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The impact of tourism
THE IMPACT OF TOURISM A Case from the B a h a m a Islands
Akin G. LaFilmme" State University of New York, College I t Fredonla Frodonll, New York, USA
ABSTRACT LaFlamme, Alan G., "The Impact of Tourism: A Case from the Bahama Islands," Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. VI, No. 2, A p r i l / J u n e 1979, pp. 137-148. The socio-cultural impact of increased tourism on a small, once isolated island community in the Bahama Islands is discussed. The community's traditions have, for the most part, been maintained. However, material living standards, occupational specializations, and race relations have been significantly altered. For a number of reasons, the local people have not taken on the role of "professional natives." Keywot~: island community, traditions maintained, race relations altered, new occupations, chan&ed material living standards.
"Alan G. LaFlamme re~lved his Ph.D. in Anthropology from the 8tite University of New York It Buffido In 1972. His primary fleldwork on Green Turtle C4y was oonducted In lEeS. He is ourrlmtly Allooilta Profellor of Sociology and Anthropology It the State Unlverllty of New York, College at Frldonll. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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RESUME LaFlamme, Alan G., "L'Effet du tourisme: un cas des Bahamas," Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. VI, no. 2, avril/juin 1979, pp. 137-148. On discute l'effet socio-culturel du tourisme croissant sur une petite communaut6 autrefois isol6e des Bahamas. La plupart des traditions de la communaut6, mais il y a eu beaucoup de changement dans le niveau mat6riel de vie, dans la distribution des m6tiers et dans les rapports entre les races. Pour diverses raisons, les habitants ne se sont pas adapt~s au rble d"'indig~ne professionnel." Mote clef: cornmunaut~ insulaire, traditions continu~es, rapports chans~s entre les races, nouveaux mdtiers, changement de niveau de vie.
INTRODUCTION Tourism has become a major leisure time activity. Most tourism exist within the context of the tourist's own society but international tourism is a large and growing phenomenon. International tourism tends to reflect geographical propinquity; that is, international tourists are most likely to visit nations that border upon their own (Popovic 1972). Tourism is already the single largest source of income in two dozen nations and some economic projections hold that tourism will become the world's largest business before the end of the twentieth century (Sutton 1967). In the decade from 1961 to 1970, the number of international tourists rose from 73 million to 168 million persons annually. During the same time span, tourist related revenue increased from $6.8 billion to $17.4 billion annually (Popovic 1972. [The arrival and expenditure figures for 1977, according to the World Tourism Organization, rose to 240 million and $.50 billion, respectively (Waters: 1978:7,12).] In the Bahama Islands, tourism dominates the economic system. Due to Bahamian proximity to the United States, it is not surprising to find that 87.8 percent of all tourists are Americans (Bryden 1973). During the period from 1949 to 1966, the annual tourist total increased from 32,018 to 822,317. This represents a 2500 percent increase in arrivals (Dupuch 1967). About 40 percent of Bahamian incomes derive from tourist reciepts and the annual tourist total outnumbers the native Bahamian population by a 3.7:1 ratio (Bryden 1973). The primary tourist attractions of the Bahama Islands are their sub-tropical climate, clear waters, and white beaches. Leisure activities such as swimming, scuba diving, fishing, and boating are the major regional specializations. In order to attract a broader spectrum of visitors, the Bahamian government has added a number of secondary tourist attractions. For example, legal casino gambling is possible in Nassau. Furthermore, Freeport is an entire "tourist city" that was created to provide multi-faceted revenue gaining potential. Proponents of tourism argue that it is a relatively easy way of developing poor and/or emerging nations (Boissevain 1977). Supposedly, tourism provides capital for investment and modernization (Peters, 1969). It seems quite clear that political leaders in small Caribbean area nations such as the Bahama Islands subscribe to this proposition. There are, however, at least three major criticisms of Caribbean tourism.
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First, it has been argued that such tourism is essentially racist in that blacks must cater to foreign whites (Naipaul 1969). According to this view, service occupations are degrading or at least lacking in human dignity. Second, some observers contend that Caribbean-area tourism is not really economically sound because it fails to generate " t r u e development." The essence of this criticism is that tourism often increases a nation's balance of payments deficit. In the Bahamas, for example, the growth of tourism from 1959 to 1970 has beech associated with an almost fourfold increase in trade deficit from $64 million to $248 million (Perez 1974). Third, it has been pointed out that tourism is a powerful agent of socio-cultural change within the host society (Forster 1964). Most sociologists and anthropologists have tended to perceive these changes as negative developments (Boissevain 1977; UNESCO 1976). For their part, Bahamians have ambivalent feelings about tourists and tourism. Such feelings are not atypical within the region. " I t is the paradoxical nature of Caribbean tourism that it is both repugnant to West Indians and yet desired by most of t h e m . . . " (Talbot 1974). In general, one must assume that this ambivalence reflects the truly mixed consequences of the tourism phenomenon. In an attempt to deal with this ambivalence, the Bahamian government has gone so far as to issue a small brochure in comic book format that clearly enumerates tourism's benefits and suggests proper tourist-related behavior for Bahamians. Many studies of the impact of tourism have been undertaken. Most of these studies have, however, focused upon the direct economic impact of tourism. Furthermore, the vast majority of studies have been concerned with the impact of tourism at the national level. Relatively few studies have focused upon the socio-cultural impact of tourism at the community level. The present study deals with the social and cultural consequences of increased tourism within the context of a small community in the out-island Bahamas, Green Turtle Cay. Green Turtle Cay is located off the c o a s t o f Great Abaco Island in the northern Bahama Islands. The cay has a surface area of about one square mile and a 1968 population of 342. Most of the cay is covered with pine forest and is surrounded by beaches. The entire population is clustered in a very compact settlement on the southwestern tip of the cay. The settlement, called New Plymouth, is reminiscent of a small New England fishing village. Green Turtle Cay was settled during the 1780's by Loyalists and their slaves from several of the American Colonies (Siebert 1929). Despite cash and supplies from the British, the early settlers found adaptation to the island ecosystem to be difficult. Ultimately, a lottery to raise funds for the Loyalists cause was undertaken in England (Jones 1921). By the first decade of the nineteenth century, many settlers were leaving the cay for Nassau or the United States (Sharer 1955). The remaining community members settled into an essentially subsistence-level existence based upon fishing, horticulture, salvaging the cargoes of wrecked ships, and a limited amount of commerce. Today, the population of Green Turtle Cay is 57 percent white and 43 percent black. Unlike many other parts of the Caribbean culture area, miscegenation has never been regularly practiced. Virtually no gene flow between the two races has taken place. Similarily, the community includes two racially defined sub-cultures with differing values, social organization, and occupational specializations. The three major sources of income for the residents of Green Turtle Cay are ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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government spending, crawfishing, and tourism. The latter is a radical departure from the community's past market-oriented ventures; it has brought many outsiders to this once isolated cay. Small numbers of visitors had reached the community over the years (Mills 1887). In recent years, however, the flow of outsiders has increased significantly. There have been three related factors in this expansion of local tourism. First, the Bahamian government has embarked upon a massive program for the promotion of out-island tourism (Dupuch 1967). This government initiative has included tax incentives, building projects, and a worldwide advertising campaign. Second, an entrepreneur from within the community has invested in land development and the building of tourist facilities. Third, foreign investors, mostly American, have built tourist facilities on Green Turtle Cay and neighboring islands. TRADITIONS OF A CLOSED COMMUNITY Traditionally, Green Turtle Cay was a closed community. Of course, no human populations qualify as wholly closed systems. The term is, therefore, a relative one. As such, it may or may not be meaningfully applied to particular ethnographic case studies (Arensberg and Kimball 1965). In the case of Green Turtle Cay, the concept does seem to be both valid and useful. The traditionally closed nature of the community was largely a function of its physical isolation. Objectively, other islands are not very distant and travel to them by small craft is not especially difficult. Still, voyages to and from most neighboring islands were always a rarity. The residents of Green Turtle Cay have tended to perceive themselves as more geographically isolated than is actually the case. An outgrowth of this real or imagined physical isolation has been the evolution of a xenophobic worldview. Such worldviews have occasionally been attributed, at least in part, to the tourism phenomenon (UNESCO 1976). On Green Turtle Cay, however, outsiders have long been regarded as vastly different from community members. Even the residents of nearby islands have been portrayed in terms of exaggerated uniqueness. They are perceived with a mixture of caution and humor. The former derives from their lack of predictability. The latter derives from their supposedly odd physical features, speech patterns, and behavior. Jokes and anecdotes concerning these differences are favorite topics for idle conversation. Individuals from farther away are viewed with greater caution and less humor. Even within the settlement, the few families that live beyond the village proper are treated with a measure of suspicion. This is based upon the fear that such people consider themselves to be superior to the rest of the community. Green Turtle Cay's attitudes toward the outside world may also be an outgrowth of community marriage patterns. Nearly 60 percent of existent marriages involve individuals who were born and raised on the Cay. This figure would undoubtly be much higher were it not for the simple demographic fact that one cannot always find a suitable mate within the small and racially divided population. Most of the remaining marriages are between community natives and individuals from nearby islands. Such unions are almost universally spoken of as necessary second choices. Marriages between residents of Green Turtle Cay and people from farther away are very rare occurences. Another important aspect of the traditional lifestyle on Green Turtle Cay has been ].40
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that of social atomism. Social atomism implies that community members tend to have limited social contacts and restricted social networks. Most traditional work and play activities were carried out by small, voluntary associations composed of close relatives and friends. If a choice existed, most people preferred to spend their time within closed, familiar social contexts. Few significant relationships beyond this group existed. This did not necessarily imply animosity toward others within the community although hostile feelings were not unknown. The only associations of any consequence that were of a larger and more impersonal nature were church congregations. Beyond xenophobia and social atomism, traditional existence on Green Turtle Cay as typified by socio-economic inequality along racial lines. Historically, this condition predated the settling of the cay. The British termination of slavery within its Empire in 1834 failed to end racism and institutionalized inequality. On Green Turtle Cay, this heritage remained in the form of both wealth and prestige differences. Through the years, blacks have acted very deferentially toward whites. Deference involved such behaviors as approaching the homes of whites via the rear entrance, utilizing the respectful "Mister" or "Miz" terms before a white's given name, and doing a white person's bidding regardless of one's personal feelings and motivations. The economic domination of blacks by whites was demonstrated by differences in housing, furnishing, and other material possessions. Such inequality resulted from several factors. First, whites possessed all of the community's boats and a substantial seafaring tradition. Therefore, whites controlled the flow of materials and products to and from the island. Second, white entrepreneurial activity was encouraged at the expense of black economic endeavors because the vast majority of business operators in Bahamian and southeastern American market centers were (and are) white. Business contacts and successful role models were, theffore, restricted to the community's white population. Third, if other mechanisms were unsuccessful, whites were able to keep blacks under control with actual or threatened physical violence. Such was the case due to their numerical superiority as well as their possession of most of the community's firearms. TOURISTS AND TOURISM Large scale tourism reached Green Turtle Cay in the mid-1960's. Most of the cay's tourists are white Americans or Canadians. In general, they can be divided into two categories. First, there are middle-class tourists who arrive via regularly scheduled airline flights (there is an airstrip on nearby Great Abaco Island) and a short ferry boat ride. Such "individual mass tourists" (Cohen 1972) tend, almost exclusively, to be married couples who arrive alone and stay for a week or two in either cabins ($20-$40 per day) or hotels ($40-$60 per day). The primary attractions for these tourists are peaceful beaches, warm weather, and the ocean. Several with whom this author spoke expressed the desire to "get away from it all." Their typical activities include: sunbathing, fishing, swimming, hiking, sheU collecting, and taking pictures. There are no organized activities for such tourists beyond the existence of a few local fishing guides ($50-$100 per day for guide, boat, and equipment). Individual mass tourists tend to be first time visitors who have heard about Green Turtle Cay from their travel agents. Unlike the situation on the island of Malta (Boissevain 1977), middle-class tourists do not seem to compete with the local population for resources. In addition to middle-class tourists, there are upper-class tourists who come to the ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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cay via private airplanes, yachts, and regularly scheduled airline flights. These tourists are often repeat visitors who arrive in groups of several couples. They stay in yachting clubs ($50-$100 per day) for t i m e s p a n s that range from a weekend to a month or more. Upper-class tourists tend to socialize with other tourists to a greater degree than is the case with their middle-class counterparts because of their arrival in groups as well as their prior relationships with others at the clubs. Just as middle-class tourists do not create local animosity through competition with community members, upper-class tourist activities are deemed acceptable. Such is not the case everywhere. There is sometimes a "fundamental hostility between fishing and pleasure yachting" (UNESCO 1976). In general, yachting and other water sports are carded out in locales that do not interfere with commercial fishing endeavors. Some fishermen are supplementing their incomes by serving as fishing guides. Those with whom this author spoke enjoyed the new activity for its economic rewards as well as for its intrinsic pleasure. Green Turtle Cay's only tourist a~traction beyond its climate, beaches, and ocean is its quaint village. The village's primary virtue is that no one ever intended that it become a tourist attraction. Therefore, it lacks the artificial, contrived appearance of so many planned tourist areas. White frame houses and cement washed limestone houses combine with narrow streets and sub-tropical vegetation to create an attractive over-all impression. Tourism has come to Green Turtle Cay, however, at a time when these quaint old structures are beginning to be replaced by cement block buildings of the "Florida modern" type. This provides one area of conflict about tourism. Many community members prefer the newer houses and shops but realize that tourists do not. Thusfar, community tastes have prevailed in the matter. Some locales attempt to attract tourists by means of staged "native attractions" (MacCannell 1973). For example, Mbuti pygmies in central Africa put on bogus dances and rituals for the sake of tourists on expensive camera safaris (Hallet 1964). Some Ministry of Tourism advertising for Nassau (the Bahamian capital) does stress this sort of pseudo-event. Out-island advertising has not, as of now, resorted to this tactic. Rather, out-island advertising tends to stress empty beaches and quiet nights. Therefore, tourists who come to places such as Green Turtle Cay have low levels of expectation with regard to the former type of excitement. Consequently, local residents feel no pressure to provide entertainment for visitors. No "professional natives" or "phony folk cultures" (Forster 1964) have emerged within the community. Perhaps the time will come when Green Turtle Cay's residents will perceive the need to stage various pseudo-events in order to compete with other islands for tourists and tourist spending. Tourism often tends to be seasonal (Greenwood 1972). Indeed, the majority of both types of tourists come to Green Turtle Cay during the period from November through March, although some do arrive throughout the year. At the peak of the tourist season, the Cay might host two to four dozen visitors per week. During the summer months, the number might fall to a dozen per week. Local tourists facilities can exist and realize a profit with such low visitor totals due to the low taxes levied by the Bahamian government (until recently there were no taxes in the Bahamas). In addition, labor costs are low relative to those at tourist facilities in the United States. For example, caretakers earn between $35 and $75 per week.
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THE EFFECTS OF TOURISM Increased tourism has altered life on Green Turtle Cay in a number of ways. The most obvious changes have been the dramatic increases in the material living standards of virtually all community members. This appears to be a common consequence of tourism's expansion (Boissevain 1977). Since the expansion of local tourism during the 1960's, most people have been steadily increasing their possession of imported manufactured goods such as: fiberglass boats, outboard motors, television sets, and motorcycles. Shopkeepers state that almost all community residents are placing greater emphasis upon imported foods than was the case prior to the tourism boom. The nature of the recently borrowed cultural elements strongly suggest the influence of the mass media (especially television and radio) as opposed to the "demonstration effect" of interaction with tourists. Similar conclusions have been drawn by other observers (UNESCO 1976). Imported goods have become more widespread due to a greatly expanded amount of cash within the local economy. Before the tourism boom, cash inflow came primarily from government spending and the sale of surplus fish and farm products beyond the local market. Within the community, some goods and services were obtained by means of cash. Other exchanges, however, were accomplished through the mechanisms of barter and reciprocity. Today, cash exchanges have almost completely replaced barter and reciprocity except between close relatives. Similar socio-economic developments have been reported for the Spanish Basque community of Fuenterrabia (Greenwood 1972). The recent availabilty of cash and the acquired taste for imported goods have combined to yield significant alterations to the community's traditional work patterns. For example, boat builders no longer practice their trade. Lighter and faster fiberglass dinghies have made the once famous local wooden craft virtually obsolete. Further, boatbuilders have found more lucrative and less demanding service occupations within the tourism sector of the local economy. The boatbuilder's craft, once a regional specialization of note, is not being passed on to members of the younger generation. Similarly, local food production is now severely limited. People state two reasons for this change. First, they prefer the greater variety of imported foods. Second, they consider animal husbandry and horticulture to be demeaning and "backwards." The only exceptions to this trend away from local food production are fishermen who are still active and a few older residents who continue to maintain small flocks of chickens and simple gardens. Concomitant with the decline of such occupational specializations as boatbuilders and farmer, new tourism-related occupation~ have come into being. Such specializations as waitress, caretaker, and fishing guide are new and growing in importance. Some traditional occupational skills have changed in relative importance due to the rapid expansion of tourism. Craftsmen such as masons, painters, and carpenters are in much greater demand today than was previously the case. Of a less skilled nature, domestic servants are also in demand. A rather high percentage of workers are involved in service occupations. Among males, 26.6 percent of all workers are so employed. The figure for females is 35.9 percent. Boissevain (1977) states that tourism has altered the economic role of women on the island of Malta. This appears to be a common development (Noronha 1975). Green Turtle Cay has been no exception. Previously, women were rarely gainfully employed ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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beyond the context of family-run shops. Tourism has lured many women from their homes. These new opportunities have not yet brought about strikingly different behavioral roles for local women. The groundwork, however, has been established for such changes in years to come. The population on Green Turtle Cay has, since the settlement's founding in the eighteenth century, been socio-economically stratified along racial lines. Whites have enjoyed greater wealth and prestige than have blacks. Within each racially defined social category, there were some differences in wealth and prestige. It has been suggested that tourism has a tendency to exacerbate racial tensions of this sort (Noronha 1975). Quite the opposite has been the case on Green Turtle Cay. It is granted that minor tensions have been created but tourism has had the consequence of decreasing the potentially explosive gulf between the community's two racial enclaves. Both blacks and whites have increased their material well being due to tourist spending. In relative terms, however, blacks have made greater gains. Tourism has created a labor market situation in which potential employers need workers at least as urgently as potential employees need work. Discriminatory hiring practices have given way to a condition in which all workers with the desire to do so are able to obtain a cash income. Today, blacks and whites receive equal wages for equal work in most instances. As mentioned above, growing racial equality has created some minor tensions within the settlement. Several white men have steadfastly refused to work with blacks. In the past, when labor demands wet9 smaller, such behavior could easily be accomodated. Now, such individuals are in the position of working alone on irregular, small jobs, accepting black co-workers, or not working at all. Further, the greatly increased labor demands in the construction and day to day operation of local tourist facilities have meant that black workers have no need to be deferential toward their white co-workers in order to retain their jobs. According to men of both races, cross racial joking relationships and overt conflicts are both more common than was formerly the case. Feelings, positive and negative, are more apt to be expressed than was true in the past. New and successful black role models are available to children during the socizlization process. This recent development is partially a consequence of growing black equality due to local tourism and partially due to the existence of a black-led Bahamian government since 1967. Some older blacks still cling to inferior self images; younger blacks clearly do not. White reactions to these changing patterns of race relations have ranged from quiet resignation to empty threats to re-establish the old order. A few have suggested a termination of local tourism but the majority of whites accept what is, from their viewpoint, the good with the bad. Although the expansion of tourism has served to decrease the socio-economic gulf between the races, it has increased the range of wealth and influence within the community's white population. There have always been a few relatively wealthy and influential individuals on Green Turtle Cay whose advantages have been derived from their business activities. In past times, local entrepreneurs have invested in such endeavors as shipping, lumbering, sisal production, pineapple growing, and commercial fishing. More recently, at least some of the development of tourism has been associated with the activities of one major and several minor local, white entrepreneurs. Prior to the 1960's, small numbers of "noninstitutionalized tourists" (Cohen)
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visited Green Turtle Cay. Community entrepreneurs, following the lead of those in other out-island Bahamian settlements and reflecting government policy decisions favoring expanded tourism, began investing in local tourism projects. Simultaneously, outsiders, mostly Americans, began investing in similar projects. The posited three stage developmental scheme for tourist areas (15) does not fit this particular case very well. For example, foreign investment and reduced control over the tourist influx have not been associated with the rise of "organized mass tourism" (Cohen 1972) on the cay. Also, from the very start of the tourism boom, most host-tourist interactions have been essentially the same. They quite clearly did not evolve (or degenerate) from personal to impersonal as Noronha suggests is apt to happen. Finally, local entrepreneurs have not been reduced to the status of mere agents or functionaries (Noronha 1975) by the existence of foreign investors and facility operators. Rather, they have remained as equals for the time being. The most successful local entrepreneur obtained capital during the 1930's and 1940's as the owner-operator of a small commercial fishing vessel. During the 1960's, he utilized some of this capital to acquire inexpensive Crown Land from the government. As tourism developed, building lots were sold and tourist cabins were built beyond the village. Other capital was utilized to establish a regionally operative construction company and to buy a partial interest in large tourist complex on a nearby island. Other entrepreneuers from Green Turtle Cay have invested in land development and construction to a lesser degree. Beyond this, several men from the Cay's white population have invested in new boats and equipment in order to serve as fishing guides. To date, black entrepreneurial activity has yet to develop in response to the opportunities available through tourism. As local blacks accumulate capital, make business contacts, and gain confidence, this situation will undoubtedly change. The coming of relatively large numbers of tourists to Green Turtle Cay has created conflicts with two of the community's socio-cultural traditions. Tourism has meant that outsiders have regularly violated the Cay's isolation and caused stress for those with an island-bred xenophobia. Closely related to this, a few residents have been forced to interact with people not of their choosing, a violation of the community pattern of social atomism. Forster (1964) has distinguished between "direct occupations" and "indirect occupations" in tourist areas. The former involve interaction with tourists whereas the latter do not. Few people within the community have "direct occupations" (e.g. waitress, shopkeeper, fishing guide). The majority benefit from tourism without actually dealing with visitors on a personal basis (e.g. caretaker, mason, fisherman). Even those individuals with "direct occupations" often tend toward transitory and superficial relationships with tourists. This is a typical situation in areas with well developed tourist sectors (UNESCO 1976). In general, community members desire the monetary rewards associated with tourism but do not want significant contact with strangers. In many tourist areas, the social scene is divided into "front regions" and "back regions" (MacCannell 1973). "Front regions" are public places that are open to natives and tourists alike. Such areas provide the typical context for association between the two types of individuals. "Back regions" are limited, private areas that tend to be restriced to natives (Goffman 1959). On Green Turtle Cay, almost all of the tourist facilities are located well beyond the settlement. Tourists are free to enter the ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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settlement although they need not do so; that is, the hotels and clubs are potentially self-contained units. From the viewpoint of most community members, the ideal situation would be for the tourist facilities to function as front regions while the settlement itself remained a restricted back region. The ideal situation rarely prevails. Tourists usually do venture into the village at least once or twice during their vacations. They are not satisfied with remaining totally within the controlled environment or"ecological bubble" of the tourist facilities. Limited adaptations are in the process of evolving on the Cay to deal with such invasions of community privacy. Tourists who do range beyond the limited confines of their "ecological bubbles" are usually ignored by most adults within the community. A few residents coldly stare at strangers. The majority politely nod and quietly go about their business. Such behavior indicates that roles v i s a vis tourists are poorly developed and may not emerge without difficulty. Similarly, generally accepted tourist roles and tourist spaces within the village have yet to crystallize due to the recent nature of local tourism. Clearly, no false back regions with their " s t a g e d authenticity" (MacCannell 1973) have been created. There are two exceptions to the general practice of ignoring tourists. First. children often follow visitors about and ask questions about their activities and places of origin. Frequently, children will volunteer information about themselves and their community to outsiders. As a consequence, some parents warn their offspring to stay away from strangers. Second, the relatively few adults who regularly interact with tourists are those whose economic well being demands such communication. In these cases, one finds a situation in which most of the settlement retains its character as a back region while temporary and frequently moving front regions exist for unavoidable economically motivated interaction. These highly restricted front regions may be within shops, in boats, on the streets, or along the beaches. In Goffman's (Goffman 1959) original sense of the term, back regions are places where special information and activity are kept from outsiders. In the case of tourism on Green Turtle Cay, this restricted information and activity would be the day to day existence of the local population. Community members are not interested in direct interaction with tourists and are not motivated to create contexts where this will be necessary. They simply want visitors to enjoy the Cay's natural attractions without themselves becoming real or contrived attractions. CONCLUSIONS Green Turtle Cay has evolved from an isolated, somewhat subsistence-oriented community to a minor tourist center with a cash-oriented economic system. The resulting alterations in material living standards, work patterns, race relations, and socio-economic stratification have been extensive, rapid, and occasionally stressful. Many of the negative consequences of tourism have been avoided due to the relatively small numbers of tourists, the absence of organized mass tourists, and the ability of the host culture to maintain its integrity. There are never huge numbers of touirsts on Green Turtle Cay at a particular time due to the modest size of the facilities. Tourists arrive in small groups, are always vastly outnumbered by natives, and tend to keep rather low profiles. There has not been an influx of prostitutes from other areas or a growth of local prostitution due to the strict moral standards of the community's "fundamentalist" Protestant churches. The region's " u n s a v o r y " unemployed have
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not been attracted to the area as often happens (UNESCO 1976). The night life and more liberal public behavior standards of Nassau have attracted that element of Bahamian society. There has been no "cheapening" of the local culture through the development of bogus folk cultures by a class of professional natives (Forster 1964). "Staged authenticity" has not been created in an attempt to lure tourists into false front areas. There have been several reasons for this. First, the native population is not regarded as a tourist attraction. It is not advertised as such and visitors do not arrive with expectations of native performances. Second, the community's twin traditions of xenophobia and social atomism have combined to act against this form of pandering. Third, due to universal literacy and mass media influence, the host population is sophisticated enough to resist any temptations of this sort. They are aware of tourist traps and consciously avoid the possibility of creating them. Finally, although they are aware of at least some of their culture's imperfections, most residents express the opinion that their way of life is superior to others. This ethnocentrism has provided them with a buffer against most non-technological, non-material changes in their day to day behavior. At present, there is considerable ambivalence toward tourists and tourism. The majority of the community's residents desire tourism's material benefits but do not want its socio-cultural disruptions and responsibilities. Gradually emerging host roles tend toward restrained politeness with social interaction limited to that which is absolutely essential. Greater involvement with outsiders and unqualified acceptance of their presence will have to await the maturation of the settlement's younger generation. [] [] BIBLIOGRAPHY Arensberg, C.M. and S.T. Kimball 1965 Culture and Community. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc. Boissevain, J. 1977 Tourism and Development in Malta. Development and Change. 8:523-538. Bryden, J. 1973 Tourism and Development. London: Cambridge University Press. Cohen, E. 1972 Toward a Sociology of International Tourism. Social Research 39:164-182. Demas, W. 1970 The Prospects for Developing Agriculture in the Small Commonwealth Territories. In The Proceedings of the Fifth West Indian Agricultural Economics Conference. Dupuch, E. 1967 Bahamas Handbook. Nassau: Dupuch Publications. Forster, J. 1964 The Sociological Consequences of Tourism. Comparative Sociology 5:21%227.
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Goffman, E. 1959 The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Garden City, NJ: Doubleday. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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Greenwood, Davydd 1972 Tourism as an Agent of Change: a Spanish Basque case. Ethnology 11:80-91. Hallet, J.P. 1964 Congo Kitabu. Greenwich: Fawcett Crest Books. Jones, E.A. 1921 The Journal of Alexander Chesney. A South Carolina Loyalist in the Revolution and After, Ohio State University Contributions in History and Political Science, Columbus. MacCannell, Dean 1973 Staged Authenticity: Arrangements of Social Space in Tourist Settings. American Journal of Sociology 79:589-603. Mills, T.W. 1887 The Study of a Small and Isolated Community in the Bahama Islands. American Naturalist 20:875-88,5. Naipual, V.S. 1969 The Middle Passage. New York: Penguin. Noronha, R. 1975 Review of the Sociological Literature on Tourism. Washington: The World Bank. Perez, L.A. 1974 Aspects of Underdevelopment: Tourism in the West Indies. Science and Society 37:473-480. Peters, M. 1969 International Tourism. Zurich. Hutchinson. Popovic, V. 1972 Tourism in East Africa. Munich: Weltforum Verlag. Sharer, C.J. 1955 The Population Growth of the Bahama Islands, PhD. dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Siebert, W.H. 1929 Loyalists in East Florida. Deland: Florida State Historical Society. Sutton, W.A. 1967 Travel and Understanding: Notes on the Social Structure of Touring. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 8:218-222. Talbot, N.A. 1974 A Note on Tourism in the West Indies. Science and Society 38:347-349. UNESCO 1976 The Effects of Tourism on Socio-Cultural Values. Annals of Tourism Research 4(2):74-105. Waters, Somerset R. 1978 The Big Picture. New York: American Society of Travel Agents. Submitted February 1977 Revision submitted June 6, 1977 Accepted May 4, 1978 Final revision submitted September 7, 1978
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Akin G. LaFilmme" State University of New York, College I t Fredonla Frodonll, New York, USA
ABSTRACT LaFlamme, Alan G., "The Impact of Tourism: A Case from the Bahama Islands," Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. VI, No. 2, A p r i l / J u n e 1979, pp. 137-148. The socio-cultural impact of increased tourism on a small, once isolated island community in the Bahama Islands is discussed. The community's traditions have, for the most part, been maintained. However, material living standards, occupational specializations, and race relations have been significantly altered. For a number of reasons, the local people have not taken on the role of "professional natives." Keywot~: island community, traditions maintained, race relations altered, new occupations, chan&ed material living standards.
"Alan G. LaFlamme re~lved his Ph.D. in Anthropology from the 8tite University of New York It Buffido In 1972. His primary fleldwork on Green Turtle C4y was oonducted In lEeS. He is ourrlmtly Allooilta Profellor of Sociology and Anthropology It the State Unlverllty of New York, College at Frldonll. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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RESUME LaFlamme, Alan G., "L'Effet du tourisme: un cas des Bahamas," Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. VI, no. 2, avril/juin 1979, pp. 137-148. On discute l'effet socio-culturel du tourisme croissant sur une petite communaut6 autrefois isol6e des Bahamas. La plupart des traditions de la communaut6, mais il y a eu beaucoup de changement dans le niveau mat6riel de vie, dans la distribution des m6tiers et dans les rapports entre les races. Pour diverses raisons, les habitants ne se sont pas adapt~s au rble d"'indig~ne professionnel." Mote clef: cornmunaut~ insulaire, traditions continu~es, rapports chans~s entre les races, nouveaux mdtiers, changement de niveau de vie.
INTRODUCTION Tourism has become a major leisure time activity. Most tourism exist within the context of the tourist's own society but international tourism is a large and growing phenomenon. International tourism tends to reflect geographical propinquity; that is, international tourists are most likely to visit nations that border upon their own (Popovic 1972). Tourism is already the single largest source of income in two dozen nations and some economic projections hold that tourism will become the world's largest business before the end of the twentieth century (Sutton 1967). In the decade from 1961 to 1970, the number of international tourists rose from 73 million to 168 million persons annually. During the same time span, tourist related revenue increased from $6.8 billion to $17.4 billion annually (Popovic 1972. [The arrival and expenditure figures for 1977, according to the World Tourism Organization, rose to 240 million and $.50 billion, respectively (Waters: 1978:7,12).] In the Bahama Islands, tourism dominates the economic system. Due to Bahamian proximity to the United States, it is not surprising to find that 87.8 percent of all tourists are Americans (Bryden 1973). During the period from 1949 to 1966, the annual tourist total increased from 32,018 to 822,317. This represents a 2500 percent increase in arrivals (Dupuch 1967). About 40 percent of Bahamian incomes derive from tourist reciepts and the annual tourist total outnumbers the native Bahamian population by a 3.7:1 ratio (Bryden 1973). The primary tourist attractions of the Bahama Islands are their sub-tropical climate, clear waters, and white beaches. Leisure activities such as swimming, scuba diving, fishing, and boating are the major regional specializations. In order to attract a broader spectrum of visitors, the Bahamian government has added a number of secondary tourist attractions. For example, legal casino gambling is possible in Nassau. Furthermore, Freeport is an entire "tourist city" that was created to provide multi-faceted revenue gaining potential. Proponents of tourism argue that it is a relatively easy way of developing poor and/or emerging nations (Boissevain 1977). Supposedly, tourism provides capital for investment and modernization (Peters, 1969). It seems quite clear that political leaders in small Caribbean area nations such as the Bahama Islands subscribe to this proposition. There are, however, at least three major criticisms of Caribbean tourism.
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First, it has been argued that such tourism is essentially racist in that blacks must cater to foreign whites (Naipaul 1969). According to this view, service occupations are degrading or at least lacking in human dignity. Second, some observers contend that Caribbean-area tourism is not really economically sound because it fails to generate " t r u e development." The essence of this criticism is that tourism often increases a nation's balance of payments deficit. In the Bahamas, for example, the growth of tourism from 1959 to 1970 has beech associated with an almost fourfold increase in trade deficit from $64 million to $248 million (Perez 1974). Third, it has been pointed out that tourism is a powerful agent of socio-cultural change within the host society (Forster 1964). Most sociologists and anthropologists have tended to perceive these changes as negative developments (Boissevain 1977; UNESCO 1976). For their part, Bahamians have ambivalent feelings about tourists and tourism. Such feelings are not atypical within the region. " I t is the paradoxical nature of Caribbean tourism that it is both repugnant to West Indians and yet desired by most of t h e m . . . " (Talbot 1974). In general, one must assume that this ambivalence reflects the truly mixed consequences of the tourism phenomenon. In an attempt to deal with this ambivalence, the Bahamian government has gone so far as to issue a small brochure in comic book format that clearly enumerates tourism's benefits and suggests proper tourist-related behavior for Bahamians. Many studies of the impact of tourism have been undertaken. Most of these studies have, however, focused upon the direct economic impact of tourism. Furthermore, the vast majority of studies have been concerned with the impact of tourism at the national level. Relatively few studies have focused upon the socio-cultural impact of tourism at the community level. The present study deals with the social and cultural consequences of increased tourism within the context of a small community in the out-island Bahamas, Green Turtle Cay. Green Turtle Cay is located off the c o a s t o f Great Abaco Island in the northern Bahama Islands. The cay has a surface area of about one square mile and a 1968 population of 342. Most of the cay is covered with pine forest and is surrounded by beaches. The entire population is clustered in a very compact settlement on the southwestern tip of the cay. The settlement, called New Plymouth, is reminiscent of a small New England fishing village. Green Turtle Cay was settled during the 1780's by Loyalists and their slaves from several of the American Colonies (Siebert 1929). Despite cash and supplies from the British, the early settlers found adaptation to the island ecosystem to be difficult. Ultimately, a lottery to raise funds for the Loyalists cause was undertaken in England (Jones 1921). By the first decade of the nineteenth century, many settlers were leaving the cay for Nassau or the United States (Sharer 1955). The remaining community members settled into an essentially subsistence-level existence based upon fishing, horticulture, salvaging the cargoes of wrecked ships, and a limited amount of commerce. Today, the population of Green Turtle Cay is 57 percent white and 43 percent black. Unlike many other parts of the Caribbean culture area, miscegenation has never been regularly practiced. Virtually no gene flow between the two races has taken place. Similarily, the community includes two racially defined sub-cultures with differing values, social organization, and occupational specializations. The three major sources of income for the residents of Green Turtle Cay are ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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government spending, crawfishing, and tourism. The latter is a radical departure from the community's past market-oriented ventures; it has brought many outsiders to this once isolated cay. Small numbers of visitors had reached the community over the years (Mills 1887). In recent years, however, the flow of outsiders has increased significantly. There have been three related factors in this expansion of local tourism. First, the Bahamian government has embarked upon a massive program for the promotion of out-island tourism (Dupuch 1967). This government initiative has included tax incentives, building projects, and a worldwide advertising campaign. Second, an entrepreneur from within the community has invested in land development and the building of tourist facilities. Third, foreign investors, mostly American, have built tourist facilities on Green Turtle Cay and neighboring islands. TRADITIONS OF A CLOSED COMMUNITY Traditionally, Green Turtle Cay was a closed community. Of course, no human populations qualify as wholly closed systems. The term is, therefore, a relative one. As such, it may or may not be meaningfully applied to particular ethnographic case studies (Arensberg and Kimball 1965). In the case of Green Turtle Cay, the concept does seem to be both valid and useful. The traditionally closed nature of the community was largely a function of its physical isolation. Objectively, other islands are not very distant and travel to them by small craft is not especially difficult. Still, voyages to and from most neighboring islands were always a rarity. The residents of Green Turtle Cay have tended to perceive themselves as more geographically isolated than is actually the case. An outgrowth of this real or imagined physical isolation has been the evolution of a xenophobic worldview. Such worldviews have occasionally been attributed, at least in part, to the tourism phenomenon (UNESCO 1976). On Green Turtle Cay, however, outsiders have long been regarded as vastly different from community members. Even the residents of nearby islands have been portrayed in terms of exaggerated uniqueness. They are perceived with a mixture of caution and humor. The former derives from their lack of predictability. The latter derives from their supposedly odd physical features, speech patterns, and behavior. Jokes and anecdotes concerning these differences are favorite topics for idle conversation. Individuals from farther away are viewed with greater caution and less humor. Even within the settlement, the few families that live beyond the village proper are treated with a measure of suspicion. This is based upon the fear that such people consider themselves to be superior to the rest of the community. Green Turtle Cay's attitudes toward the outside world may also be an outgrowth of community marriage patterns. Nearly 60 percent of existent marriages involve individuals who were born and raised on the Cay. This figure would undoubtly be much higher were it not for the simple demographic fact that one cannot always find a suitable mate within the small and racially divided population. Most of the remaining marriages are between community natives and individuals from nearby islands. Such unions are almost universally spoken of as necessary second choices. Marriages between residents of Green Turtle Cay and people from farther away are very rare occurences. Another important aspect of the traditional lifestyle on Green Turtle Cay has been ].40
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that of social atomism. Social atomism implies that community members tend to have limited social contacts and restricted social networks. Most traditional work and play activities were carried out by small, voluntary associations composed of close relatives and friends. If a choice existed, most people preferred to spend their time within closed, familiar social contexts. Few significant relationships beyond this group existed. This did not necessarily imply animosity toward others within the community although hostile feelings were not unknown. The only associations of any consequence that were of a larger and more impersonal nature were church congregations. Beyond xenophobia and social atomism, traditional existence on Green Turtle Cay as typified by socio-economic inequality along racial lines. Historically, this condition predated the settling of the cay. The British termination of slavery within its Empire in 1834 failed to end racism and institutionalized inequality. On Green Turtle Cay, this heritage remained in the form of both wealth and prestige differences. Through the years, blacks have acted very deferentially toward whites. Deference involved such behaviors as approaching the homes of whites via the rear entrance, utilizing the respectful "Mister" or "Miz" terms before a white's given name, and doing a white person's bidding regardless of one's personal feelings and motivations. The economic domination of blacks by whites was demonstrated by differences in housing, furnishing, and other material possessions. Such inequality resulted from several factors. First, whites possessed all of the community's boats and a substantial seafaring tradition. Therefore, whites controlled the flow of materials and products to and from the island. Second, white entrepreneurial activity was encouraged at the expense of black economic endeavors because the vast majority of business operators in Bahamian and southeastern American market centers were (and are) white. Business contacts and successful role models were, theffore, restricted to the community's white population. Third, if other mechanisms were unsuccessful, whites were able to keep blacks under control with actual or threatened physical violence. Such was the case due to their numerical superiority as well as their possession of most of the community's firearms. TOURISTS AND TOURISM Large scale tourism reached Green Turtle Cay in the mid-1960's. Most of the cay's tourists are white Americans or Canadians. In general, they can be divided into two categories. First, there are middle-class tourists who arrive via regularly scheduled airline flights (there is an airstrip on nearby Great Abaco Island) and a short ferry boat ride. Such "individual mass tourists" (Cohen 1972) tend, almost exclusively, to be married couples who arrive alone and stay for a week or two in either cabins ($20-$40 per day) or hotels ($40-$60 per day). The primary attractions for these tourists are peaceful beaches, warm weather, and the ocean. Several with whom this author spoke expressed the desire to "get away from it all." Their typical activities include: sunbathing, fishing, swimming, hiking, sheU collecting, and taking pictures. There are no organized activities for such tourists beyond the existence of a few local fishing guides ($50-$100 per day for guide, boat, and equipment). Individual mass tourists tend to be first time visitors who have heard about Green Turtle Cay from their travel agents. Unlike the situation on the island of Malta (Boissevain 1977), middle-class tourists do not seem to compete with the local population for resources. In addition to middle-class tourists, there are upper-class tourists who come to the ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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cay via private airplanes, yachts, and regularly scheduled airline flights. These tourists are often repeat visitors who arrive in groups of several couples. They stay in yachting clubs ($50-$100 per day) for t i m e s p a n s that range from a weekend to a month or more. Upper-class tourists tend to socialize with other tourists to a greater degree than is the case with their middle-class counterparts because of their arrival in groups as well as their prior relationships with others at the clubs. Just as middle-class tourists do not create local animosity through competition with community members, upper-class tourist activities are deemed acceptable. Such is not the case everywhere. There is sometimes a "fundamental hostility between fishing and pleasure yachting" (UNESCO 1976). In general, yachting and other water sports are carded out in locales that do not interfere with commercial fishing endeavors. Some fishermen are supplementing their incomes by serving as fishing guides. Those with whom this author spoke enjoyed the new activity for its economic rewards as well as for its intrinsic pleasure. Green Turtle Cay's only tourist a~traction beyond its climate, beaches, and ocean is its quaint village. The village's primary virtue is that no one ever intended that it become a tourist attraction. Therefore, it lacks the artificial, contrived appearance of so many planned tourist areas. White frame houses and cement washed limestone houses combine with narrow streets and sub-tropical vegetation to create an attractive over-all impression. Tourism has come to Green Turtle Cay, however, at a time when these quaint old structures are beginning to be replaced by cement block buildings of the "Florida modern" type. This provides one area of conflict about tourism. Many community members prefer the newer houses and shops but realize that tourists do not. Thusfar, community tastes have prevailed in the matter. Some locales attempt to attract tourists by means of staged "native attractions" (MacCannell 1973). For example, Mbuti pygmies in central Africa put on bogus dances and rituals for the sake of tourists on expensive camera safaris (Hallet 1964). Some Ministry of Tourism advertising for Nassau (the Bahamian capital) does stress this sort of pseudo-event. Out-island advertising has not, as of now, resorted to this tactic. Rather, out-island advertising tends to stress empty beaches and quiet nights. Therefore, tourists who come to places such as Green Turtle Cay have low levels of expectation with regard to the former type of excitement. Consequently, local residents feel no pressure to provide entertainment for visitors. No "professional natives" or "phony folk cultures" (Forster 1964) have emerged within the community. Perhaps the time will come when Green Turtle Cay's residents will perceive the need to stage various pseudo-events in order to compete with other islands for tourists and tourist spending. Tourism often tends to be seasonal (Greenwood 1972). Indeed, the majority of both types of tourists come to Green Turtle Cay during the period from November through March, although some do arrive throughout the year. At the peak of the tourist season, the Cay might host two to four dozen visitors per week. During the summer months, the number might fall to a dozen per week. Local tourists facilities can exist and realize a profit with such low visitor totals due to the low taxes levied by the Bahamian government (until recently there were no taxes in the Bahamas). In addition, labor costs are low relative to those at tourist facilities in the United States. For example, caretakers earn between $35 and $75 per week.
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THE EFFECTS OF TOURISM Increased tourism has altered life on Green Turtle Cay in a number of ways. The most obvious changes have been the dramatic increases in the material living standards of virtually all community members. This appears to be a common consequence of tourism's expansion (Boissevain 1977). Since the expansion of local tourism during the 1960's, most people have been steadily increasing their possession of imported manufactured goods such as: fiberglass boats, outboard motors, television sets, and motorcycles. Shopkeepers state that almost all community residents are placing greater emphasis upon imported foods than was the case prior to the tourism boom. The nature of the recently borrowed cultural elements strongly suggest the influence of the mass media (especially television and radio) as opposed to the "demonstration effect" of interaction with tourists. Similar conclusions have been drawn by other observers (UNESCO 1976). Imported goods have become more widespread due to a greatly expanded amount of cash within the local economy. Before the tourism boom, cash inflow came primarily from government spending and the sale of surplus fish and farm products beyond the local market. Within the community, some goods and services were obtained by means of cash. Other exchanges, however, were accomplished through the mechanisms of barter and reciprocity. Today, cash exchanges have almost completely replaced barter and reciprocity except between close relatives. Similar socio-economic developments have been reported for the Spanish Basque community of Fuenterrabia (Greenwood 1972). The recent availabilty of cash and the acquired taste for imported goods have combined to yield significant alterations to the community's traditional work patterns. For example, boat builders no longer practice their trade. Lighter and faster fiberglass dinghies have made the once famous local wooden craft virtually obsolete. Further, boatbuilders have found more lucrative and less demanding service occupations within the tourism sector of the local economy. The boatbuilder's craft, once a regional specialization of note, is not being passed on to members of the younger generation. Similarly, local food production is now severely limited. People state two reasons for this change. First, they prefer the greater variety of imported foods. Second, they consider animal husbandry and horticulture to be demeaning and "backwards." The only exceptions to this trend away from local food production are fishermen who are still active and a few older residents who continue to maintain small flocks of chickens and simple gardens. Concomitant with the decline of such occupational specializations as boatbuilders and farmer, new tourism-related occupation~ have come into being. Such specializations as waitress, caretaker, and fishing guide are new and growing in importance. Some traditional occupational skills have changed in relative importance due to the rapid expansion of tourism. Craftsmen such as masons, painters, and carpenters are in much greater demand today than was previously the case. Of a less skilled nature, domestic servants are also in demand. A rather high percentage of workers are involved in service occupations. Among males, 26.6 percent of all workers are so employed. The figure for females is 35.9 percent. Boissevain (1977) states that tourism has altered the economic role of women on the island of Malta. This appears to be a common development (Noronha 1975). Green Turtle Cay has been no exception. Previously, women were rarely gainfully employed ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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beyond the context of family-run shops. Tourism has lured many women from their homes. These new opportunities have not yet brought about strikingly different behavioral roles for local women. The groundwork, however, has been established for such changes in years to come. The population on Green Turtle Cay has, since the settlement's founding in the eighteenth century, been socio-economically stratified along racial lines. Whites have enjoyed greater wealth and prestige than have blacks. Within each racially defined social category, there were some differences in wealth and prestige. It has been suggested that tourism has a tendency to exacerbate racial tensions of this sort (Noronha 1975). Quite the opposite has been the case on Green Turtle Cay. It is granted that minor tensions have been created but tourism has had the consequence of decreasing the potentially explosive gulf between the community's two racial enclaves. Both blacks and whites have increased their material well being due to tourist spending. In relative terms, however, blacks have made greater gains. Tourism has created a labor market situation in which potential employers need workers at least as urgently as potential employees need work. Discriminatory hiring practices have given way to a condition in which all workers with the desire to do so are able to obtain a cash income. Today, blacks and whites receive equal wages for equal work in most instances. As mentioned above, growing racial equality has created some minor tensions within the settlement. Several white men have steadfastly refused to work with blacks. In the past, when labor demands wet9 smaller, such behavior could easily be accomodated. Now, such individuals are in the position of working alone on irregular, small jobs, accepting black co-workers, or not working at all. Further, the greatly increased labor demands in the construction and day to day operation of local tourist facilities have meant that black workers have no need to be deferential toward their white co-workers in order to retain their jobs. According to men of both races, cross racial joking relationships and overt conflicts are both more common than was formerly the case. Feelings, positive and negative, are more apt to be expressed than was true in the past. New and successful black role models are available to children during the socizlization process. This recent development is partially a consequence of growing black equality due to local tourism and partially due to the existence of a black-led Bahamian government since 1967. Some older blacks still cling to inferior self images; younger blacks clearly do not. White reactions to these changing patterns of race relations have ranged from quiet resignation to empty threats to re-establish the old order. A few have suggested a termination of local tourism but the majority of whites accept what is, from their viewpoint, the good with the bad. Although the expansion of tourism has served to decrease the socio-economic gulf between the races, it has increased the range of wealth and influence within the community's white population. There have always been a few relatively wealthy and influential individuals on Green Turtle Cay whose advantages have been derived from their business activities. In past times, local entrepreneurs have invested in such endeavors as shipping, lumbering, sisal production, pineapple growing, and commercial fishing. More recently, at least some of the development of tourism has been associated with the activities of one major and several minor local, white entrepreneurs. Prior to the 1960's, small numbers of "noninstitutionalized tourists" (Cohen)
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visited Green Turtle Cay. Community entrepreneurs, following the lead of those in other out-island Bahamian settlements and reflecting government policy decisions favoring expanded tourism, began investing in local tourism projects. Simultaneously, outsiders, mostly Americans, began investing in similar projects. The posited three stage developmental scheme for tourist areas (15) does not fit this particular case very well. For example, foreign investment and reduced control over the tourist influx have not been associated with the rise of "organized mass tourism" (Cohen 1972) on the cay. Also, from the very start of the tourism boom, most host-tourist interactions have been essentially the same. They quite clearly did not evolve (or degenerate) from personal to impersonal as Noronha suggests is apt to happen. Finally, local entrepreneurs have not been reduced to the status of mere agents or functionaries (Noronha 1975) by the existence of foreign investors and facility operators. Rather, they have remained as equals for the time being. The most successful local entrepreneur obtained capital during the 1930's and 1940's as the owner-operator of a small commercial fishing vessel. During the 1960's, he utilized some of this capital to acquire inexpensive Crown Land from the government. As tourism developed, building lots were sold and tourist cabins were built beyond the village. Other capital was utilized to establish a regionally operative construction company and to buy a partial interest in large tourist complex on a nearby island. Other entrepreneuers from Green Turtle Cay have invested in land development and construction to a lesser degree. Beyond this, several men from the Cay's white population have invested in new boats and equipment in order to serve as fishing guides. To date, black entrepreneurial activity has yet to develop in response to the opportunities available through tourism. As local blacks accumulate capital, make business contacts, and gain confidence, this situation will undoubtedly change. The coming of relatively large numbers of tourists to Green Turtle Cay has created conflicts with two of the community's socio-cultural traditions. Tourism has meant that outsiders have regularly violated the Cay's isolation and caused stress for those with an island-bred xenophobia. Closely related to this, a few residents have been forced to interact with people not of their choosing, a violation of the community pattern of social atomism. Forster (1964) has distinguished between "direct occupations" and "indirect occupations" in tourist areas. The former involve interaction with tourists whereas the latter do not. Few people within the community have "direct occupations" (e.g. waitress, shopkeeper, fishing guide). The majority benefit from tourism without actually dealing with visitors on a personal basis (e.g. caretaker, mason, fisherman). Even those individuals with "direct occupations" often tend toward transitory and superficial relationships with tourists. This is a typical situation in areas with well developed tourist sectors (UNESCO 1976). In general, community members desire the monetary rewards associated with tourism but do not want significant contact with strangers. In many tourist areas, the social scene is divided into "front regions" and "back regions" (MacCannell 1973). "Front regions" are public places that are open to natives and tourists alike. Such areas provide the typical context for association between the two types of individuals. "Back regions" are limited, private areas that tend to be restriced to natives (Goffman 1959). On Green Turtle Cay, almost all of the tourist facilities are located well beyond the settlement. Tourists are free to enter the ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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settlement although they need not do so; that is, the hotels and clubs are potentially self-contained units. From the viewpoint of most community members, the ideal situation would be for the tourist facilities to function as front regions while the settlement itself remained a restricted back region. The ideal situation rarely prevails. Tourists usually do venture into the village at least once or twice during their vacations. They are not satisfied with remaining totally within the controlled environment or"ecological bubble" of the tourist facilities. Limited adaptations are in the process of evolving on the Cay to deal with such invasions of community privacy. Tourists who do range beyond the limited confines of their "ecological bubbles" are usually ignored by most adults within the community. A few residents coldly stare at strangers. The majority politely nod and quietly go about their business. Such behavior indicates that roles v i s a vis tourists are poorly developed and may not emerge without difficulty. Similarly, generally accepted tourist roles and tourist spaces within the village have yet to crystallize due to the recent nature of local tourism. Clearly, no false back regions with their " s t a g e d authenticity" (MacCannell 1973) have been created. There are two exceptions to the general practice of ignoring tourists. First. children often follow visitors about and ask questions about their activities and places of origin. Frequently, children will volunteer information about themselves and their community to outsiders. As a consequence, some parents warn their offspring to stay away from strangers. Second, the relatively few adults who regularly interact with tourists are those whose economic well being demands such communication. In these cases, one finds a situation in which most of the settlement retains its character as a back region while temporary and frequently moving front regions exist for unavoidable economically motivated interaction. These highly restricted front regions may be within shops, in boats, on the streets, or along the beaches. In Goffman's (Goffman 1959) original sense of the term, back regions are places where special information and activity are kept from outsiders. In the case of tourism on Green Turtle Cay, this restricted information and activity would be the day to day existence of the local population. Community members are not interested in direct interaction with tourists and are not motivated to create contexts where this will be necessary. They simply want visitors to enjoy the Cay's natural attractions without themselves becoming real or contrived attractions. CONCLUSIONS Green Turtle Cay has evolved from an isolated, somewhat subsistence-oriented community to a minor tourist center with a cash-oriented economic system. The resulting alterations in material living standards, work patterns, race relations, and socio-economic stratification have been extensive, rapid, and occasionally stressful. Many of the negative consequences of tourism have been avoided due to the relatively small numbers of tourists, the absence of organized mass tourists, and the ability of the host culture to maintain its integrity. There are never huge numbers of touirsts on Green Turtle Cay at a particular time due to the modest size of the facilities. Tourists arrive in small groups, are always vastly outnumbered by natives, and tend to keep rather low profiles. There has not been an influx of prostitutes from other areas or a growth of local prostitution due to the strict moral standards of the community's "fundamentalist" Protestant churches. The region's " u n s a v o r y " unemployed have
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not been attracted to the area as often happens (UNESCO 1976). The night life and more liberal public behavior standards of Nassau have attracted that element of Bahamian society. There has been no "cheapening" of the local culture through the development of bogus folk cultures by a class of professional natives (Forster 1964). "Staged authenticity" has not been created in an attempt to lure tourists into false front areas. There have been several reasons for this. First, the native population is not regarded as a tourist attraction. It is not advertised as such and visitors do not arrive with expectations of native performances. Second, the community's twin traditions of xenophobia and social atomism have combined to act against this form of pandering. Third, due to universal literacy and mass media influence, the host population is sophisticated enough to resist any temptations of this sort. They are aware of tourist traps and consciously avoid the possibility of creating them. Finally, although they are aware of at least some of their culture's imperfections, most residents express the opinion that their way of life is superior to others. This ethnocentrism has provided them with a buffer against most non-technological, non-material changes in their day to day behavior. At present, there is considerable ambivalence toward tourists and tourism. The majority of the community's residents desire tourism's material benefits but do not want its socio-cultural disruptions and responsibilities. Gradually emerging host roles tend toward restrained politeness with social interaction limited to that which is absolutely essential. Greater involvement with outsiders and unqualified acceptance of their presence will have to await the maturation of the settlement's younger generation. [] [] BIBLIOGRAPHY Arensberg, C.M. and S.T. Kimball 1965 Culture and Community. New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc. Boissevain, J. 1977 Tourism and Development in Malta. Development and Change. 8:523-538. Bryden, J. 1973 Tourism and Development. London: Cambridge University Press. Cohen, E. 1972 Toward a Sociology of International Tourism. Social Research 39:164-182. Demas, W. 1970 The Prospects for Developing Agriculture in the Small Commonwealth Territories. In The Proceedings of the Fifth West Indian Agricultural Economics Conference. Dupuch, E. 1967 Bahamas Handbook. Nassau: Dupuch Publications. Forster, J. 1964 The Sociological Consequences of Tourism. Comparative Sociology 5:21%227.
International Journal
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Goffman, E. 1959 The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Garden City, NJ: Doubleday. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH, April /June 1979
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Greenwood, Davydd 1972 Tourism as an Agent of Change: a Spanish Basque case. Ethnology 11:80-91. Hallet, J.P. 1964 Congo Kitabu. Greenwich: Fawcett Crest Books. Jones, E.A. 1921 The Journal of Alexander Chesney. A South Carolina Loyalist in the Revolution and After, Ohio State University Contributions in History and Political Science, Columbus. MacCannell, Dean 1973 Staged Authenticity: Arrangements of Social Space in Tourist Settings. American Journal of Sociology 79:589-603. Mills, T.W. 1887 The Study of a Small and Isolated Community in the Bahama Islands. American Naturalist 20:875-88,5. Naipual, V.S. 1969 The Middle Passage. New York: Penguin. Noronha, R. 1975 Review of the Sociological Literature on Tourism. Washington: The World Bank. Perez, L.A. 1974 Aspects of Underdevelopment: Tourism in the West Indies. Science and Society 37:473-480. Peters, M. 1969 International Tourism. Zurich. Hutchinson. Popovic, V. 1972 Tourism in East Africa. Munich: Weltforum Verlag. Sharer, C.J. 1955 The Population Growth of the Bahama Islands, PhD. dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Siebert, W.H. 1929 Loyalists in East Florida. Deland: Florida State Historical Society. Sutton, W.A. 1967 Travel and Understanding: Notes on the Social Structure of Touring. International Journal of Comparative Sociology 8:218-222. Talbot, N.A. 1974 A Note on Tourism in the West Indies. Science and Society 38:347-349. UNESCO 1976 The Effects of Tourism on Socio-Cultural Values. Annals of Tourism Research 4(2):74-105. Waters, Somerset R. 1978 The Big Picture. New York: American Society of Travel Agents. Submitted February 1977 Revision submitted June 6, 1977 Accepted May 4, 1978 Final revision submitted September 7, 1978
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