Tourism in Austria a case study of the influence of tourism on ethnic relations

TOURISM IN AUSTRIA A Case Study tithe Influence of Tourism on Ethnic Relations JoaefA.Ouupor

Department of Anthropology Monterey Peninsula college Monterev. Californb. USA

ABSTRACT Gamper, Josef A., Tourism in Austria: A Case Study of the Influence of Tourism on Ethnic Relations. Annals of Tourism Research 1981, VIII(3):432446. This study discusses the influence of tourism on ethnic relations between two populations in southern Austria. For many centuries the two populations have co-existed in the same geographical area. This co-existence was based on the exploitation of two separate ecological niches in the same environment - trading and farming. With the coming of tourism in the late 1950’s. however, both populations are now cooperating and competing within the same ecological niche, tourism. Tourism has led to increased contact between the two groups and greater participation in each other’s affairs. This contact and participation in turn has had the effect of breaking down ethnic boundaries which had remained virtually unchanged for over one thousand years prior to the advent of tourism. Keyworda: ecological niches, ethnic boundarles, ethnic markers, in-group, out-group. tourism.

Jowf Camper is an Instructor of Anthropology and Chaimmn of the Department at Monterey Peninsula College. He received hb MA. In Anthropology from Callfornia State Unlvemlty. Hayward, and Is presently working on Me Ph.D. at the University of Callfomla. Berkeley. His research Interests are culture change. ethnicity. social InequalIty. and tourism. 432

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Camper. Josef A.. Le Tourisme en Autriche: Dn Cas d’espkce de l’influence du tourisme sur les relations ethniques. Annals of Tourism Research 1981. VIII(3):432-446. Cette ‘etude d&cute de I’influence du tourisme sur les relations ethniques entre deux populations du sud de 1’Autriche. Ces deux populations coexistent depuis des si&les dans la i&me rfzgion ggographique. Cette coexistence etait ba&e sur deux niches $cologiques distinctes dans un m@me environnemenu le commerce et l’agriculture. Depuis la venue du tour&me a la fin des an&es 50, pour-tarn. les deux populations coop&rent et se font concurrence dans la xx&me niche &cologique. le tourisme. Le tour&me a me& H un degri plus important de contact entre les dew groupes et ‘a une plus grande participation dans les affair-esl’un de l’autre. Ce contact et cette participath ont eu par la suite l’effet de briser les murs ethniques qui avaient existe pratiquement in&an& depuis un milEnaire avant la venue du tourisme. Mota Clefi niches &ologiques. murs ethniques, marques ethniques. groupe dominant, groupe subordonn& INTRODUCTJON Anthropological and sociological studies of tourism are a recent development. Although many anthropologists and sociologists have acknowledged the importance of tourism they have usually neglected to discuss it in detail. Only recently have social scientists begun to recognize that tourism is a surprisingly large-scale phenomenon, representing one of the largest movements of people, goods. services, and money in human history (Greenwood 1972). A phenomenon which many authorities claim deserves systematic study (e.g.. Cohen 1972, 1974.1978.1979: Grabum 1977: Smith 1977.1980). The aim of this paper is to elucidate and explain the infhznce of tourism on the ethnic relations between the populations of the monolingual German inhabitants of the town of Hermagor and the bilingual Wind&h (Slovenian) inhabitants of the village of Passriach on the shores of Lake Pressegg in the Gail Valley of Southern Austria. As the term shall be used in this paper, tourism subsumes the rental of accommodations. the sale of foods and recreational serANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH 1961 VIll(3)

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vices, and the growth of service-related occupations. Thus. tourism involves the movement of people. goods, services, and money as well as improved communications. that is more face-toface contact with outsiders and exposure to new ideas. As a consequence, tourism entails alterations in the native population’s

definition of the situation in which they live and especially in their self-definition. These alterations lead to changes in attitudes, ideals, values, and behavior. By ethnic group is meant a body of actors who share similar access to resources in a specified socio-economic niche of an environment (Fumivall 194450). The members of such a group believe that they share certain cultural values and can be identiffed by themselves and others as a distinct unit (Naroll1964:283291). Rather than simply defining the existence of ethnic groups, this paper shall focus on the pmcesses involved in ethnic boundary maintenance and change. The theoretical approach most closely reflecting this aim is Fredrlk Barth’s ecological perspectives as proposed in Ethnic Groups and Boundartes (19691. Barth’s work will be supplemented with the reference group theory of Merton and Kitt (1950) and Festinger and Kelley (1951). THE SETTING: HERMAGORAND PASSRIACH BEFORETOURISM In 1973 the author carried out the fieldwork on which this paper is based in the town of Hermagor, of which he is a native. and in the village of Passriach. two alpine communities in Southern Austria. Since the time of their first contact in 772 A.D.. the populations of the two communities have co-existed in the same geographical area. This co-existence was based on a complimentary differentiation between the German-speaking urban group of Hermagor and the Wind&h-speaking rural group of Passriach. Each group marked out a section of the environment and maintafned control over it. Until the introduction of tourism to the area in the late 1950’s. the relationship between the citizens of Hermagor and the farmers of Passriach was characterized by little social or geographical mobility, a clear-cut division of labor along group lines, and a wide gap in culture and educatton. This relationship had changed very little since medieval times when the inhabitants of Hermagor were burghers and the inhabitants of Passriach were tenants and serfs. 434

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For over 1000 years, the two populations exploited two separate ecological niches in the same environment - trading and farming. Until recently, the relationship between Hermagor and Passriach was based on the complimentarity of goods and services connected with their different subsistence patterns. Hermagor was a market town where the farmers from Passriach sold their agricultural products and purchased items which they could not get from their land. TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL NICHESAND ETHNICMARKERS The economic systems on which the existence of Hermagor and Passriach were based were reflected in the general layout of the two communities. The house styles and residence patterns of Hermagor and Passriach were also related to the occupations of their inhabitants and were thus indicative of the particular ecological niches occupied by them. However, there were other overt features of the culture that did not merely relate to economic pursuits. Rather they served as ethnic markers by which the townspeople of Hermagor and the farmers of Passriach identified themselves and their partners. One of these ethnic markers was a distinctive style of dress. The townspeople of Hermagor always prided themselves on wearing city clothes. There were no traditional dresses in Hermagor. Traditional dresses, or Trachten, were associated with peasantness and backwardness in the eyes of the citizens of Hermagor. And although men from Hermagor had their clothes made by the same tailors as the farmers of Passriach, It was never difficult to distinguish between townsmen and countrymen on the basis of their clothing. The merchants and artisans of Hermagor placed a premium on the latest fashions and the finest materials. For the farmers of Passriach clothes also functioned as an important ethnic symbol. Until the mid-1960’s. the farmers of Passriach were easily recognized by the way they dressed because their clothes were always made out of Loden, a thick, waterproof woolen cloth. Windisch women from Passriach had a traditional costume which was worn on holy days and Sundays. Even more important as an ethnic marker than dress style was language. The inhabitants of Hermagor spoke only German while the inhabitants of Passriach spoke Windisch. a mixed dialect made up of Slovenian and German. In Hermagor. no effort was ever made to learn Windisch: Windisch was considered a sign of peasantness and backwardness. A good command of German. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH 198 1 VIIU3)

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on the other had. was considered a sign of a good education one of the prime status determinants in Hermagor society. In order to share the opportunities available in Hermagor one had to use German. In Passriach. however, Windisch remained the main language. Children grew up speaking Wind&h and did not learn German until they went to school in Hermagor. Although they were required to speak German in school. they continued to use Windisch at home and on the way to and from school. Since Win-

disch remained the main language for the children and since many parents were not proficient enough in German to help them with their school work, most Windisch children were poor students. As a consequence, many of them left school early and never acquired more than a rudimentary knowledge of German. Moreover, since trips to Hermagor were rare and business transactions with Hermagorers were usually conducted by men. many villagers, especially women, spoke little or no German. The lack of a good command of German was clearly seen as a disadvantage. Yet, the preservation of the Windisch language remained of tremendous importance to the villagers and all farmers made an effort to teach their children their native language. Moreover, Windisch was used exclusively for all transactions within the confines of the village. Only when dealing with monolinguals did the Passriacher speak German. THE ADVENT OF TOURISM Until the 1950’s. the economic structure of the Gail Valley remained basically unchanged. The economy of Passriach was still based on agriculture while the economy of Hermagor remained that of a market town. The overall situation in both communities was characterized by an extremely, low standard of living. A large part of the population, especially the young and able, were still forced to emigrate. To alleviate the situation, efforts were made to create jobs by attracting small industries into the valley, but on the whole all attempts to improve the economic situation failed. Therefore, in the late 1950’s the Federal Government made an effort to introduce tourism and the area has succeeded in this endeavor. Every summer, namely in July and August, tourists, mostly from Germany, arrive in Passriach and Hermagor to enjoy Lake Pressegg and the countryside. The lake is filled with rubber dinghies and swimmers, and the beaches are crowded with sun436

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bathers. These tourists move between Passriach where they stay and Hermagor where they are fed and entertained. Among the modem attractions of Hermagor is the Kfrchtag. which has been changed from a religious harvest festival to a midsummer pseudoethnic event in which the townsmen don their newly acquired ‘Peasant” costumes. It is the consequences of this spectacular success that are the focus of this paper. At the time when tourism began-in the Gail Valley, it had already been successfully introduced in other parts of Austria. Unlike most tourist resorts in Austria. however. the Gail Valley was not opened to tourism by the building of hotels and recreational facilities prior to the arrival of the tourists. Rather, tourists were housed in private homes in Hermagor and on farms In the surrounding villages while the inns (Gasthkser and Gusth$e) in Hermagor functioned primarily as restaurants. Thus, unlike moat other tourist resorts where outside developers transformed the economy of an area, the populations of Hermagor and Pasarfach were directly involved in tourism from its inception. Beginning in the early 1960’s. all sectors of Hermagor’s economy experienced unparalleled economic growth. Inns and shops began to thrive upon the ever-increasing income from tourism. Many of the established shops such as the bookbinder, tanner. and coppersmith. converted their businesses into souvenir shops. Two discotheques and a bowling alley opened. Hairstylista and beauty parlors appeared. Tourism as a service industry greatly expanded employment opportunities. Since many burghers remodeled their houses, carpenters, bricklayers, electricians, and plumbers were in great demand. As a result of the improved job situation emigration declined considerably. Tourism and the economic growth associated with it has also had a considerable effect on the external appearance of Hermagor. In the past Hermagor was a planned street market with its houses forming a continuous row on either side of the narrow north-south street. Today Hermagor is growing toward the east and the west. Because of this, for the first time, the town is being molded into the surrounding landscape. Moreover. the appearance of the houses themselves has changed. Stores have been remodeled and large shopwindows installed. In addition to modernizing the houses many new buildings have been erected and for the first time in Hermagor’s history some of the shopkeepers and art.i~~is have built houses separate from the shops. ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH 1981 VlIl(3)

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Since the 1960’s major changes have also taken place in Passriach. Within a decade the village. once the most underdeveloped community in the Gail Valley. has been transformed into a huge, prospering area. The farmers of Passriach quickly realized that renting rooms to tourists was more profitable than working their poor fields. Unlike the past when they farmed primarily for subsistence, by the summer of 1973 most villagers restricted their planting to a garden for household USe.

Even .the few remaining full-time farmers in Passriach have ceased working their fields. They are now engaged in dairy farming, a new occupation which is an outgrowth of tourism. In the past the farmers of Passriach had sold some milk in Hermagor but since the burghers had their own cows there was not a great demand for milk. As tourism increased the burghers rebuilt their houses and gave up their animals. Thus. there was an increased demand for milk not only during the tourist season but also from the growing population of Hermagor. Dairy farming was made possible by this increased demand and by the construction of a new road to Passriach which enabled the dairy in Hermagor to pick up all of the farmer’s milk on a daily basis. The farmers who could supply milk were thereby guaranteed a steady income. Although more than 50 percent of the men in Passriach still list their occupation as farmer, it should be noted that most of them now hold jobs outside the village. They are what has often been referred to as “worker peasants” (Franklin 1969: Willems 1970). Usually the men leave the village early in the morning and commute to work in nearby towns. The care of the few animals is often left to the women. The women also take care of the tourists although during the height of the tourist season men have a tendency to “call in sick” at their jobs in order to help their wives, a practice which seems tolerated by their employers. Because of tourism and the emphasis on dairy farming by the few remaining full-time farmers, the physical appearance of Passriach has been considerably altered. The village streets were paved shortly after tourism began and the manure piles, once indicative of Windisch farming, have been removed. All of the houses in Passriach today were either built or remodeled during the last decade. Usually. a new building was erected next to the older farmhouse and a year or two later the old house was tom down. However. not all new houses were built next to the old ones near the center of the village. Some have ‘been built on once 438

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valuable fields. One farmer built six bungalows and a small store on what was formerly his prize rye field. Several fields have been turned into camping grounds and one large meadow near the lake has been converted into a parking lot. Moreover, since 1960 five outsiders have bought fields in the village and built homes there. Another change in the physical appearance of Passriach can be noted in the new building styles .and in the size of the new houses. All houses in the village are built in what is jokingly referred to as “standard style,” the same style which is being used for all the new houses in Hermagor. The inhabitants of Passriach do not incorporate features of the traditional farmhouse into their new bulidings. The new houses in Passriach. as the new houses in Hermagor, are very similar to those which are presently being built in other parts of Austria. Moreover, in response to tourism most homes have ten to fifteen rooms instead of the three rooms of the traditional farmhouse. These rooms have hot and cold nmning water and many have private baths. The influence of tourism can also be Seen in the clothes worn by the people of Hermagor. Although in their everyday activities the Hermagorer wear clothes which are identical to those worn in other parts of Europe, during the tourist season many Hermagorers now wear “traditional” costumes. To the outsider this would appear to be a return to older customs. Certainly for the tourist, who visits the area only in the summer, the appearance of the distinctive dress of the local artisans and merchants adds to the local color. Yet, the fact is that the Hermagorer Tracht was designed in 1965. And another Tracht, now frequently worn, that of the town’s band, was designed in 1968. Moreover, the band’s Tracht which had originally consisted of a brown hat, brown coat. white shirt, black pants, and blue socks was later augmented by the addition of a bright red vest. The addition of this vest shows how quickly the townspeople of Hermagor realized the commercial value of their new Tracht. When questioned about the red vest one informant explained that the band members remove their brown coats whenever the weather permits, because “Red looks better on Kodachrome.” Unlike the men, the women of Hermagor have not adopted a Tracht, but tourism has stimulated their wearing of the colorful Austrian dirndl. Tourism has also affected the way in which the inhabitants of Passriach dress. The clothes worn by the villagers have become identical to those worn by the people of Hermagor. Only older pcople in Passriach still wear Loden suits or long dark dresses. The ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH 198 1 V111(3)

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clothes of the younger people in Passriach are indistinguishable from those worn by the same age group in Hemxxgor or by the tourists. However, unlike Hermagor where the wearing of Trachfen was stimulated in response to tourism. Trachten are not worn in Passriach. Although people in neighboring Windisch villages wear Trachten frequently during the tourist season, surprisingly the people of Passriach prefer not to wear them. Thus, because of tourism traditional dresses have been abandoned in Passriach while in Hermagor the wearing of “traditional” costumes has become so important that the men who never had a traditional costume invented one. In addition to changes in building styles and dress styles. considerable changes have also taken place in the language used by the inhabitants of Passrlach. Although Windisch is still used by some older people, German has become the language most frequently used in Passrlach. In the summer of 1973 almost all Passriacher used German within the village. Many of the children under age sixteen do not even understand Windisch. Unlike the past when attempts to speak German within the village were considered inappropriate, the use of German is now encouraged in order to be able to converse with the tourists. Moreover, German is often spoken within the home because more contact with outsiders during the last decade has led to a large number of mixed marriages with German monolinguals. In 1973 many of the homes in Passriach had at least one member of the family who could not understand Windisch and the entire family was therefore obliged to converse in German. Although many Passriacher in their twenties still know how to speak Windisch and use it when they interact with older people such as their grandparents, they are usually more comfortable with German. In summary it can be said that by the summer of 1973 house styles, dress styles, and language had ceased to function as ethnic markers by which the people of Hermagor and the people of Passriach identified themselves and their partners. SUMMARYAND CONCLUSIONS In the preceding pages the influence of tourism on house styles, dress styles, and language has been described because such overt features of culture serve as idioms of identification with particular group values and therefore indicate ethnic identlty. However, since ethnic boundaries do not depend only on overt cultural differences but rather on culture on a more fundamental 440

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level (Blom 1969:841. the different processes that seem to be involved in generating and maintaining ethnic groups need to be discussed in order to understand the relationship of these overt symbols to the cultural changes that have taken place in Hermagor and in Passriach. Data collected during the fieldwork indicate that in the past the people of Hermagor controlled the distribution of goods and services, the church, the administration, the labor market, and education. The occupational niches relating to these institutions were closed to Passriach farmers and the network of social relationships reflected this. To Passriach farmers Hermagor never became more than an external site where stereotyped transactions, based on ethnic criteria, took place between partners in a dominant-subordinate relationship. The only resource available to the farmers was their land. In order to gain access to this Iand the Windisch farmer had to accept the obligations that went with the right to use the resources of Passriach. The right to use this land, however, carried the general obligation to remain Windisch and to live according to the system of local norms and conventions. To remain Windisch not only meant to speak Windisch and to act Windisch. it also meant to dress Wind&h and to marry Windisch. Because of the strong pressure to marry Windisch most marriages in Passriach were with partners from within the village or from nearby Windisch villages. Marriage alliances with partners from other villages were rare. Most of the pressure to remain Windisch emanated from the village Nachbarschaft. The Nachharscha~t was an economic organization on the village level which directly influenced aII major transactions affecting agrarian resources such as the use of common pasture land and the cutting and sale of lumber on communal lands. it also functioned in settling disputes relating to land use. In Passriach. individual farmers depended on the Nachbarschaf for their livelihood. Although throughout most of the year the farmer’s land was exploited by means of a small number of hired hands and the labor provided by the farmer’s family, there were times when cooperation with the Nachbarschaft became essential to the survival of the farm. It appears, therefore, that the persistence of Windisch ethnicity and the usefulness of ethnic symbols can be, at least partiahy. reIated to ecological constraints. In addition to ecological constraints there were also psychological constraints that prevented the farmers of Passriach ANNALS OF TOURISM RESEARCH 1981 VIII(S)

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from crossing the ethnic barrier. The Windisch believed themselves to be the object of prejudice. According to Festinger and Kelley (195 1: 1). groups that believe themselves to be the object of prejudice wffl tend to isolate themselves from those who are prejudiced against them and seek the company of those who share their attitudes. The data collected seem to confirm this hypothesis. As long as the prejudices of the Hermagorer remained strong, and as long as the chances of the Wind&h outside the village were limited, most people in Passriach could not afford to lose membership in the only group which gave them not only a livelihood but also some measure of status and prestige. Thus. as long as the membership group remained capable of communicating its norms to its members. Windisch ethnicity was bound to persist. Since the mid 1960’s. however, both populations are in potential competition within the same ecological niche, tourism. Yet. in Hermagor and in Passriach, this potential competition has been overcome by specialization which has led to an increased complimentarity and interdependence between the two groups. For example, with tourism, Lake Pressegg became important to Hermagor as a tourist attraction. Passriach was located on the shores of this lake and in order for Herrnagor to gain access to the lake, the Passriacher were invited to join the Hermagor-Presseggersee Tourist Association. A few years later the village of Passriach was incorporated into the municipality Hermagor. Thus, for the first time in their history, the villagers were presented with an opportunity to participate in the affairs of Hermagor. Yet, in order to be successful in this new relationship. the farmers had to acquire the skills necessary to function in Hermagor society. Tourism forced them to acquire these skills. The acquisition of these skills was greatly facilitated by activities which can be directly related to tourism. In order to rebuild their village and to supply the tourists with their daily needs, the villagers needed the cooperation of the craftsmen and merchants of Hermagor. Conversely. the Hermagorer sought the business of the Passriacher. The resulting business relationships brought many Passriacher into daily face-to-face contact with people from Hermagor and provided the Passriacher with practice in dealing with outsiders. Over a period of time some of these relationships between members of the two groups developed into friendships. By the mid-1960’s, Hermagorer and Passriacher began to invite members of the other group into their homes. Interaction between the two groups also occurred in the context of the Hermagor band 442

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and the Hermagor choral society. Both institutions were revived during the 1960’s to provide entertainment for the tourists. Whereas in the past membership had been restricted to Hermagorer. by the summer of 1973 the majority of the members of the band and the choral society came from surrounding villages. including Passriach. Moreover, tourism has provided the former Windisch group with alternative resources within the village and has thus enabled them to improve their economic condition. For the first time in their history, tourism has made it realistically possible for the farmers of Passriach to acquire the formal education, language, and social skills necessary to pass the ethnic line and to succeed outside the village. By providing the Windisch with alternative resources within the village and enabling them to succeed outside the village, tourism has also dissolved the basis for the sanctions formerly ap plied in the defense of Windisch ethnicity. Individuals who do not hold to Windisch traditions are no longer sanctioned negatively by the Passriach group. Moreover, because of tourism, Hermagorer prejudices against the Windisch have diminished. As a consequence, the Wind&h no longer restrict their interactions to members of their own group and many have formed friendships and marriage alliances with non-Windisch people. Village endogamy. once the rule, has broken down. Thus, by removing both the ecological and the psychological constraints, which in the past had limited the range of Windisch activities, tourism led to increased contact between the two groups and to a greater participation of the two groups in each other’s affairs. This contact and participation in turn has led to an alteration in the native population’s definition of the situation in which they live. In the past, farmers of Passriach regarded themselves as an out-group vis-a-vis the inhabitants of Passriach. By the summer of 1973 tourism had led to a change in definition from out-group to in-group and to a breakdown of ethnic boundaries. Windisch ethnicity, as shown in dress styles, house styles, and language, was disappearing and the population of Passriach was being absorbed into Hermagor society. Since it is no longer to the advantage of the Passriacher to remain Windisch. dress styles and language are no longer used by them as ethnic symbols. Because of the changes wrought by tourism, the Windisch will no longer need to identify themselves, nor will they need to be identified by others, as a distinct group. ANNALS OF TOURISM

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The material presented in this paper poses a number of questions which need to be answered. For example. theoretical considerations would suggest that. after ecological segregation has broken down. some strains or conilicts, due to competition for similar resource9 (i.e.. tourists) would emerge. In Hermagor and in Passriach this did not happen because to this date there have been more tourists than could possibly be accommodated. Moreover, it should also be noted that in the Gail Valley ecological segregation has only partially broken down. The people of Passriach. with their background in farming, feel most comfortable with. and are mostly engaged in. renting rooms, while the people of Hermagor. with their background in trading and innkeeping. feed the tourists. sell souvenirs to them, and entertain them. Another question that needs to be answered deals with the abandonment of traditional costumes in Passriach. It is the writer’s contention that since the people of Passriach have only recently passed the ethnic line, they still associate traditional dresses with peasantness and backwardness. It is expected that the next generation of villagers, realizing the commereiaI value of their Trachten, will reintroduce them. FinalIy. it would be misleading to leave the impression that tourism was solely responsible for all the changes wrought on the populations of Passrlach and Hermhgor. The building of a highway into the valley and better rail connections. combined with the availability of wage labor outside the valley. certainly played a part in opening up the valley to the wider society. It is obvious from several accounts of comparable phenomena in other parts of Austria (Brudner 1969,1972: Gal 1979: Khera 19721 that industrialization is just as likely as tourism to lead to improved communications with outsiders. Yet, the data show that in the Gail Valley all attempts at industrialization had failed. Therefore, in the context of this study, tourism has to be considered as the prime catalyst of change. In Hermagor and in Passriach a changed social environment, due to the influence of tourism, has culminated in the abolition of ethnic symbols by one group and the creation of new symbols by the other. The meaning of these new symbols is not yet clear. But it is interesting to note that these new symbols do not function as markers of internal ethnic boundaries within the region. Rather, they serve to mark off a general Austrian identity vis-a-vis the tourists. ClCl

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Barth, Fredrik 1969 Ethnic Groups and Boundaries.Boston: Little, Brown and Company. Brudner.Lilyan 1969 The Ethnic Component of Social Transactions. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California.Berkeley. 1972 The Maintenance of Bilingualism in Southern Austria. Ethnology 1l( 1):39-54. Cohen, Erik 1972 Towards a Sociology of international Tourism. Social Research39(1):164-182. 1974 Who is a Tourist? A Conceptual Clarification. Sociological Review 22(4):527-555. 1978 The Impact of Tourism on the Physical Environment. Annals of Tourism ResearchV(2):2 15-237. 1979 Rethinking the Sociology of Tourism. Annals of Tourism ResearchVI( 1):18-35. Festinger, Leon and Harold H. Kelley 1951 Changing Attitudes through Social Contact. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Franklin, S.H. 1969 The European Peasantry: The Final Phase. London: Metheuenand Co., Ltd. Furnivall, J.S. 1944 Netherlands India: A Study of Plural Economy. Cambridge: University Press, Macmillan. Gal. Susan

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Grabum. N.H.H. 1977 Tourism: The Sacred Journey. In Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism. Valence Smith, ed.. pp. 17-31. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Greenwood, Davydd J. 1972 Tourism as an Agent of Change: A Spanish Basque Case. Ethnology 1160-9 1. Khera, Sigrid 1972 An Austrian Peasant Village under Rural Industrialization. Behavior Science Notes 7( 1):29-36. Merton. Robert K. and AIice S. Kitt 1950 Contributions to the Theory of Reference Group Behavior. In Continuities in Social Research: Studies in the Scope and Method of the American Soldier. Robert K. Merton and Paul F. Lazarsfeld. eds. Glencoe. Illinois: Free Press. Naroll, Raoul 1964 On Ethnic Unit Classification. Current Anthropologist 5(4):283-29 1. Smith, Valene 1977 Introduction. In Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism. Valence Smith. ed.. pp. 1-14. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. 1980 Anthropology and Tourism: A Science-Industry Evaluation. AnnaIs of Tourism Research VII(1):13-33. Willems, Emiho 1970 Peasantry and City: Cultural Persistence and Change tn Historical Perspective: A European Case. American Anthropologlst 72:528-54-k SubmItted 30 July 1980 Rewed version submitted 17 November 1980 Accepted 4 January 1981 Refereed anonymously

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