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“You have to be flexible”—Coping among polish migrant workers in Scotland
Health & Place 16 (2010) 820–827
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‘‘You have to be flexible’’—Coping among polish migrant workers in Scotland Heide B. Weishaar n School of Clinical Science and Community Health, Division of Community Health Sciences, University of Edinburgh, Medical Buildings, Teviot Place, Edinburgh EH8 9AG, Scotland, UK
a r t i c l e in f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history: Received 25 August 2009 Received in revised form 6 April 2010 Accepted 12 April 2010
Migrants after international relocation are confronted with various stressors that can challenge their adjustment capacities and lead to decreased health. Based on the analysis of qualitative interviews and focus groups, this article is the first to explore successful coping strategies of Polish migrants in Edinburgh, thereby providing insight into the coping process after economic migration across the European Union. The study reveals that Polish migrants are very resourceful in dealing with the stressors they face. It confirms the employment of various types of coping including problem-solving, emotion-regulating and appraisal-oriented strategies. Social support and appraisal emerge as important variables and are perceived to considerably influence the subsequent stages of the adjustment process. Based on the assumption that coping is likely to affect the health of migrant populations, a better understanding of coping followed by tailored support for international migrants might have a positive influence on public health, particularly in societies where international mobility and large migrant populations are common phenomena. & 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: International migration Scotland Polish migrant workers Appraisal Coping
1. Introduction As a consequence of globalisation and the free movement across European borders, work-induced mobility and economic migration across the European Union (EU) have increased throughout the last decade (Eurostat, 2008). The process that people undergo when confronted with a changing cultural context, i.e. the procedure of dealing with challenges, coping and developing a certain level of adaptation to the new culture, has been described by Berry et al. (2002) and Berry (1997) as acculturation or adjustment. A growing field of academic research reveals that international migration can produce acculturative stress (e.g. Mirdal, 1984; Mirdal, 1985; Berry et al., 1987; Furnham and Ying, 1993; Sundquist, 1994; Griffin and Soskolne, 2003; Magana and Hovey, 2003; Kim-Godwin and Bechtel, 2004; Khan and Watson, 2005; Weishaar, 2008), require the activation of coping strategies (Berry et al., 1987) and coincide with diminished physical and psychological health (Hull, 1979; Sundquist, 1995; Chung and Seok, 2000; Hovey and Magana, 2002; Magana and Hovey, 2003; Griffin and Soskolne, 2003; Kim-Godwin and Bechtel, 2004; Khan and Watson, 2005; Ryan et al., 2006; Wittig et al., 2008). Migration across the EU became a topic of particular interest after 1 May 2004 when, as part of the biggest enlargement in the EU’s history, ten countries became new members of the EU. The 15 member states, which had been part of the EU before May n
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2004 had the right to regulate labour market access for A8 Central and Easter European migrants1 for a transition period of five years. The UK was one of three European member states which chose not to do so, but opened its labour market without restrictions2. This flexible labour market policy combined with high unemployment and low wages in some of the new accession countries resulted in an unexpectedly high influx of economic migrants to the UK. By May 2009, nearly 1,000,000 A8 applicants had registered with the Workers Registration Scheme (WRS)3 of which approximately 80,000 had registered in Scotland (Home Office et al., 2009). According to recent WRS-data, 81% of all A8 migrants are within the age group of 18–34 years, about half are male, the majority (66%) are of Polish origin and though many are highly qualified, most find work in manual or ‘‘low-skilled’’ jobs (Home Office et al., 2009). Recent research has focused on migration of A8 migrants (Sim et al., 2007; Anderson et al., 2006; Ruhs, 2006) and, in particular, stressors experienced by Polish migrants when coming to Scotland have been identified (Weishaar, 2008). The high influx of Polish migrants to the UK and the stressors they are confronted with after economic migration might lead to adaptation problems,
1 A8 migrants include migrants from eight of the ten accession countries, namely from Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia. 2 The other EU member states who did not restrict access were the Republic of Ireland and Sweden. 3 The Workers Registration Scheme is a scheme under which all A8 migrants who have come to the UK to work for more than one month since May 2004 have to register.
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Person
Personenvironment relationship
Appraisal
Coping
1) Primary: Appraisal of the situation
1) Problem-solving
Adaptation
2) Secondary: Appraisal of resources
2) Emotion-regulating
(e.g. health-related)
3) Appraisal-oriented
Stressor Fig. 1. Conceptual framework of the adjustment process following migration (adapted from Lazarus (1999, p. 198) and Berry et al. (2002, p. 363)).
which might have consequences for both the individual migrant and the host society and can potentially impact on the health of the migrant population. Although theories suggest that coping is a key variable in the adjustment process and needs to be taken into account when exploring and analysing successful and unsuccessful adaptation after international migration (Berry, 1997), only few studies have explored how migrants cope (Kosic and Triandafyllidou, 2003; Andreotti, 2006; Datta et al., 2007) and almost no data exists on coping among Central and Eastern European migrant workers in the UK. By analysing interviews and focus groups, this study makes a first attempt to address this issue by aiming to explore and identify successful coping strategies of Polish migrants in Edinburgh and to gain insight into the coping process and its potential influence on adaptation after economic migration. The findings might help to develop, support, challenge and advance future studies and theoretical frameworks of coping and adaptation after international relocation.
1.1. Conceptual framework of the adjustment process following migration While research has shown that acculturation is moderated by a variety of factors, including stressors, appraisal, social support and coping strategies (Berry et al., 1987; Kim and Gudykunst, 1987), existing studies do not embrace a common model of acculturation nor a common explanation (Salant and Lauderdale, 2003) and little is known about how migrants transform ‘‘potentially stressful conditions into opportunities’’ (Aroian, 1990, p. 5). For the purpose of this study, a conceptual framework was developed, drawing on three wider theoretical concepts on adaptation including (i) Lazarus’s (1965) theory on stress, coping and adjustment, (ii) Berry et al.’s (2002) theory on acculturative stress, adjustment and adaptation and (iii) the concept of life events and onset of disease developed by Holmes and Rahe (1967). Fig. 1 illustrates the conceptual framework of the adjustment process following migration by combining the three concepts in a single model. The model shown in Fig. 1 draws on Lazarus’s stress theory (1965), which states that the confrontation of the individual with a stressor4, i.e. the relationship between the individual and the environment, has the potential to result in conflict and stress. An individual that is confronted with a stressor appraises the situation, i.e. undertakes an assessment. Lazarus distinguishes between primary and secondary appraisal with primary appraisal being the individual’s judgement whether or not the stressor poses a serious threat and secondary appraisal being the evaluation of one’s own capabilities, external support and coping options. Lazarus assumes that appraisal as the cognitive process 4 The term ‘‘stressor’’ is used according to Lazarus (1999, p. 32) as an external input on a social, physiological or psychological system, which creates a physical, emotional or social challenge.
preceding coping not only influences the inner state of the individual but also the further process of coping, adjustment and adaptation and is therefore the most significant element in the adjustment process (Lazarus, 1965). The process that follows appraisal and therefore the next stage in the model is coping, which is defined as the ‘‘constantly changing cognitive and behavioural efforts to manage specific external and/or internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of a person’’ (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984, p. 141). Coping strategies are developed to juggle resources and manage situations in innovative and complex ways (Wallace, 2002). Lazarus (1999) distinguishes between problem-solving, emotion-regulating and appraisal-oriented coping. Problem-solving coping includes altering the situation; emotion-regulating coping comprises dealing with one’s emotions; appraisal-oriented coping encompasses altering one’s own perceptions by reappraising the situation. Lazarus concludes that the appropriate exertion and combination of these three coping strategies can lead to successful adaptation. This concept is taken up by Berry et al. (2002, p. 369) in their theory on the response to migration. They use the term ‘‘adaptation’’ to describe the outcome of the adjustment process, i.e. the level to which a migrant manages to cope with the new and different culture. Adaptation can range from successful adaptation (the migrant manages life well) to unsuccessful adaptation (the migrant is not able to carry on living in the new society). Confirming this concept, Hull (1979, p. 28) points out that the variety of stressors and demands on migrants can result in an over-burdening of the ‘‘psychosomatic adjustment capacity’’ and that unsuccessful adaptation can become manifest as emotional distress, diminished well-being and illness. Brown and Harris (1978) assume that unsuccessful coping and adaptation can either provoke direct health-related reactions or changes in health later on in life, an idea that is consistent with Holmes and Rahe’s concept of life events (1967). The latter hypothesise that life events (for example a change in residence) provoke coping and are related to the onset of diseases. Confirming this theory, a relationship between acculturation stress and diminished mental health and depressive mood has been found in samples of Russian and Iranian migrants in Germany (Haasen et al., 2008) and Bosnian refugees in the Netherlands (Knipscheer and Kleber, 2006). Moreover, Hiott et al. (2008) found high levels of anxiety scores and depressive symptoms among migrant farmworkers in the United States. While the connection between acculturative stress and health is not clearly proven and the process not fully understood (Day, 1984), some authors have emphasised a number of factors which might explain changes in health after migration. These include the interruption of lifestyle (Fisher, 1988), unfamiliarity with a new culture where familiar rules for interaction do not work (Oberg, 1960; Zapf, 1991), role and identity change (Fisher, 1988), loss and social disruption (Fisher, 1988), reduced control and powerlessness (Oberg, 1960; Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend, 1984; Fisher, 1988) altered access
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to health services (Loue et al., 2000) and, most important for this article, successful or unsuccessful coping styles (Farley et al., 2005).
2. Methods Interviews and focus groups have proven to be culturally sensitive methods of investigation through which very personal, ‘‘tacit’’ (Blaikie, 2000, p. 25) and complex knowledge can be teased out (Khan and Watson, 2005). They appear to be particularly suitable to explore subconscious or partly conscious processes and strategies like those involved in coping and have frequently been used to study individuals’ experiences after international migration (Elliott and Gillie, 1998; Kosic and Triandafyllidou, 2003; Khan and Watson, 2005; Andreotti, 2006). The data for this paper derives from interviews and focus groups with Polish migrants working in manual and low-skilled jobs in Edinburgh. Eight qualitative, face-to-face interviews and two focus groups, comprising four and five participants, respectively, were conducted by the author between April and June 2007. With snowball sampling having proven successful in research on migrants (Haasen et al., 2008; Elliott and Gillie, 1998), a convenience sample was recruited among the Polish community in Edinburgh through gatekeepers, advertisements, flyers and research participants. Interviews and discussion groups focused on the acculturation process with an emphasis on coping. Interviews lasted between 50 and 90 min, focus groups between 90 and 105 min. Supplementary sources of information for the study were interviews with professionals involved with Polish migrants and notes made during observations of places where Poles met, including churches, community centres, Polish shops and language classes. All interviews and focus groups were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. Using the computer software Nvivo, the data was subsequently coded, analysed thematically and categorised in order to identify core issues. The ethical guidelines of the University of Edinburgh Public Health Sciences were followed with particular attention being paid to careful recruitment and close monitoring of the research process. Information sheets as well as a consent form were translated into Polish to ensure that all research participants understood the objectives of the research, were able to give their voluntary informed consent and were aware that they could withdraw from the study at any point. Participants had the opportunity to ask questions and, after the final analysis, were provided with a summary of the research results. As research suggests that peoples’ emotional experiences and expressions are less aroused in a non-native tongue (Church, 1982), interpretation was offered to all interviewees. Four interviews were fully or partly undertaken in Polish. A Polish student of the University of Edinburgh served as the interpreter. Because literal translation
would have inhibited free and fluent conversation, only the general content of the answers was interpreted during the interviews. Later, the recordings of the interviews were translated word for word to allow an accurate analysis of the data. Focus groups were conducted after a preliminary analysis of the interviews in order to increase the researcher’s understanding of specific issues that had arisen from the interviews and were ambiguous, unclear or required further elaboration. Statements from the interviews were used to stimulate discussion and charts served as visual prompts. For practical reasons, both focus groups were conducted in English. Table 1 shows the main interview and focus group elements.
3. Results Six men and nine women participated in the research. Participants were on average 29 years old, ranging between 17 and 51 years. Four participants were married, and eight had dependants living with them in the UK. Respondents had migrated on average 19 months previously, ranging from 1 to 47 months, with men generally having been in the UK for a longer period of time (average of 31 months) than women (average of 10 months). Further demographic data on the sample are presented in Table 2. Only two study participants had immediate plans to return to Poland, all others were inclined to stay for at least a few more years. The majority reported being better off economically compared to when in Poland. Ten out of fifteen respondents gave the impression that they had adapted well, were integrated into UK society, felt comfortable or described themselves as content. All respondents acknowledged migration as a life event which challenged attitudes, conventional structures, coping strategies and adaptation abilities. As this article aims to identify factors contributing to successful coping, the following section only considers factors which were mentioned as helpful and supportive. Unsuccessful coping strategies were not explored in detail and are only mentioned briefly for comparative purposes.
3.1. Problem-solving coping Problem-solving behaviour was identified as a factor with a major impact on coping. When asked about problems, one interviewee put it very simply:
Table 2 Demographical data of the sample. Demographical data on study participants
Table 1 Number of participants in interviews and focus groups. Study participants
n
Total Interviews Polish English English with interpreter present Focus group 1 Focus group 2
15a 8 3 4 1 4 5
a Out of 15 participants in total, two took part in an interview as well as in a focus group.
Gender Female Male Marital status Married Divorced Not married Dependants in Scotland No dependants Dependants Work experience outside Poland (multiple answers possible) None United Kingdom Other European countries USA
n
9 6 4 1 10 7 8 6 4 4 3
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‘‘With me, if I have a problem, I find a solution. I don’t stop and say ‘‘Oh no, what am I going to do?’’ I am trying to find out what I am going to do and then I will do it.’’ (male, I5) Migrants felt that they relied on themselves and had to cope on their own and thus had to be proactive. Some respondents reported that the transition to a foreign country had helped them realise that it was their responsibility to make the most of their life: ‘‘You know, people in Poland, for them it’s responsibility to everyone around, but not himself. And that is definitely change here. For me. I understand for 100% that there is everything in me, in myself.’’ (male, I) The decision to take responsibility and grasp opportunities was mentioned as a crucial feature in the adjustment process. Active problem-solving became particularly apparent with regard to seeking employment with migrants searching for jobs on the internet, going to the job centre several times a day, submitting applications and seeking out potential employers in order to personally hand in their CVs. One interviewee described how he had set himself a ‘‘minimum plan’’ (male, I) of sending off five applications per day; another reported handling the job search like a job itself: ‘‘I had a system of looking for a job: I looked for a job eight hours per day with a two hour break in between. So that was four hours in the morning and four hours in the afternoon with two hours in between for lunch.’’ (male, I) Determination, commitment and the will to ‘‘push a bit harder’’ (male, I) were identified by many participants as key factors for successful coping. They stressed, however, that determination had to be linked with flexibility: ‘‘You have to be flexible to survive. That is why humankind is such a terribly popular species. We can adjust.’’ (male, I) All interviewees were aware of sources of formal support and many reported that they had called upon official places for help including job centres, trade unions, public offices, citizen advice bureaus, churches and Polish community centres. A specific strength of the latter was the opportunity to access information and advice in Polish without having to overcome the usual language barrier. Obtaining information via the internet was valued as it did not require much effort or the request for help. Taking initiative was also seen as helpful with regard to meeting people and establishing friendships. While respondents admitted that taking the first step towards other people required a degree of courage, they emphasised that taking the initiative was often key to successful adaptation. One interviewee proudly gave account of an encouraging experience when trying to establish friendships during a weekend away with a club: ‘‘I offered that I would organize some drama games. [y] So I had to break the ice that was in me. And it was absolutely awesome, ’cause the people, they loved it. [y] And after [this], I started to be recognized in [the club]. People just came a bit closer, and so did I.’’ (male, I) Leisure time activities like doing sports, reading books, going out with other people or simply enjoying the outdoors seemed to divert attention and prevent migrants from worrying. They were identified as creating a feeling of usefulness and belonging, a means of doing something for oneself and thus as crucial to 5 Attached abbreviations indicate whether the quote is taken from an interview (I) or a focus group (FG).
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successful adaptation. Particularly when working extensive hours, taking time aside for leisure and hobbies was perceived as important. One focus group participant pointed out that since he had balanced his work and leisure time better, he felt more alive and much better: ‘‘Hobbies and your free time, that’s the most important thing. [y] I feel much, much, much better. And I feel that I am alive, that I am human. And that is for me the most important.’’ (male, FG) 3.2. Emotion-regulating coping Those who had been in Scotland for a longer time emphasised that adjustment took time and that endurance was needed to bear and to overcome difficulties. All participants seemed to be relatively undemanding and many put up with extremely strenuous situations without complaining. The immediate time after migration was seen as a time where one could not be picky and during which modesty and sturdiness were useful character traits. It was remarkable how positive and humorous respondents evaluated their situations and how they were able to positively appraise and joke even about major problems. Personality traits were mentioned as influential for how a situation was evaluated and informal contacts were highlighted as important for dealing with emotions, for making respondents feel less alien, more appreciated and understood and for increasing a sense of belonging. Nearly all respondents said that they had found people to socialise with through work, shared accommodation, language classes, church or hobbies. Having family members in their new dwelling was identified as a particularly strong source of encouragement as they helped respondents to cope and settle and increased motivation to carry on: ‘‘What helped me? ...Probably, like, when I seen [my son], [my daughter] and [my wife], that makes me keep going. I really need just them to be around, and I know everything is fine. As far as they are fine, I am fine. And that was all, really, to keep me running.’’ (male, I) Some respondents also referred to family members or close friends in Poland as a source of emotional support and gave accounts of how going home to see friends gave them new strength and cheered them up. While friendships in the UK were mainly forged with other Poles, respondents said that the open, welcoming and helpful manner of people in Edinburgh made it easier to cope: ‘‘The Scots are friendly and very helpful. [y] When you ask about the way or when you ask abouty They smile, and they talk to you. [y] And it’s easier to live when they are friendly. Then it’s easier to live.’’ (female, I) 3.3. Appraisal-oriented coping Appraisal emerged as being crucial and stood out as a very important factor in the coping process with different aspects of positive appraisal being mentioned as influential. Positive, forward-looking appraisal and the ability to develop a positive view and optimism were seen as particularly helpful. Not regretting was specifically described as an important feature: ‘‘We live on planet earth, and planet earth has one special thing: You can’t move back in time. And there is this. It’s like: What’s done is done. You can’t fix this. You must look forward.’’ (male, I)
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One interviewee stressed that she and her husband were ‘‘cando people’’ with a belief that problems could be solved. Several interviewees’ accounts underlined that their trust in the manageability of a situation and in a positive outcome helped to actively solve problems: ‘‘I am a kind of resourceful person. I am still here, so that means I survived, no matter what. I always find some way out or something.’’ (male, I) Believing in one’s abilities, knowing one’s value and a positive self-image seemed to facilitate active problem-solving while, in turn, positive experiences and successful coping was perceived as helping to build up self-esteem and appraise situations positively. One interviewee described his strategy of building up self-esteem, confidence and competency by deliberately setting himself small challenges and gradually making the challenges more difficult: ‘‘Now I know that I have some experience and nobody can take this from me. And it’s very helpful. [y] Everyday, when you have work, when you can pay bills, it’s like a small victory. You know, every day [you] feel better, every day you can feel that you can do more. [y] Some days I spend like a winner, it’s like Napoleon. I find I am so big, thaty. I am, it’s enough!’’ (male, I) Evaluating a difficult situation as temporary and appraising it positively compared to difficulties experienced at earlier points in one’s own life or to other people’s struggles was seen as a source of optimism about life in Scotland. A shocking account was given by a woman who had been to her home town for a visit: ‘‘I have been in Poland recently [y] There, even in supermarkets, the work conditions are terrible. They force cashiers to wear diapers and not go to toilets. Who would do this here? [y] I[t] explained a lot of things. [I was] saying to myself that it is worse there than here.’’ (female, I) Scotland was seen by many migrant workers as a place where it was easy to find a job or as a place providing opportunities to advance professionally and personally. One interviewee expressed that in Scotland, he saw an opportunity to develop his potential and achieve something through courage, ambition, dedication and hard work: ‘‘Here, I can develop. I can do more than I could in Poland. [y] And if you can use it [your opportunities], if you are not afraid to take a chance, just like that, you can make things happen. And that is almost like a dreamy’’ (male, I) The respondents’ perception of their move as a chance to develop, to try out new things and to use their abilities seemed to lead to a positive and active approach to obstacles. 3.4. Interdependence of coping factors The interview data suggested that coping factors were intertwined, applied in combination and could not easily be separated. To clarify this, focus group participants were asked to rank the different coping strategies according to their importance. Respondents found it difficult to tie themselves down to one single most successful factor and were eager to point out that the various factors enhanced and influenced each other: Personality traits like determination and flexibility, but also a positive selfimage and high self-esteem was perceived as not only determining appraisal but also the activation of informal or formal support and the drive to actively solve occurring problems. Respondents highlighted that people who were open-minded, outgoing and willing to learn were more likely to draw on support, to make friends or to engage in activities while being shy, withdrawn and
lacking self-confidence seemed to hinder respondents from contacting support and hence prevented active problem-solving. Proactive behaviour, in turn, was described as partly dependent on the knowledge one had gained by drawing on formal support. Appraisal was identified as a crucial factor, influencing both mood and the ability to solve problems actively. Finally, successful and unsuccessful coping seemed to replicate itself. Most migrants reported that the experience of successful adaptation enabled them to cope with further obstacles while those who had not adjusted well seemed to be trapped in a downward spiral of acculturative difficulties.
4. Discussion This study on coping among Polish migrants in Edinburgh supports Lazarus’s theory on appraisal and coping (1965, 1999). The migrants interviewed employ a wide diversity of successful coping strategies, ranging from problem-solving to emotionregulating and appraisal-oriented coping. With no particular strategy emerging as superior and various factors influencing each other mutually, it seems that coping factors are most effective when applied in combination. By identifying individual and context-specific differences in coping, this study supports Lazarus’s (1999) assumption that successful coping is a dynamic social process, a matter of appraisal, of learnt mastery techniques and of the suitability of a coping mechanism in a specific situation. The conceptual framework, illustrated in Fig. 1 and adapted from Berry et al. (2002) and Lazarus’s (1999) models, provides a suitable concept to explore the adjustment process Polish migrants undergo after migrating to Scotland. It could serve as a useful starting point for the development, refinement and testing of currently rather sketchy models and theories on adjustment after international migration. This qualitative study allows drawing a few implications about the factors which are closely connected to successful coping and which might therefore enhance conceptual frameworks and theories of coping. The findings confirm appraisal as an important feature of the coping process as it seems to have an impact on the inner state of the individual, on coping and on the degree of physical, psychological and social adjustment. The study also indicates that appraisal varies greatly between individuals: Some participants stress adaptation difficulties, others see the encounter with something new as a positive experience, and some feel that adjustment is a natural process of growth. Even the same situation can be perceived as stressful and threatening by one person but as totally manageable by another. Antonovsky’s (1979) concept of the importance of a sense of coherence6 seems to be central to appraisal and coping with the findings suggesting that individuals who perceive a situation as manageable, comprehensible and meaningful are more likely to employ active, productive and successful coping strategies. The importance of the ascription of meaning in the adjustment process has previously been identified by Wong and Leung (2008) in a study on the effect of the subjective meaning of migration on the mental health of female Chinese migrant workers. In order to measure and objectively quantify the connection between sense of coherence, appraisal and coping, an investigation of whether migrants who display higher scores on Antonovsky’s sense of coherence scale is more likely to positively appraise their situation and resources and employ more successful coping strategies would be useful. 6 The term ‘‘sense of coherence’’ is used according to Antonovsky as a global orientation to view the world and the individual environment as comprehensible, manageable, and meaningful.
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The findings further point to the crucial role of social support in the appraisal and coping process. Polish migrants in Edinburgh cope by drawing on strong informal social networks and seem to be well connected. A high prevalence of Polish migrants in Edinburgh and, as a result, a strong Polish community which can access several formal and informal services (e.g. shops, community centres and churches) seem to provide numerous opportunities to establish informal networks of support. Social support by family members and friends emerges as a crucial feature of coping and seems to be a buffer against stress, a facilitator of adjustment and a protector of good mental health, a finding that is consistent with previous research (Berry et al., 1987; Copeland and Norell, 2002; Kim-Godwin and Bechtel, 2004; Kirkcaldy et al., 2006). Copeland and Norell (2002, p. 260) claim that relationships can fulfil different functions, a phenomenon known as the ‘‘multiplexity of social support’’ which is confirmed by the present study. Friendships emerge as important for practical support and general socialising but, more importantly, seem to have the potential to increase a sense of belonging (a finding in agreement with Ward and Styles’ (2003) study on identity-building after migration) and to provide emotional support. Social networks and the formation of close friendships that encourage the migrant in times of loneliness and psychological distress are helpful to regulate emotional distress and seem to enhance successful coping. Arguably the most striking finding of this research is the reported breadth and variety of coping strategies among Polish migrant workers. A range of reactive, fragmented and fragile tactics to ensure short-term survival and to consolidate long-term ambitions for the future has previously been emphasised by Datta et al. (2007) in a study on low-paid migrant workers in London. While the common perception might be that migrants are a particularly deficient population, these findings suggest that the opposite is the case. Polish migrants who come to Edinburgh to work seem to be very resourceful and able to employ several coping strategies, a result for which a few potential explanations can be given. One explanation might be that successful coping among the respondents is due to the ‘‘healthy migrant effect’’ (Kirkcaldy et al., 2006, p. 875), a concept which assumes that individuals who leave their home country and endure in a foreign culture are particularly robust, healthy, resilient and more resourceful than non-migrants or migrants who have returned to their home country. If this was true, a ‘‘healthy migrant selection bias’’ could explain why the migrants interviewed for this study seemed to be particularly able to cope with stressful situations and adaptation stressors. An alternative explanation for the successful adjustment of the sample might be found when investigating the location and the host society of this study. Scotland’s capital is a city with an international atmosphere, a university which attracts many foreigners and a high percentage of foreign nationals. Tailored services are available to Polish migrants, including translation services, trade unions, the Citizen Advice Bureau, churches providing services in Polish and community centres which offer language classes and regular meeting opportunities for Polish migrants. Specific characteristics of Edinburgh, its society, its labour market and the forms of official support offered to Polish migrants might have an impact on the situation of this particular migrant group. While the coping factors identified in this study are presumably not entirely specific to Polish migrants in Edinburgh, this study has several limitations which do not allow the results to be generalised. The limited sample size of 15 participants allowed a detailed and personal exploration of individual experiences and views. It, however, implies that the study can only provide a first insight into the strategies Polish migrants employ in order to cope with international migration. Being confined to Edinburgh as a location and to Poles as a specific
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group of migrants to Scotland and given that a variety of factors including public policies, voluntariness and permanence of migration, language skills, nationality and class of the migrant are likely to determine the process and outcome of coping (Berry, 1997; Andreotti, 2006), the findings of this study cannot be generalised to other migrant groups or other social contexts and it cannot be assumed that the findings would be replicated when conducting the study among a different migrant group or in a different location. A study by Wittig et al. (2008) on Poles and Vietnamese migrants to Germany found that migrants are a heterogeneous group and require group-specific investigations. Another limitation of the study is the cross-sectional study design which does not permit conclusions about coping over time. Based on research by Ward et al. (1998) and Andreotti (2006), which suggest that adjustment problems are greatest when initially coming to a foreign country and change throughout the adjustment process, it can be assumed that coping varies over time. Finally, the selective recruitment of the study participants which to a high degree relied on snowball sampling implies that the study is unlikely to encompass the variety of views of the Polish migrant population in Edinburgh. A large-scale, longitudinal, comparative study on diverse cultural groups migrating to different locations would provide a fascinating opportunity to develop a deeper understanding of the adjustment and coping process and to explore differences in coping with regard to gender, age and culture in more detail. Such a study could help to further refine theories on coping. Cross-border migration as a time of transition demands adjustment not only on part of the individual migrant but also on part of the country of settlement. A better understanding of coping and adjustment among migrant workers has the potential to increase the effectiveness of policies, programmes and tailored support for migrant workers, can aid migrants in their attempts to cope with international migration and thus contribute to public health. The interdependence of coping strategies suggests that a comprehensive approach is needed. Cooperation between local communities, employers, trade unions, health care providers and other access points including various service providers, community centres, churches, local media and formal and informal groups within the migrant community might be key to successful adjustment. Findings on coping strategies, on migrants’ resources and on existing sources of formal and informal support could possibly be acknowledged and utilised more when designing services for migrants. Whether existing support is truly tailored to migrants’ coping strategies might have to be critically assessed. Tailoring support with a focus on empowering migrants might help to activate pre-existing potential and mobilise successful coping strategies. It might also, through amplifying positive coping experiences, trigger a positive cycle of self-confidence and contribute to successful adjustment in the longer term. Although the influx of A8 migrants to the UK has declined over the last years (Home Office et al., 2009), the prospect of free and unlimited labour movement across all current EU member states by 2014 means that international economic migration will remain an increasing phenomenon and important challenge for modern societies, particularly at a time of economic downturn. Building on several studies which have shown that unsuccessful adaptation to physical and cultural transition can bring about emotional distress, diminished well-being and illness (Hull, 1979; Sundquist, 1995; Chung and Seok, 2000; Hovey and Magana, 2002; Magana and Hovey, 2003; Griffin and Soskolne, 2003; Kim-Godwin and Bechtel, 2004; Khan and Watson, 2005; Ryan et al., 2006) and drawing on theories of appraisal, coping and adjustment, this research explored successful coping and its role in the adjustment process. Understanding the process of adjustment after international migration can help to support migrants, increase
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adjustment and sustain a valuable and healthy workforce in modern societies where migration remains an increasingly common phenomenon.
Funding This research was conducted as part of a master’s dissertation at the University of Edinburgh. The master’s course was partly funded through a bursary of the University of Edinburgh Public Health Sciences and partly through the Foundation of the German Business. The funding bodies had no involvement in the study design, the collection, analysis and interpretation of data, the writing of the article or the decision to submit the paper for publication.
Competing interests None.
Ethical approval The study abided by the Public Health Sciences’ Code of Practice on Ethical Standards for Social Research Involving Human Participants of the University of Edinburgh.
Acknowledgements I thank all interviewees and focus group participants for providing me with insight and for pleasant and often humorous ¨ ¨ interaction, Dorte Lutvogt and Magda Rybaczuk for interpretation and translation and all gatekeepers and professionals involved with the Polish community in Edinburgh for establishing contacts and sharing expertise. I greatly appreciate Kathy Jenkins’ exceptional friendly and encouraging manner in supervising my research and the constructive feedback on earlier drafts of this paper by Amanda Amos and two anonymous reviewers. References Anderson, B., Ruhs, M., Rogaly, B., Spencer, S., 2006. Fair enough? Central and East European migrants in low-wage employment in the UK. Centre on Migration, Policy and Society, Oxford. Andreotti, A., 2006. Coping strategies in a wealthy city of Northern Italy. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 30, 328–345. Antonovsky, A., 1979. Health, Stress and Coping. Jossey-Bass, San Francisco. Aroian, K.J., 1990. A model of psychological adaptation to migration and resettlement. Nursing Research 39, 5–10. Berry, J.W., 1997. Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. Applied Psychology: An international review 46, 5–68. Berry, J.W., Kim, U., Minde, T., Mok, D., 1987. Comparative studies of acculturative stress. International Migration Review 21, 491–511. Berry, J.W., Poortinga, Y.H., Segall, M.H., Dasen, P.R., 2002. Cross-Cultural Psychology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Blaikie, N., 2000. Designing social research, The Logic of Anticipation. Polity Press, Cambridge. Brown, G.W., Harris, T., 1978. Social Origins of Depression. Tavistock, London. Chung, K., Seok, H., 2000. Culture and social adjustment: migrant workers in Korea and local workers in overseas Korean firms. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 9, 287–309. Church, A.T., 1982. Sojourner adjustment. Psychological Bulletin 91, 540–572. Copeland, A.P., Norell, S.K., 2002. Spousal adjustment on international assignments: the role of social support. International Journal of Intercultural Relations 26, 255–272. Datta, K., Mcilwaine, C., Evans, Y., Herbert, J., May, J., Wills, J., 2007. From coping strategies to tactics: London’s low-pay economy and migrant labour. British Journal of Industrial Relations 45, 404–432. Day, R., 1984. Recent directions in life stress. Research from a public health perspective. In: Dohrenwend, B.S., Dohrenwend, B.P. (Eds.), Stressful
Life Events and their contexts. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, pp. 279–283. Dohrenwend, B.S., Dohrenwend, B.P., 1984. Life stress and illness: Formulation of the issues. In: Dohrenwend, B.S., Dohrenwend, B.P. (Eds.), Stressful Life Events and their Contexts. Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, pp. 1–27. Elliott, S.J., Gillie, J., 1998. Moving experiences: a qualitative analysis of health and migration. Health & Place 4, 327–339. Eurostat, 2008. Recent migration trends: citizens of EU-27 Member States become ever more mobile while EU remains attractive to non-EU citizens. Farley, T., Galves, A., Dickinson, L.M., De Jesus Diaz Perez, M., 2005. Stress, coping, and health: a comparison of Mexican immigrants, Mexican-Americans, and non-Hispanic Whites. Journal of Immigrant Health 7, 213–220. Fisher, S., 1988. Leaving home: Homesickness and the psychological effects of change and transition. In: Fisher, S., Reason, J. (Eds.), Handbook of Life Stress, Cognition and Health. John Wiley & Sons, Hoboken, pp. 41–59. Furnham, A., Ying, H.L., 1993. The psychological adjustment of the Chinese community in Britain. A study of two generations. British Journal of Psychiatry 162, 109–113. Griffin, J., Soskolne, V., 2003. Psychological distress among Thai migrant workers in Israel. Social Science & Medicine 57, 769–774. Haasen, C., Demiralay, C., Reimer, J., 2008. Acculturation and mental distress among Russian and Iranian migrants in Germany. European Psychiatry 23, S10–S13. Hiott, A.E., Grzywacz, J.G., Davis, S.W., Quandt, S.A., Arcury, T.A., 2008. Migrant farmworker stress: mental health implications. Journal of Rural Health 24, 32–39. Holmes, T.H., Rahe, R.H., 1967. The social readjustment rating scale. Journal of Psychosomatic Research 11, 213–218. Home Office, Department for Work and Pensions & Her Majesty Revenue & Customs and Communities and Local Government, 2009. Accession Monitoring Report March 2004–May 2009. A8 Countries. London, Home Office, Department for Work and Pensions, HM Revenue & Customs and Communities and Local Government. Hovey, J.D., Magana, C.G., 2002. Cognitive, affective, and physiological expressions of anxiety symptomatology among Mexican migrant farmworkers: predictors and generational differences. Community Mental Health Journal 38, 223–237. Hull, D., 1979. Migration, adaptation, and illness: a review. Social Science & Medicine 13A, 25–36. Khan, S., Watson, J.C., 2005. The Canadian immigration experiences of Pakistani women: dreams confront reality. Counselling Psychology Quarterly 18, 307–317. Kim-Godwin, Y.S., Bechtel, G.A., 2004. Stress among migrant and seasonal farmworkers in rural southeast North Carolina. The Journal of Rural Health 20, 271–278. Kim, Y.Y., Gudykunst, W.B., 1987. Cross-cultural adaptation, Current Approaches. Sage, Newbury Park. Kirkcaldy, B., Wittig, U., Funham, A., Merbach, M., Siefen, R.G., 2006. Migration und Gesundheit. Psychosoziale Determinanten. Bundesgesundheitsblatt–Bundesgesundheitsforschung–Gesundheitsschutz 49, 873–883. Knipscheer, J.W., Kleber, R.J., 2006. The relative contribution of posttraumatic and acculturative stress to subjective mental health among Bosnian refugees. Journal of Clinical Psychology 62, 339–353. Kosic, A., Triandafyllidou, A., 2003. Albanian immigrants in Italy: migration plans, coping strategies and identity issues. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 29, 997–1014. Lazarus, R.S., 1965. Personality and Adjustment.. Prentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs. Lazarus, R.S., 1999. Stress and emotion, A New Synthesis. Free association books, London. Lazarus, R.S., Folkman, S., 1984. Stress, Appraisal and Coping. Springer, New York. Loue, S., Faust, M., Bunce, A., 2000. The effect of immigration and welfare reform legislation on immigrants’ access to health care in Cuyahoga and Lorain Counties. Journal of Immigrant Health 2, 23–30. Magana, C.G., Hovey, J.D., 2003. Psychosocial stressors associated with Mexican migrant farmworkers in the Midwest United States. Journal of Immigrant Health 5, 75–86. Mirdal, G.M., 1984. Stress and distress in migration: problems and resources of Turkish women in Denmark. International Migration Review 18, 984–1003. Mirdal, G.M., 1985. The condition of ‘‘tightness’’: the somatic complaints of Turkish migrant women. Acta Psychiatrica Scandinavica 71, 287–296. Oberg, K., 1960. Cultural shock: Adjustment to new cultural environments. Practical Anthropology 7, 177–182. Ruhs, M., 2006. Greasing the Wheels of the Flexible Labour Market: East European labour Immigration to the UK. Centre on Migration, Policy and Society, Oxford. Ryan, L., Leavey, G., Golden, A., Blizard, R., King, M., 2006. Depression in Irish migrants living in London: case-control study. British Journal of Psychiatry 188, 560–566. Salant, T., Lauderdale, D.S., 2003. Measuring culture: a critical review of acculturation and health in Asian immigrant populations. Social Science & Medicine 57, 71–90. Sim, D., Barclay, A., Andersons, I., 2007. Achieving a Better Understanding of ‘‘A8’’ Migrant Labour Needs in Lanarkshire. University of Stirling, Department of Applied Social Science, Stirling. Sundquist, J., 1994. Refugees, labour migrants and psychological distress. A population-based study of 336 Latin-American refugees, 161 South European and 396 Finnish labour migrants, and 996 Swedish age-, sex- and education-
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‘‘You have to be flexible’’—Coping among polish migrant workers in Scotland Heide B. Weishaar n School of Clinical Science and Community Health, Division of Community Health Sciences, University of Edinburgh, Medical Buildings, Teviot Place, Edinburgh EH8 9AG, Scotland, UK
a r t i c l e in f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history: Received 25 August 2009 Received in revised form 6 April 2010 Accepted 12 April 2010
Migrants after international relocation are confronted with various stressors that can challenge their adjustment capacities and lead to decreased health. Based on the analysis of qualitative interviews and focus groups, this article is the first to explore successful coping strategies of Polish migrants in Edinburgh, thereby providing insight into the coping process after economic migration across the European Union. The study reveals that Polish migrants are very resourceful in dealing with the stressors they face. It confirms the employment of various types of coping including problem-solving, emotion-regulating and appraisal-oriented strategies. Social support and appraisal emerge as important variables and are perceived to considerably influence the subsequent stages of the adjustment process. Based on the assumption that coping is likely to affect the health of migrant populations, a better understanding of coping followed by tailored support for international migrants might have a positive influence on public health, particularly in societies where international mobility and large migrant populations are common phenomena. & 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: International migration Scotland Polish migrant workers Appraisal Coping
1. Introduction As a consequence of globalisation and the free movement across European borders, work-induced mobility and economic migration across the European Union (EU) have increased throughout the last decade (Eurostat, 2008). The process that people undergo when confronted with a changing cultural context, i.e. the procedure of dealing with challenges, coping and developing a certain level of adaptation to the new culture, has been described by Berry et al. (2002) and Berry (1997) as acculturation or adjustment. A growing field of academic research reveals that international migration can produce acculturative stress (e.g. Mirdal, 1984; Mirdal, 1985; Berry et al., 1987; Furnham and Ying, 1993; Sundquist, 1994; Griffin and Soskolne, 2003; Magana and Hovey, 2003; Kim-Godwin and Bechtel, 2004; Khan and Watson, 2005; Weishaar, 2008), require the activation of coping strategies (Berry et al., 1987) and coincide with diminished physical and psychological health (Hull, 1979; Sundquist, 1995; Chung and Seok, 2000; Hovey and Magana, 2002; Magana and Hovey, 2003; Griffin and Soskolne, 2003; Kim-Godwin and Bechtel, 2004; Khan and Watson, 2005; Ryan et al., 2006; Wittig et al., 2008). Migration across the EU became a topic of particular interest after 1 May 2004 when, as part of the biggest enlargement in the EU’s history, ten countries became new members of the EU. The 15 member states, which had been part of the EU before May n
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2004 had the right to regulate labour market access for A8 Central and Easter European migrants1 for a transition period of five years. The UK was one of three European member states which chose not to do so, but opened its labour market without restrictions2. This flexible labour market policy combined with high unemployment and low wages in some of the new accession countries resulted in an unexpectedly high influx of economic migrants to the UK. By May 2009, nearly 1,000,000 A8 applicants had registered with the Workers Registration Scheme (WRS)3 of which approximately 80,000 had registered in Scotland (Home Office et al., 2009). According to recent WRS-data, 81% of all A8 migrants are within the age group of 18–34 years, about half are male, the majority (66%) are of Polish origin and though many are highly qualified, most find work in manual or ‘‘low-skilled’’ jobs (Home Office et al., 2009). Recent research has focused on migration of A8 migrants (Sim et al., 2007; Anderson et al., 2006; Ruhs, 2006) and, in particular, stressors experienced by Polish migrants when coming to Scotland have been identified (Weishaar, 2008). The high influx of Polish migrants to the UK and the stressors they are confronted with after economic migration might lead to adaptation problems,
1 A8 migrants include migrants from eight of the ten accession countries, namely from Poland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Slovakia and Slovenia. 2 The other EU member states who did not restrict access were the Republic of Ireland and Sweden. 3 The Workers Registration Scheme is a scheme under which all A8 migrants who have come to the UK to work for more than one month since May 2004 have to register.
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Person
Personenvironment relationship
Appraisal
Coping
1) Primary: Appraisal of the situation
1) Problem-solving
Adaptation
2) Secondary: Appraisal of resources
2) Emotion-regulating
(e.g. health-related)
3) Appraisal-oriented
Stressor Fig. 1. Conceptual framework of the adjustment process following migration (adapted from Lazarus (1999, p. 198) and Berry et al. (2002, p. 363)).
which might have consequences for both the individual migrant and the host society and can potentially impact on the health of the migrant population. Although theories suggest that coping is a key variable in the adjustment process and needs to be taken into account when exploring and analysing successful and unsuccessful adaptation after international migration (Berry, 1997), only few studies have explored how migrants cope (Kosic and Triandafyllidou, 2003; Andreotti, 2006; Datta et al., 2007) and almost no data exists on coping among Central and Eastern European migrant workers in the UK. By analysing interviews and focus groups, this study makes a first attempt to address this issue by aiming to explore and identify successful coping strategies of Polish migrants in Edinburgh and to gain insight into the coping process and its potential influence on adaptation after economic migration. The findings might help to develop, support, challenge and advance future studies and theoretical frameworks of coping and adaptation after international relocation.
1.1. Conceptual framework of the adjustment process following migration While research has shown that acculturation is moderated by a variety of factors, including stressors, appraisal, social support and coping strategies (Berry et al., 1987; Kim and Gudykunst, 1987), existing studies do not embrace a common model of acculturation nor a common explanation (Salant and Lauderdale, 2003) and little is known about how migrants transform ‘‘potentially stressful conditions into opportunities’’ (Aroian, 1990, p. 5). For the purpose of this study, a conceptual framework was developed, drawing on three wider theoretical concepts on adaptation including (i) Lazarus’s (1965) theory on stress, coping and adjustment, (ii) Berry et al.’s (2002) theory on acculturative stress, adjustment and adaptation and (iii) the concept of life events and onset of disease developed by Holmes and Rahe (1967). Fig. 1 illustrates the conceptual framework of the adjustment process following migration by combining the three concepts in a single model. The model shown in Fig. 1 draws on Lazarus’s stress theory (1965), which states that the confrontation of the individual with a stressor4, i.e. the relationship between the individual and the environment, has the potential to result in conflict and stress. An individual that is confronted with a stressor appraises the situation, i.e. undertakes an assessment. Lazarus distinguishes between primary and secondary appraisal with primary appraisal being the individual’s judgement whether or not the stressor poses a serious threat and secondary appraisal being the evaluation of one’s own capabilities, external support and coping options. Lazarus assumes that appraisal as the cognitive process 4 The term ‘‘stressor’’ is used according to Lazarus (1999, p. 32) as an external input on a social, physiological or psychological system, which creates a physical, emotional or social challenge.
preceding coping not only influences the inner state of the individual but also the further process of coping, adjustment and adaptation and is therefore the most significant element in the adjustment process (Lazarus, 1965). The process that follows appraisal and therefore the next stage in the model is coping, which is defined as the ‘‘constantly changing cognitive and behavioural efforts to manage specific external and/or internal demands that are appraised as taxing or exceeding the resources of a person’’ (Lazarus and Folkman, 1984, p. 141). Coping strategies are developed to juggle resources and manage situations in innovative and complex ways (Wallace, 2002). Lazarus (1999) distinguishes between problem-solving, emotion-regulating and appraisal-oriented coping. Problem-solving coping includes altering the situation; emotion-regulating coping comprises dealing with one’s emotions; appraisal-oriented coping encompasses altering one’s own perceptions by reappraising the situation. Lazarus concludes that the appropriate exertion and combination of these three coping strategies can lead to successful adaptation. This concept is taken up by Berry et al. (2002, p. 369) in their theory on the response to migration. They use the term ‘‘adaptation’’ to describe the outcome of the adjustment process, i.e. the level to which a migrant manages to cope with the new and different culture. Adaptation can range from successful adaptation (the migrant manages life well) to unsuccessful adaptation (the migrant is not able to carry on living in the new society). Confirming this concept, Hull (1979, p. 28) points out that the variety of stressors and demands on migrants can result in an over-burdening of the ‘‘psychosomatic adjustment capacity’’ and that unsuccessful adaptation can become manifest as emotional distress, diminished well-being and illness. Brown and Harris (1978) assume that unsuccessful coping and adaptation can either provoke direct health-related reactions or changes in health later on in life, an idea that is consistent with Holmes and Rahe’s concept of life events (1967). The latter hypothesise that life events (for example a change in residence) provoke coping and are related to the onset of diseases. Confirming this theory, a relationship between acculturation stress and diminished mental health and depressive mood has been found in samples of Russian and Iranian migrants in Germany (Haasen et al., 2008) and Bosnian refugees in the Netherlands (Knipscheer and Kleber, 2006). Moreover, Hiott et al. (2008) found high levels of anxiety scores and depressive symptoms among migrant farmworkers in the United States. While the connection between acculturative stress and health is not clearly proven and the process not fully understood (Day, 1984), some authors have emphasised a number of factors which might explain changes in health after migration. These include the interruption of lifestyle (Fisher, 1988), unfamiliarity with a new culture where familiar rules for interaction do not work (Oberg, 1960; Zapf, 1991), role and identity change (Fisher, 1988), loss and social disruption (Fisher, 1988), reduced control and powerlessness (Oberg, 1960; Dohrenwend and Dohrenwend, 1984; Fisher, 1988) altered access
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to health services (Loue et al., 2000) and, most important for this article, successful or unsuccessful coping styles (Farley et al., 2005).
2. Methods Interviews and focus groups have proven to be culturally sensitive methods of investigation through which very personal, ‘‘tacit’’ (Blaikie, 2000, p. 25) and complex knowledge can be teased out (Khan and Watson, 2005). They appear to be particularly suitable to explore subconscious or partly conscious processes and strategies like those involved in coping and have frequently been used to study individuals’ experiences after international migration (Elliott and Gillie, 1998; Kosic and Triandafyllidou, 2003; Khan and Watson, 2005; Andreotti, 2006). The data for this paper derives from interviews and focus groups with Polish migrants working in manual and low-skilled jobs in Edinburgh. Eight qualitative, face-to-face interviews and two focus groups, comprising four and five participants, respectively, were conducted by the author between April and June 2007. With snowball sampling having proven successful in research on migrants (Haasen et al., 2008; Elliott and Gillie, 1998), a convenience sample was recruited among the Polish community in Edinburgh through gatekeepers, advertisements, flyers and research participants. Interviews and discussion groups focused on the acculturation process with an emphasis on coping. Interviews lasted between 50 and 90 min, focus groups between 90 and 105 min. Supplementary sources of information for the study were interviews with professionals involved with Polish migrants and notes made during observations of places where Poles met, including churches, community centres, Polish shops and language classes. All interviews and focus groups were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim. Using the computer software Nvivo, the data was subsequently coded, analysed thematically and categorised in order to identify core issues. The ethical guidelines of the University of Edinburgh Public Health Sciences were followed with particular attention being paid to careful recruitment and close monitoring of the research process. Information sheets as well as a consent form were translated into Polish to ensure that all research participants understood the objectives of the research, were able to give their voluntary informed consent and were aware that they could withdraw from the study at any point. Participants had the opportunity to ask questions and, after the final analysis, were provided with a summary of the research results. As research suggests that peoples’ emotional experiences and expressions are less aroused in a non-native tongue (Church, 1982), interpretation was offered to all interviewees. Four interviews were fully or partly undertaken in Polish. A Polish student of the University of Edinburgh served as the interpreter. Because literal translation
would have inhibited free and fluent conversation, only the general content of the answers was interpreted during the interviews. Later, the recordings of the interviews were translated word for word to allow an accurate analysis of the data. Focus groups were conducted after a preliminary analysis of the interviews in order to increase the researcher’s understanding of specific issues that had arisen from the interviews and were ambiguous, unclear or required further elaboration. Statements from the interviews were used to stimulate discussion and charts served as visual prompts. For practical reasons, both focus groups were conducted in English. Table 1 shows the main interview and focus group elements.
3. Results Six men and nine women participated in the research. Participants were on average 29 years old, ranging between 17 and 51 years. Four participants were married, and eight had dependants living with them in the UK. Respondents had migrated on average 19 months previously, ranging from 1 to 47 months, with men generally having been in the UK for a longer period of time (average of 31 months) than women (average of 10 months). Further demographic data on the sample are presented in Table 2. Only two study participants had immediate plans to return to Poland, all others were inclined to stay for at least a few more years. The majority reported being better off economically compared to when in Poland. Ten out of fifteen respondents gave the impression that they had adapted well, were integrated into UK society, felt comfortable or described themselves as content. All respondents acknowledged migration as a life event which challenged attitudes, conventional structures, coping strategies and adaptation abilities. As this article aims to identify factors contributing to successful coping, the following section only considers factors which were mentioned as helpful and supportive. Unsuccessful coping strategies were not explored in detail and are only mentioned briefly for comparative purposes.
3.1. Problem-solving coping Problem-solving behaviour was identified as a factor with a major impact on coping. When asked about problems, one interviewee put it very simply:
Table 2 Demographical data of the sample. Demographical data on study participants
Table 1 Number of participants in interviews and focus groups. Study participants
n
Total Interviews Polish English English with interpreter present Focus group 1 Focus group 2
15a 8 3 4 1 4 5
a Out of 15 participants in total, two took part in an interview as well as in a focus group.
Gender Female Male Marital status Married Divorced Not married Dependants in Scotland No dependants Dependants Work experience outside Poland (multiple answers possible) None United Kingdom Other European countries USA
n
9 6 4 1 10 7 8 6 4 4 3
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‘‘With me, if I have a problem, I find a solution. I don’t stop and say ‘‘Oh no, what am I going to do?’’ I am trying to find out what I am going to do and then I will do it.’’ (male, I5) Migrants felt that they relied on themselves and had to cope on their own and thus had to be proactive. Some respondents reported that the transition to a foreign country had helped them realise that it was their responsibility to make the most of their life: ‘‘You know, people in Poland, for them it’s responsibility to everyone around, but not himself. And that is definitely change here. For me. I understand for 100% that there is everything in me, in myself.’’ (male, I) The decision to take responsibility and grasp opportunities was mentioned as a crucial feature in the adjustment process. Active problem-solving became particularly apparent with regard to seeking employment with migrants searching for jobs on the internet, going to the job centre several times a day, submitting applications and seeking out potential employers in order to personally hand in their CVs. One interviewee described how he had set himself a ‘‘minimum plan’’ (male, I) of sending off five applications per day; another reported handling the job search like a job itself: ‘‘I had a system of looking for a job: I looked for a job eight hours per day with a two hour break in between. So that was four hours in the morning and four hours in the afternoon with two hours in between for lunch.’’ (male, I) Determination, commitment and the will to ‘‘push a bit harder’’ (male, I) were identified by many participants as key factors for successful coping. They stressed, however, that determination had to be linked with flexibility: ‘‘You have to be flexible to survive. That is why humankind is such a terribly popular species. We can adjust.’’ (male, I) All interviewees were aware of sources of formal support and many reported that they had called upon official places for help including job centres, trade unions, public offices, citizen advice bureaus, churches and Polish community centres. A specific strength of the latter was the opportunity to access information and advice in Polish without having to overcome the usual language barrier. Obtaining information via the internet was valued as it did not require much effort or the request for help. Taking initiative was also seen as helpful with regard to meeting people and establishing friendships. While respondents admitted that taking the first step towards other people required a degree of courage, they emphasised that taking the initiative was often key to successful adaptation. One interviewee proudly gave account of an encouraging experience when trying to establish friendships during a weekend away with a club: ‘‘I offered that I would organize some drama games. [y] So I had to break the ice that was in me. And it was absolutely awesome, ’cause the people, they loved it. [y] And after [this], I started to be recognized in [the club]. People just came a bit closer, and so did I.’’ (male, I) Leisure time activities like doing sports, reading books, going out with other people or simply enjoying the outdoors seemed to divert attention and prevent migrants from worrying. They were identified as creating a feeling of usefulness and belonging, a means of doing something for oneself and thus as crucial to 5 Attached abbreviations indicate whether the quote is taken from an interview (I) or a focus group (FG).
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successful adaptation. Particularly when working extensive hours, taking time aside for leisure and hobbies was perceived as important. One focus group participant pointed out that since he had balanced his work and leisure time better, he felt more alive and much better: ‘‘Hobbies and your free time, that’s the most important thing. [y] I feel much, much, much better. And I feel that I am alive, that I am human. And that is for me the most important.’’ (male, FG) 3.2. Emotion-regulating coping Those who had been in Scotland for a longer time emphasised that adjustment took time and that endurance was needed to bear and to overcome difficulties. All participants seemed to be relatively undemanding and many put up with extremely strenuous situations without complaining. The immediate time after migration was seen as a time where one could not be picky and during which modesty and sturdiness were useful character traits. It was remarkable how positive and humorous respondents evaluated their situations and how they were able to positively appraise and joke even about major problems. Personality traits were mentioned as influential for how a situation was evaluated and informal contacts were highlighted as important for dealing with emotions, for making respondents feel less alien, more appreciated and understood and for increasing a sense of belonging. Nearly all respondents said that they had found people to socialise with through work, shared accommodation, language classes, church or hobbies. Having family members in their new dwelling was identified as a particularly strong source of encouragement as they helped respondents to cope and settle and increased motivation to carry on: ‘‘What helped me? ...Probably, like, when I seen [my son], [my daughter] and [my wife], that makes me keep going. I really need just them to be around, and I know everything is fine. As far as they are fine, I am fine. And that was all, really, to keep me running.’’ (male, I) Some respondents also referred to family members or close friends in Poland as a source of emotional support and gave accounts of how going home to see friends gave them new strength and cheered them up. While friendships in the UK were mainly forged with other Poles, respondents said that the open, welcoming and helpful manner of people in Edinburgh made it easier to cope: ‘‘The Scots are friendly and very helpful. [y] When you ask about the way or when you ask abouty They smile, and they talk to you. [y] And it’s easier to live when they are friendly. Then it’s easier to live.’’ (female, I) 3.3. Appraisal-oriented coping Appraisal emerged as being crucial and stood out as a very important factor in the coping process with different aspects of positive appraisal being mentioned as influential. Positive, forward-looking appraisal and the ability to develop a positive view and optimism were seen as particularly helpful. Not regretting was specifically described as an important feature: ‘‘We live on planet earth, and planet earth has one special thing: You can’t move back in time. And there is this. It’s like: What’s done is done. You can’t fix this. You must look forward.’’ (male, I)
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One interviewee stressed that she and her husband were ‘‘cando people’’ with a belief that problems could be solved. Several interviewees’ accounts underlined that their trust in the manageability of a situation and in a positive outcome helped to actively solve problems: ‘‘I am a kind of resourceful person. I am still here, so that means I survived, no matter what. I always find some way out or something.’’ (male, I) Believing in one’s abilities, knowing one’s value and a positive self-image seemed to facilitate active problem-solving while, in turn, positive experiences and successful coping was perceived as helping to build up self-esteem and appraise situations positively. One interviewee described his strategy of building up self-esteem, confidence and competency by deliberately setting himself small challenges and gradually making the challenges more difficult: ‘‘Now I know that I have some experience and nobody can take this from me. And it’s very helpful. [y] Everyday, when you have work, when you can pay bills, it’s like a small victory. You know, every day [you] feel better, every day you can feel that you can do more. [y] Some days I spend like a winner, it’s like Napoleon. I find I am so big, thaty. I am, it’s enough!’’ (male, I) Evaluating a difficult situation as temporary and appraising it positively compared to difficulties experienced at earlier points in one’s own life or to other people’s struggles was seen as a source of optimism about life in Scotland. A shocking account was given by a woman who had been to her home town for a visit: ‘‘I have been in Poland recently [y] There, even in supermarkets, the work conditions are terrible. They force cashiers to wear diapers and not go to toilets. Who would do this here? [y] I[t] explained a lot of things. [I was] saying to myself that it is worse there than here.’’ (female, I) Scotland was seen by many migrant workers as a place where it was easy to find a job or as a place providing opportunities to advance professionally and personally. One interviewee expressed that in Scotland, he saw an opportunity to develop his potential and achieve something through courage, ambition, dedication and hard work: ‘‘Here, I can develop. I can do more than I could in Poland. [y] And if you can use it [your opportunities], if you are not afraid to take a chance, just like that, you can make things happen. And that is almost like a dreamy’’ (male, I) The respondents’ perception of their move as a chance to develop, to try out new things and to use their abilities seemed to lead to a positive and active approach to obstacles. 3.4. Interdependence of coping factors The interview data suggested that coping factors were intertwined, applied in combination and could not easily be separated. To clarify this, focus group participants were asked to rank the different coping strategies according to their importance. Respondents found it difficult to tie themselves down to one single most successful factor and were eager to point out that the various factors enhanced and influenced each other: Personality traits like determination and flexibility, but also a positive selfimage and high self-esteem was perceived as not only determining appraisal but also the activation of informal or formal support and the drive to actively solve occurring problems. Respondents highlighted that people who were open-minded, outgoing and willing to learn were more likely to draw on support, to make friends or to engage in activities while being shy, withdrawn and
lacking self-confidence seemed to hinder respondents from contacting support and hence prevented active problem-solving. Proactive behaviour, in turn, was described as partly dependent on the knowledge one had gained by drawing on formal support. Appraisal was identified as a crucial factor, influencing both mood and the ability to solve problems actively. Finally, successful and unsuccessful coping seemed to replicate itself. Most migrants reported that the experience of successful adaptation enabled them to cope with further obstacles while those who had not adjusted well seemed to be trapped in a downward spiral of acculturative difficulties.
4. Discussion This study on coping among Polish migrants in Edinburgh supports Lazarus’s theory on appraisal and coping (1965, 1999). The migrants interviewed employ a wide diversity of successful coping strategies, ranging from problem-solving to emotionregulating and appraisal-oriented coping. With no particular strategy emerging as superior and various factors influencing each other mutually, it seems that coping factors are most effective when applied in combination. By identifying individual and context-specific differences in coping, this study supports Lazarus’s (1999) assumption that successful coping is a dynamic social process, a matter of appraisal, of learnt mastery techniques and of the suitability of a coping mechanism in a specific situation. The conceptual framework, illustrated in Fig. 1 and adapted from Berry et al. (2002) and Lazarus’s (1999) models, provides a suitable concept to explore the adjustment process Polish migrants undergo after migrating to Scotland. It could serve as a useful starting point for the development, refinement and testing of currently rather sketchy models and theories on adjustment after international migration. This qualitative study allows drawing a few implications about the factors which are closely connected to successful coping and which might therefore enhance conceptual frameworks and theories of coping. The findings confirm appraisal as an important feature of the coping process as it seems to have an impact on the inner state of the individual, on coping and on the degree of physical, psychological and social adjustment. The study also indicates that appraisal varies greatly between individuals: Some participants stress adaptation difficulties, others see the encounter with something new as a positive experience, and some feel that adjustment is a natural process of growth. Even the same situation can be perceived as stressful and threatening by one person but as totally manageable by another. Antonovsky’s (1979) concept of the importance of a sense of coherence6 seems to be central to appraisal and coping with the findings suggesting that individuals who perceive a situation as manageable, comprehensible and meaningful are more likely to employ active, productive and successful coping strategies. The importance of the ascription of meaning in the adjustment process has previously been identified by Wong and Leung (2008) in a study on the effect of the subjective meaning of migration on the mental health of female Chinese migrant workers. In order to measure and objectively quantify the connection between sense of coherence, appraisal and coping, an investigation of whether migrants who display higher scores on Antonovsky’s sense of coherence scale is more likely to positively appraise their situation and resources and employ more successful coping strategies would be useful. 6 The term ‘‘sense of coherence’’ is used according to Antonovsky as a global orientation to view the world and the individual environment as comprehensible, manageable, and meaningful.
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The findings further point to the crucial role of social support in the appraisal and coping process. Polish migrants in Edinburgh cope by drawing on strong informal social networks and seem to be well connected. A high prevalence of Polish migrants in Edinburgh and, as a result, a strong Polish community which can access several formal and informal services (e.g. shops, community centres and churches) seem to provide numerous opportunities to establish informal networks of support. Social support by family members and friends emerges as a crucial feature of coping and seems to be a buffer against stress, a facilitator of adjustment and a protector of good mental health, a finding that is consistent with previous research (Berry et al., 1987; Copeland and Norell, 2002; Kim-Godwin and Bechtel, 2004; Kirkcaldy et al., 2006). Copeland and Norell (2002, p. 260) claim that relationships can fulfil different functions, a phenomenon known as the ‘‘multiplexity of social support’’ which is confirmed by the present study. Friendships emerge as important for practical support and general socialising but, more importantly, seem to have the potential to increase a sense of belonging (a finding in agreement with Ward and Styles’ (2003) study on identity-building after migration) and to provide emotional support. Social networks and the formation of close friendships that encourage the migrant in times of loneliness and psychological distress are helpful to regulate emotional distress and seem to enhance successful coping. Arguably the most striking finding of this research is the reported breadth and variety of coping strategies among Polish migrant workers. A range of reactive, fragmented and fragile tactics to ensure short-term survival and to consolidate long-term ambitions for the future has previously been emphasised by Datta et al. (2007) in a study on low-paid migrant workers in London. While the common perception might be that migrants are a particularly deficient population, these findings suggest that the opposite is the case. Polish migrants who come to Edinburgh to work seem to be very resourceful and able to employ several coping strategies, a result for which a few potential explanations can be given. One explanation might be that successful coping among the respondents is due to the ‘‘healthy migrant effect’’ (Kirkcaldy et al., 2006, p. 875), a concept which assumes that individuals who leave their home country and endure in a foreign culture are particularly robust, healthy, resilient and more resourceful than non-migrants or migrants who have returned to their home country. If this was true, a ‘‘healthy migrant selection bias’’ could explain why the migrants interviewed for this study seemed to be particularly able to cope with stressful situations and adaptation stressors. An alternative explanation for the successful adjustment of the sample might be found when investigating the location and the host society of this study. Scotland’s capital is a city with an international atmosphere, a university which attracts many foreigners and a high percentage of foreign nationals. Tailored services are available to Polish migrants, including translation services, trade unions, the Citizen Advice Bureau, churches providing services in Polish and community centres which offer language classes and regular meeting opportunities for Polish migrants. Specific characteristics of Edinburgh, its society, its labour market and the forms of official support offered to Polish migrants might have an impact on the situation of this particular migrant group. While the coping factors identified in this study are presumably not entirely specific to Polish migrants in Edinburgh, this study has several limitations which do not allow the results to be generalised. The limited sample size of 15 participants allowed a detailed and personal exploration of individual experiences and views. It, however, implies that the study can only provide a first insight into the strategies Polish migrants employ in order to cope with international migration. Being confined to Edinburgh as a location and to Poles as a specific
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group of migrants to Scotland and given that a variety of factors including public policies, voluntariness and permanence of migration, language skills, nationality and class of the migrant are likely to determine the process and outcome of coping (Berry, 1997; Andreotti, 2006), the findings of this study cannot be generalised to other migrant groups or other social contexts and it cannot be assumed that the findings would be replicated when conducting the study among a different migrant group or in a different location. A study by Wittig et al. (2008) on Poles and Vietnamese migrants to Germany found that migrants are a heterogeneous group and require group-specific investigations. Another limitation of the study is the cross-sectional study design which does not permit conclusions about coping over time. Based on research by Ward et al. (1998) and Andreotti (2006), which suggest that adjustment problems are greatest when initially coming to a foreign country and change throughout the adjustment process, it can be assumed that coping varies over time. Finally, the selective recruitment of the study participants which to a high degree relied on snowball sampling implies that the study is unlikely to encompass the variety of views of the Polish migrant population in Edinburgh. A large-scale, longitudinal, comparative study on diverse cultural groups migrating to different locations would provide a fascinating opportunity to develop a deeper understanding of the adjustment and coping process and to explore differences in coping with regard to gender, age and culture in more detail. Such a study could help to further refine theories on coping. Cross-border migration as a time of transition demands adjustment not only on part of the individual migrant but also on part of the country of settlement. A better understanding of coping and adjustment among migrant workers has the potential to increase the effectiveness of policies, programmes and tailored support for migrant workers, can aid migrants in their attempts to cope with international migration and thus contribute to public health. The interdependence of coping strategies suggests that a comprehensive approach is needed. Cooperation between local communities, employers, trade unions, health care providers and other access points including various service providers, community centres, churches, local media and formal and informal groups within the migrant community might be key to successful adjustment. Findings on coping strategies, on migrants’ resources and on existing sources of formal and informal support could possibly be acknowledged and utilised more when designing services for migrants. Whether existing support is truly tailored to migrants’ coping strategies might have to be critically assessed. Tailoring support with a focus on empowering migrants might help to activate pre-existing potential and mobilise successful coping strategies. It might also, through amplifying positive coping experiences, trigger a positive cycle of self-confidence and contribute to successful adjustment in the longer term. Although the influx of A8 migrants to the UK has declined over the last years (Home Office et al., 2009), the prospect of free and unlimited labour movement across all current EU member states by 2014 means that international economic migration will remain an increasing phenomenon and important challenge for modern societies, particularly at a time of economic downturn. Building on several studies which have shown that unsuccessful adaptation to physical and cultural transition can bring about emotional distress, diminished well-being and illness (Hull, 1979; Sundquist, 1995; Chung and Seok, 2000; Hovey and Magana, 2002; Magana and Hovey, 2003; Griffin and Soskolne, 2003; Kim-Godwin and Bechtel, 2004; Khan and Watson, 2005; Ryan et al., 2006) and drawing on theories of appraisal, coping and adjustment, this research explored successful coping and its role in the adjustment process. Understanding the process of adjustment after international migration can help to support migrants, increase
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adjustment and sustain a valuable and healthy workforce in modern societies where migration remains an increasingly common phenomenon.
Funding This research was conducted as part of a master’s dissertation at the University of Edinburgh. The master’s course was partly funded through a bursary of the University of Edinburgh Public Health Sciences and partly through the Foundation of the German Business. The funding bodies had no involvement in the study design, the collection, analysis and interpretation of data, the writing of the article or the decision to submit the paper for publication.
Competing interests None.
Ethical approval The study abided by the Public Health Sciences’ Code of Practice on Ethical Standards for Social Research Involving Human Participants of the University of Edinburgh.
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