this study analyzes women’s wage-work, and the factors shaping women’s productive work choice. Grounded in the understanding gained from this study, this paper concludes with some policy recommendations which have relevance to the development of women centered programs across a range of developing countries.  1998 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: gender issues; productive role; reproductive duties; employment; India

INTRODUCTION In addition to household chores and childcare duties (termed reproductive work), a significant proportion of women living in the slums of Calcutta, India, engage in some type of income-generating activity (termed productive work) at or near their homes. Contrary to the popular characterization of men as bread winners and women as homemakers or secondary earners, the income of these women is crucial for the basic survival of their families. In addition, socio-cultural norms that prompt women to look for jobs at or near their homes render women’s economic contribution invisible and help to perpetuate the myth of the dependent women. Since women from low-income groups usually engage in wage-work at or near their homes, the home environment and the immediate neighborhood is linked to their shelter as well as economic needs (Kusow, 1993). Thus, housing and the immediate built environment has significant impact on women’s income-generating ability. Recently, the Indian government has recognized the importance of the contribution of such women towards their families. This has prompted the government Correspondence to: M. Bose, College of Architecture, Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, GA 30332-0155, USA. This research was partially funded by an International Fellowship from the American Association of University Women and a Dessertation Fellowship from the University of Wisconsin (Milwaukee) Graduate School.

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to declare women from low-income groups as the target population for urban development projects (Chakraborty, 1991; National Commission Report, 1988; Rao, 1990). However, there has been little systematic examination of the factors that might assist these women in their income earning endeavors. Nor has there been any concerted effort to find out from these women the different forces that shape their job choice and income-generating ability. In this paper, I address this gap and examine the linkages between women’s work and the built environment with reference to the women living in four slums and one squatter settlement in Calcutta, India. I analyze the type of wage-work these women engage in, and their reasons for engaging in those specific types of productive activities. Based on this understanding I then explore how the built environment can facilitate women’s income-generating efforts and ultimately improve their status within their families and society. THEORETICAL CONCEPTS The United Nation’s Decade for the Advancement of Women (1976—85) highlighted the problems faced by Third World women and the important (but usually overlooked) social and economic contribution of such women towards their families and communities. This led to the ‘‘Women in Development’’ and later the ‘‘Gender and Development’’ approach to planning (Moser, 1993). However, in spite of such efforts, the socioeconomic status of a significant proportion of Third World women has worsened in the last two decades (Afshar, 1991; Parpart and Marchand, 1995). It is significant that in many Third World countries (or for that matter in the developed world) women are still conceptualized in terms of their reproductive role. Even when women’s productive contribution is recognized, policies and projects attempt to increase women’s productivity and participation in the labor market within the confines of the narrowly defined traditional role of women in society. Consequently, such policies and projects do not question the hierarchic and patriarchal structures of society, and do not lead to any long-term improvement in women’s status in society. This points to the fact that it is not enough to target women for development projects, but what is needed is a better understanding of the complex ways in which different power structures work to maintain and perpetuate women’s subordinate status in society. Two theoretical concepts that are particularly useful for understanding the different factors that influence women’s position in society are: the private—public sphere debate, and the notion of gender needs. Private—public sphere debate In 1974, Rosaldo posited that ‘‘an opposition between ‘‘domestic’’ and ‘‘public’’ provides the basis of a structural framework necessary to identify and explore the place of male and female in psychological, cultural, social, and economic aspects of human life’’ (p. 23). This model was used to illustrate how women’s reproductive duty is instrumental in developing feminine and masculine personalities (Chodorow, 1974), and why women are associated with nature and men with culture (Ortner, 1974), ultimately leading to inequality between the status of men and women in society. Even though the private—public dichotomy was able to account for a variety of women’s experiences, subsequent research indicated that Rosaldo’s model was ‘‘overgeneralized’’ and treated women as ‘‘too homogenous a group’’ (Sharistanian, 1987). Subsequent research has pointed to the interconnections between the private and public spheres (Ackelsberg, 1988; Bookman and Morgan, 1988; Pateman, 1989; Phillips, 1991) and illustrated the inadequacy of the private—public separation model to explain non-western situations (Mies, 1982; Sharma, 1990). These refinements led to the conceptualization of the private—public

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continuum, in contrast to the dichotomy model, and an awareness of the fludity of the private and public labels. In response to the criticism of the dichotomous characterization of space into domestic and public realms, Lofland (1989) proposed a three-way division of space: (1) private (or domestic), (2) parochial, and (3) public. According to Lofland, the private realm is characterized by ‘‘ties of intimacy among primary group members who are located within households and personal networks’’, the parochial realm is characterized by ‘‘a sense of commonality among acquaintances and neighbors who are involved in interpersonal networks that are located within ‘‘communities’’,’’ while the public realm are those ‘‘non-private sectors or areas in which individuals in co-presence tend to be strangers or only categorically known to one another’’ (pp. 444, 445) (like salesman and customer). Another important refinement of the private—public sphere model is the concept of multiple publics (Fraser, 1992). Drawing from Habermas’s conceptualization of the public sphere, Fraser notes that the private—public sphere model implicitly acknowledges the existence of an unitary public sphere. Habermas’s conceptualization of the public sphere pre-supposes that status differentials can be bracketed (or set aside momentarily) by people of different status when they participate in the public sphere. But since in reality the dominant class usually develops the rules of communication and discourse, status differentials cannot be effectively disregarded and the single public sphere model works to the disadvantage of subordinated groups. More importantly, a single public sphere does not afford subordinated groups with a space to deliberate amongst themselves about their needs, objectives and strategies for achieving them without being under the (supervisory) eyes of the dominant group. Instead, subordinated social groups find it to their advantage to create alternative publics. Fraser labels these alternative publics as subaltern counter-publics to refer to parallel and differentially empowered discursive arenas where members of subordinated groups engage in dialogue amongst themselves and formulate alternative interpretations of their identities, and needs. These subaltern counter-publics serve the dual purpose of: (1) providing spaces of withdrawal for organizing, and (2) functioning as training grounds for strategies aimed towards participation in wider (and more empowered) publics to disenfranchised groups. Thus, the public sphere is conceptualized as a structured setting in which multiple publics are engaged in negotiations and contestation regarding cultural and ideological values. These multiple publics include the public sphere of the dominant group in addition to several differentially empowered counter-publics. In such a conceptualization, people can have membership in several publics, and there may be partial overlap in membership of different publics. In summary, the private—parochial—public continuum provides a useful starting point in our efforts to understand women’s activities as long as it is embedded in the specific political, economic, and social circumstances of the situation under study. Moreover, in a class-stratified society like India, the notion of multiple publics is a very pertinent one. Finally, since western researchers in the north have conducted much of such research, its applicability to Third World situations cannot be assumed. Practical and strategic gender needs Since women occupy different positions in society by virtue of their race, class, ethnicity, and other factors, the interests of different groups of women are shaped by complex and often conflicting approaches (Molyneux, 1985). Thus, it is not possible to generalize about all women’s interests. On the other hand, gender interest refers to common general interests shared by all women (Molyneux, 1985). Moser (1987, 1993) utilizes the concept of gender interest and translates it into planning needs.

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Strategic gender needs are those needs women identify due to their subordinate position relative to men in their society. Strategic gender needs of women vary according to particular contexts (like different countries, or regions within a country), and groups of women (like women of various class, or ethnic origin). They relate to gender divisions of labor, power and control, and may include such issues as legal rights, safety from domestic violence, equal wages, and women’s control over their bodies. Thus, strategic gender needs arise out of the existing subordinate status of women, and relate to the structure and nature of relationship between men and women. Practical gender needs are needs women identify in their socially accepted roles in society. Practical gender needs do not challenge the gender divisions of labor or women’s subordinate position in society, although they develop as a result of women’s lower status in society. Practical gender needs are a response to immediate perceived necessity, identified within a specific context. According to Moser (1993), in planning terms, policies to meet practical gender needs have to focus on the domestic arena, on income-generating activities, and on community-level requirements for housing and basic services. Thus, the fulfillment of practical gender needs by themselves do not question women’s subordinate status in society. The conceptualization of practical and strategic needs has several implications. Practical gender needs do not challenge existing forms of gender subordination, even though arising from them. Thus, the fulfillment of practical gender needs do not necessarily lead to long-term improvement in women’s quality of life. On the other hand, in some instances, strategic gender needs of women may actually threaten their more immediate short-term practical gender needs. Hence, to effect long-term structural change in the position of women in society, both practical and strategic gender needs have to be addressed. However, the formulation of strategic needs can be effective as a form of intervention only when full account is taken of practical needs (Molyneux, 1985). The conceptualization of practical and strategic gender needs allow us to make linkages between the various needs that women have and the changes that result from the satisfaction of such needs vis-a` -vis their position in society. RESEARCH METHOD A qualitative case study approach was used to collect data from women living in four adjacent slums (Dehiserampur Road, Auddy Bagan, Darapara, and TopsiaShibtala) and one squatter settlement (Azad Mohalla) in East Calcutta. Of these five locations, Azad Mohalla, Darapara, and Topsia-Shibtala were the three major study sites. I was introduced to the slum dwellers at the five sites by officials from two non-government organizations (NGOs) that have been working in this part of Calcutta for over 15 years. After the initial introduction, I used a chain sampling strategy to interview 63 women from a variety of backgrounds and circumstances. A semi-structured interview format was used to collect information about: (1) the basic demographic data of respondent and household, (2) particulars about other family members, (3) physical features of home environment, (4) respondent’s daily activity schedule, (5) income earning activities, (6) division of labor, (7) women’s position in the family, and (8) spatial issues. Interviews with 33 (52%) women were tape-recorded, while detailed notes were taken during each interview session. Most interviews were conducted in Bengali, with a few in Hindi, All taped interviews were transcribed and translated into English prior to analysis. In addition, repeated ethnographic interviews were conducted with 11 of the 63 interviewed women. The criteria used for choosing the ethnographic cases were instance in which: (i) a women successfully combined her household duties with productive activities, (ii) the consequences of transcending socio-cultural barriers

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and engaging in wage work had been significant for the woman, (iii) the productive activities of a woman had contributed to her improved status within her family, and (iv) a woman was able to overcome considerable resistance to engage in productive activity. The purpose of the ethnographic cases was to explore how women’s activities are shaped by the particular circumstances of their lives. Observation (casual, systematic, and participant) of women’s activities and settings both inside and outside the home and field notes were the other data collection techniques used. Content analysis of interview data and field notes by the method of unitizing and categorizing (Strauss and Corbin, 1990) was the major data analysis technique. It was divided into two parts. During the first part of the analysis, an accurate description of the phenomena observed was developed. Each case was examined and followed by cross-case analysis to identify the phenomenon under investigation from the perspective of the different people interviewed during the study. The second part of the analysis focused on the interpretation of the collected data. It probed for theoretical concepts that helped to explain and make sense of people’s behavior, actions, and feelings as observed and recorded in the field. Negative case analysis was used to ensure that the explanations arising out of this study were capable of accounting for the majority of the observations of the study. ATTRIBUTES OF WOMEN’S WORK Since the government has recognized the importance of the economic contribution of women from low-income groups and is targeting low-income women for urban development projects, it can be assumed that urban development projects are increasingly going to address and create income earning opportunities for women from low-income areas. However, in order to develop policies and projects to facilitate women’s labor market participation and improve their quality of life, it is first necessary to have an understanding of the different dimensions of their work. In this section, I identify the different types of work women engage in and then discuss their salient characteristics. Even though the focus of this paper is on women’s productive work, since women are responsible for reproductive work and the two types of activities are closely related, I begin this section with a brief overview of women’s reproductive work and continue with a detailed analysis of women’s productive work. Reproductive work Reproductive work consists of biological, physical and social components (Brydon and Chant, 1989; Moser, 1993). Biological reproductive work involves childbirth and lactation; physical reproductive work consists of the daily regeneration of labor force through cooking, cleaning, washing; while social reproductive work comprises of maintenance of the ideological conditions which reproduce class relations and uphold the social and economic status quo (like socializing children into the dictates of the existing social structures). In the slums and squatter settlements of Calcutta, simple household chores like washing dishes/clothes and fetching water are tedious tasks due to lack of infrastructure facilities. For example, there are long queues at the municipal taps for fetching water. Since individual homes are not provided with water supply connections nor drainage facilities, women have to either fetch water and wash dishes/clothes outside their homes, or take the dishes/clothes to a nearby water source (municipal tap or tube-well) for washing. Almost all reproductive activities are located in the house, settlement, or immediate neighborhood. Such tasks are interspersed through the entire day. Even though

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most of the tasks are tedious, time-consuming, and arduous, women’s reproductive work is considered as non-work (Rogers, 1980). This is borne out by the fact that those women (of this study) who did not engage in income-generating work, considered themselves as non-contributing members of their families. Productive work Particulars of productive work. In the urban context, productive work refers to all activities that directly generate payment in cash or kind (Brydon and Chant, 1989; Moser, 1993). In addition to reproductive work, about 65% of the women surveyed for this study engage in some kind of income-generating work, all in the informal sector. The women are employed in three major job categories: (1) selling and manufacturing activity (24%), (2) domestic service work (27%), and (3) petty piece rated work (38%). Most of the women at Azad Mohalla, Darapara, and TopsiaShibtala engage in domestic service, selling, and home-based petty piece rated work, respectively. Domestic service work and the specific types of petty piece rated work that these women engage in are usually performed by women. Moreover, the selling ventures that women engage in tend to be small-scale (in contrast to those that men engage in) and home-centered. The wage-work that these women engage can be typified as: (1) those associated with women’s reproductive duties (like washing, cleaning, cooking, sewing), and (2) home-based menial repetitive tasks linked to the notion of women having ‘‘nimble hand’’ (like cutting the straps of rubber sandals, leather sandal stitching, paper packet making, or leather bag stitching). Thus, women are concentrated in poorly remunerated, low or unskilled, sex segregated work in the informal sector that are associated with their reproductive role. Location of productive work. Activities occur with reference to particular spatial and temporal dimensions. In other words, activities occur in bounded spaces called settings. ‘‘A settings is a milieu which defines a situation, reminds occupants of the appropriate rules and hence of the ongoing behaviors appropriate to the situation defined by the setting, thereby making co-action possible’’ (Rapoport, 1990, p. 12). To understand the various aspects of the spatial location of women’s wage-work, I analyzed wage-work settings with respect to the private—parochial—public characterization of space. The private domain consists of the home, the parochial domain consists of settings in the settlement and immediate neighborhood, while all settings located beyond the immediate neighborhood are part of the public domain. A close look at the settings used for productive work indicates that other than those involved in selling ventures, all other women engage in wage-work in the private and parochial domains. Even those women who engage in selling ventures attempt to minimize the time spent in the public domain by locating the time-consuming selling part of the venture at home (private domain) or in the settlement/immediate neighborhood (parochial domain). Settings in the parochial realm used for wagework includes: the courtyard, grocery store, roadside (for selling), residences in the settlement and neighborhood, factories in the settlement; while settings used in the public arena consists of markets (in and outside the city), charitable institutions, and various residential areas at the city scale for door-to-door selling. As mentioned previously, women at the three major case study sites engage in specific types of wage-work. I found that this was linked to opportunities available in the immediate neighborhood. Since Azad Mohalla is located in a middle-class residential neighborhood, domestic service jobs are readily available; while TopsiaShibtala is located in an industrial area with many small factories and the consequent availability of petty piece rated work. Darapara on the other hand is adjacent to the Park Circus Railway Station and the Park Circus Market. This makes traveling from Darapara to other parts of the city easier than that from the other

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slums. Also Darapara serves as a catchment zone for a large number of people using the eastern railway system, leading to a steady stream of people (potential customers) passing through the settlement. This can be linked to the fact that most of the working (productive work that is) women at Darapara engage in some kind of selling and/or manufacturing venture which requires traveling to different parts of the city for buying products (connection with the location of railway station in the immediate neighborhood), and selling the products from home or settings located in the settlement or neighborhood (tied to the location of the market in the neighborhood and steady flow of people through the settlement). These observations support existing research which notes that women’s productive work is tied to job opportunities at and in the vicinity of their home environment (Kusow, 1993). Other defining characteristics of productive work. All women of this study involved in wage-work are employed by the informal or unorganized sector. They work long hours and are poorly remunerated. On average the domestic workers toil for about 6 hours per day, petty piece rated workers for 6.5 hours per day, and those involved in selling and manufacturing activity for about 8 hours per day. Another defining characteristic of women’s wage-work is that it consists of short segments of productive work sandwiched between reproductive work rather than a continuous segment of wage-work. Even after working these long hours, on average, the women involved in domestic service work, selling and manufacturing, and petty piece rated work earn about Rs 286/- ($9.00), Rs 539/- ($16.00), and Rs 259/- ($8.00) per month, respectively. The jobs that these women engage in have no security or benefits. There are no holidays and they work 7 days a week unless there is no supply of work. Those involved in selling enterprises are restricted by lack of capital and rely totally on non-formal sources of financing. Almost all productive activities that these women engage in are labour-intensive tasks, which require little or no skills. Even the few women who engage in skilled work acquired the skills from their families or other informal sources. Additionally, all the income-earning women received job-related information from personal social networks. FACTORS SHAPING WOMEN’S PRODUCTIVE WORK CHOICE The previous section indicates that women are concentrated into low-paying, low-status, menial tasks. This section explores the different factors that shape women’s work choice. The factors can be broadly categorized as: (1) responsibility for reproductive duties, (2) existing socialization practices, (3) spatial confinement and segregation, and (4) lack of information. I should point out that although I discuss these factors separately, in reality they are inter-related and reinforce one another. Responsibility for reproductive duties One of the most pervasive implications of the existing social structure is women’s total responsibility for reproductive activities. Even when sick, most (87%) of the women of this study are responsible for reproductive duties. The prevailing ideology is so strong that even when men are without work they rarely help their wives/mothers with reproductive work. Consequently, many women do not have time to engage in full-time wage-work and are restricted to only those jobs that they can accommodate with their reproductive duties. In fact, a significant proportion (29%) of the surveyed women not engaged in productive work cited their inability to accommodate wage-work with their household chores and childcare duties as the reason for not entering the labor market. Consequently, the wage earning

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women in this study have to bear the load of productive as well as reproductive work, corroborating the ‘‘double day’’ load of wage earning women (Brydon and Chant, 1989; Charlton, 1984; Moser, 1987, 1993). Socialization practices From a young age, girls are socialized to be good mothers and sacrificing wives. Because of such socialization practices, women do not question their full responsibility for reproductive duties even when they engage in wage-work. Neither do they dispute the right of their husbands to exercise control over their free movement. I noticed that the women of this study not only accept the dictates of the existing social structure, but also berate other women who resist or try to resist them. The appropriate role of women in society is so intimately linked to their reproductive role that they doubt their own ability to engage in non-traditional jobs. In fact, when asked about what is considered to be women’s work, only 5% of the women mentioned activities that are not related to women’s reproductive role, namely, work in a factory and any kind of selling activity. This points to the hegemony of the existing patriarchal social system, which in turn stymies women’s ambition and sense of ability. The prevalence of the ideology of women as homemakers and men as primary earners result in working women being considered as secondary earners. This legitimizes the low remuneration of women’s work, and their expulsion from the labor force during times of economic recession. Thus, women enter and exit the labor market according to the specific needs of the family (for example, to tide over economic hardship), or society (for example, during war). This phenomenon is referred to as the ‘‘reserve army of labor’’ (Tiano, 1981; Afshar, 1987). The fact that all working women of this study reported that they were working for economic necessity, and 79% indicated that they would like to give up their present income earning endeavors if their economic circumstances improved attests to the working of the reserve army of labor. Furthermore, the ideology of women as homemaker is so ubiquitous that even when women are successful in combining productive activities with their reproductive duties, they do not consider it an achievement. Rather, they consider it their misfortune. Women in India, especially Muslim women face strict sanctions against interaction with unrelated men. Control over women’s behavior is strongest in those stages of family life cycle when they have the potential of being sexually active (young unmarried women, and married women in child bearing years). However, women are permitted to step out of their home environments to ensure the survival of their families. This has been described as the contrasting ideology of ‘‘feminine modesty’’ and ‘‘sacrificial motherhood’’ (Lessinger, 1989; Ram, 1989; Standing, 1985, 1991). The notion of feminine modesty confines women to their home environments, while that of sacrificial motherhood permit women to go out of their home environments and engage in wage-work for the survival of their families. Even though this contrasting ideology allows women to leave their homes to engage in wage-work in times of dire economic hardship, it is only a temporary lowering of sanctions. When the economic need subsides, the women have to retreat to their homes. This further legitimizes the operation of the reserve army of labor. As a result of such socialization practices, women do not develop an interest in or aspirations for excelling in income generating work. In a situation of scarce resources, girls are not even given the most basic education. The sanctions against interaction with unrelated men results in women being unable/unwilling to work with men in the work environment. Lacking in skills, hemmed in by socialization practices, and bound to their home environment by reproductive responsibilities and societal norms, the only type of jobs available to women are part-time, poorly

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paid jobs in the informal sector that they can accommodate with their household chores and childcare duties. Spatial confinement and segregation Women’s responsibilities for reproductive duties as well as the ideology of the ‘‘rightful place of women is at home’’ work to confine them to their home environments. Additionally, the ideology of ‘‘female modesty’’ and control over women’s sexuality result in sanctions against free association between members of the opposite sex. This further intensifies the penchant to confine women to their home environments, and leads to the spatial segregation of the sexes. The specific forms of spatial confinement faced by the surveyed women varied in terms of intensity and enforcement. The intensity of spatial restriction and confinement varied from extreme to almost none. A relatively small number of women (21%) of this study do not leave their homes and the adjoining courtyard (that is, private realm) even for reproductive activities, about half (52%) the women engage in a variety of reproductive and productive work in the parochial domain, while about a quarter (27%) of the women engage in a variety of activities in the public domain and do not face significant spatial restrictions. The spatial confinement of women surveyed for this study is enforced by husbands, fathers, mothers, mothersin-law, grandparents, and sometimes is even self-imposed. The fact that women enforce restrictions on one another’s behavior is a reflection of the hegemony of the existing ideological structures. The spatial segregation of women is based on preserving the ideology of ‘‘feminine modesty’’ and maintaining women’s sexual purity by avoiding interaction with unrelated members of the opposite sex. As with spatial confinement, the degree of spatial segregation experienced by the women of this study varies from the strictest observance of male—female interaction avoidance to the minimal; while this control is enforced by people in authority (father, mother, mother-in-law, grand-mother), by social pressure, and even by themselves. However, spatial segregation differs from spatial confinement in that it is based solely on the ideology of preserving female (sexual) purity and is not directly influenced by women’s reproductive duties. The spatial confinement faced by women is responsible for limiting women to home-based jobs (private realm) or jobs located near their home environment (parochial domain). The fact that the majority of women interviewed for this study engage in productive activities in the private (12%) and parochial (64%) realm attests to this phenomenon. Additionally, spatial segregation does not allow women to engage in those jobs that are located near their home environments but involve interaction with unrelated men. As a result, women are often unable to engage in any income earning endeavors due to the unavailability of home-based jobs and/or gender segregated jobs in the neighborhood. Even when women have skills they have to be content with home-based work since they are not allowed to work besides men in a factory or workshop environment. Furthermore, such restrictions hinder women from taking advantage of training and educational opportunities that are often located in the public domain and are usually controlled by men. Reduced access to information Daphne Spain (1992) contends that women’s spatial confinement and restrictions deny them access to spaces holding important information/resources, and in doing so, reinforces their subordinate status in society. Even though various government agencies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Calcutta are involved in economic development projects, very few of the women I interviewed were aware of

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such opportunities. Many of these women were unaware of small grants being disbursed to families by the local NGO to help start small businesses. Samma Begum, Bilkish Begum, and Shabana Begum of Darapara are in search of better jobs, but since they do not leave their homes they have no idea as to how to go about looking for better employment opportunities. Similarly, Rahima Begum of Topsia-Shibtala would like to leave her present poorly paid petty piece rated work of cutting straps of rubber sandals and begin a better paying job, but does not know how to do so: ‘‘if I know where to get a job — I’ll do, 2 2 here my sister does, so I know.’’ All the working women of this study received job-related information from personal social networks, while 78% of the non-working women of Azad-Mohalla have been looking for jobs for over a year. I observed that those women who complained of lack of job-related information were mostly those who had to endure strict spatial confinement, while others, who had greater spatial mobility (like Farah Begum of Azad Mohalla; Saira Begum and Mafusa Bibi of Darapara), had better access to job-related information. I should point out that even those women who are relatively mobile do not have access to the formal information sources regarding jobs and other facilities (like training and educational opportunities organized by government and other agencies). By virtue of their class these women have access to only non-formal sources of information. This underscores the fact that gender and class relations intersect to shape the lives of these women. Thus even when these women gain spatial mobility and use settings in the public domain, it is not the domain of formal, legitimized power. This corroborates the existence of multiple publics (Fraser, 1992) and illustrates that in a class stratified society (like India) the notion of multiple publics is an appropriate representation of reality. In summary, women’s responsibility for reproductive duties and spatial confinement/segregation tie women to their home environments and consequently severely constrain their ability to engage in different types of productive activities located in settings away from their home environment (that is, in the public domain). This is all the more significant since well paying, status enhancing, and self-empowering jobs are mostly located in the public domain. Additionally, women’s spatial confinement limits their access to important resources and information. Patriarchal socialization practices stymie women’s inclination to engage in wage-work, and norms restricting interaction with unrelated men further reduce women’s job possibilities. As a result women are segregated into a small number of jobs performed in or near their homes. These jobs tend to be tedious, menial, and arduous tasks with low remuneration. Thus, even when women engage in income earning activities, they often find the experience far from being liberating and/or status enhancing. LESSONS LEARNED The experience of the women of this study attests to the inter-connectedness of the various factors that shape women’s participation in different activities and their use of various settings. This study corroborates the notion that women’s job opportunities are tied to their homes, settlements, and immediate neighborhood (Kusow, 1993; Sheriff, 1991). Based on the understanding gained through the experiences of the women of this study, I suggests some policy recommendations that will facilitate women’s income generating efforts and improve their status within their families and society. Holistic conceptualization of women’s role in society Public policy and development projects should recognize women’s reproductive as well as productive role. Education and training facilities developed by government

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and non-government agencies should be cognizant of the spatial and temporal restrictions faced by women. For example, training/educational facilities should be located in the settlement or immediate neighborhood and at a time convenient to the target group. Whenever possible such facilities should be staffed and operated by women. This will ensure that women take advantage of such opportunities, and not face opposition from their families (due to existing socio-cultural norms) in their initial quest to learn/acquire job skills. Policy makers should examine different means of extending support to women with their reproductive work. Better infrastructure facilities (like adequate water supply connections, proper drainage facilities) in low income settlements will reduce the arduousness of simple daily tasks like washing clothes and dishes and help women to accommodate wage-work with their household duties. Since most women are employed by the informal sector, policies that attempt to integrate the informal economy into the formal economy will be particularly useful to women from low-income groups. Financial support, if made available to women without collateral, would greatly help them to set up small-scale enterprises in the informal sector. These kinds of support mechanisms would help women cope with their practical gender needs linked to housing and basic services, and assist them to engage in wage-work within their traditional role in society. However, public policy and development efforts should also target women’s strategic gender needs. It is not enough to provide women with support structures to enable them to engage in wage-work available in their neighborhoods. Both government and non-government organizations should aim to teach women skills that would enable them to earn a decent income and bring about positive changes in their lives. Since jobs that are considered to be traditional women’s work are usually those that are poorly remunerated, public policy and programs should train women for better paying non-traditional jobs. This will serve the dual purpose of increased financial benefit (and through it greater probability of high self-esteem) for the women and their families, and help to break down the ideological barriers between women’s and men’s roles in society, and the strict division of labor in the family. Importance of the parochial domain This study reveals that women face fewer restrictions to use settings in the parochial domain for productive work than those in the public domain. Thus, development projects should focus on providing training facilities and job opportunities in the parochial domain. Studies in the US indicate space appropriation by women belonging to minority and disadvantaged groups at the settlement and neighborhood scale improve women’s self-esteem, help them redefine their social identities, and prepare them for playing a more active role in the wider public domain (Breitbart and Pader, 1995; Feldman and Stall, 1994). Thus by concentrating on developing decent housing and employment opportunities for women at the settlement and immediate neighborhood scale, policy and development programs (both government and non-government) can benefit women financially, improve their self-esteem, and prepare them for participation in the public domain. Creation of subaltern counter-publics In fact, training facilities and places of employment in the parochial domain can be designed to provide women with the necessary space to voice their concerns, clarify their problems, establish solidarity, and re-group/organize for entering wider and empowered public arenas for solutions to their problems. In other words, settings in the parochial domain can be developed into subaltern counter-public spaces that women can use for meeting their strategic gender needs.

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To help women organize and develop their own paths of action in response to their problems, government should provide the necessary technical and organizational skills to enable women from low income families to form groups, come up with an agenda for action and communicate it in the language of the dominant class. However, whenever possible, the women should be allowed to formulate and prioritize their problems and choose the direction of the solutions for their problems. Women belonging to low-income groups cannot be expected to challenge the dictates of the existing social structures (like the gendered divisions of space and labor) when the risks involved for such action are too high (Freire, 1970). Thus, public policy should aim to reduce the risks associated with women’s efforts to overcome the barriers posed by the existing social system. Support mechanisms in the form of shelters for victims of domestic abuses, legal counseling facilities, and training facilities for decent jobs would lower the risks of opposing the oppressive social structure. Recognition of the link between women’s spatial confinement and restricted access to important information/resources The relationship between women’s settings and the resources available to different groups in society reveals that making some public settings accessible to women does not always guarantee women access to power/resources. Since a significant proportion of power and resources reside in the public domain, making such settings accessible to women would improve their access to power. However, this should not discourage other innovative ways of effecting an equitable distribution of power in society. Different ways in which resources can be brought into the private and parochial domains also warrant excamination. In fact, since settings in the parochial domain are more accessible to women than those located in the public realm, government programs should focus on empowering settings in the parochial domain. In other words, important information and resources should be made available to women locally in their immediate neighborhoods. In summary, government programs and public policy targeting the development of low-income women should be informed by the various factors that shape women’s ability to engage in different activities in diverse settings. Such policies should not represent women in their traditional role as homemakers and as passive recipients of government help (welfare model). This is easier said than done in a culture where well-intentioned development officers and goernment officials are socialized within the dictates of the existing social structures of society. Public policy and programs should tackle womem’s practical gender needs, or those needs that women identify in their traditional role in society. In addition, public policy and programs should address the oppressive partriarchal structures that perpetuate women’s subordinate status (that is strategic gender needs) to effect long-term change in the power structure of society.

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NOTES  I interviewed 18 women at Azad Mohalla, 14 women at Darapara, and 22 women at Topsia-Shibtala. At the insistence of the non-government organization (NGO) through which I had established contact, I interviewed four women at Auddy Bagan, and six women at Dehiserampur Road.  According to the International Labor Organization (ILO) the informal sector has the following characterics: (1) ease of entry; (2) reliance on indigenous resources; (3) family ownership of enterprises; (4) small-scale operations; (5) labor intensive, and use of adaptive technologies; (6) skills used are usually acquired outside schooling; and (7) an irregular and competitive market (ILO, 1972—cited in Westwood, 1991).  Paper packet making, and cutting straps of rubber sandals/thongs are the two types of petty piece rated work the women of this study engage in.  Mies (1982), and Brydon and Chant (1989) have reported similar characterization of women’s wage-work.  Personal social network refers to a group of people linked by personal and/or familial ties and involved in a relationship of mutual help and understanding.  Non-traditional jobs are jobs that do not conform to women’s identity as mothers and housewives.  58% of job types were associated with women’s nurturing and caring roles, while another 21% were associated with the notion of nimble hands.  Data regarding women’s status indicates that those women who choose to engage in income generating activities, and those who are able to make a significant contribution towards family income are more likely to gain in self-esteem and status due to their wage-work experience.  Non traditional jobs are those jobs that do not conform to women’s identity as mothers and housewives.