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Adolescent lottery and scratchcard players: do their attitudes influence their gambling behaviour?
ARTICLE IN PRESS
Journal of Adolescence Journal of Adolescence 27 (2004) 467–475 www.elsevier.com/locate/jado
Adolescent lottery and scratchcard players: do their attitudes influence their gambling behaviour? Richard T.A. Wood, Mark D. Griffiths* Psychology Department, Nottingham Trent University, Burton Street, Nottingham NGI 4BU, UK
Abstract This paper examines the link between attitudes and behaviour in relation to adolescent participation on the National Lottery and scratchcards by applying the theory of planned behaviour. A questionnaire constructed by the authors was administered to a sample of 1195 adolescents between the ages of 11 and 15 years (550 male, 641 female, 4 unspecified). In this paper, all data relating to factors associated with adolescent attitudes toward the National Lottery and scratchcards, and the links with any subsequent gambling behaviour, were analysed. Results revealed that young people’s attitudes are an accurate predictor of their gambling behaviour on these activities, and that social cognitive theory provides an explanation of how these attitudes may develop. In light of these findings, a number of suggestions are given on how to discourage young people from gambling. r 2004 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction The UK National Lottery began in November 1994 and was closely followed by National Lottery ‘Instants’ (i.e. scratchcards) in March 1995. They were the first forms of commercial gambling in the UK to have their own dedicated television program and to be allowed to advertise on television. Initial data from Camelot (the current National Lottery operator) indicate that 90% of the adult population has played at least once, and that 65% play on a weekly basis (Camelot, 1995). Several studies have indicated that large numbers of under-aged people (below the age of 16 years) are buying National Lottery tickets and scratchcards themselves, and that many regularly play these activities with their families (Fisher & Balding, 1996, 1998; Wood & Griffiths, 1998). Research in the UK (Wood & Griffiths, 1998), Canada (Gupta & Derevensky, 1997), and the *Corresponding author. Tel.: +44-115-948-5528; fax: +44-115-848-6826. E-mail address: mark.griffi[email protected] (M.D. Griffiths). 0140-1971/$30.00 r 2004 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2003.12.003
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United States (Winters, Stinchfield, & Kim, 1995) has found that parents often purchase lottery tickets for their children. Whilst a small minority of young lottery players are likely to develop patterns of problem gambling, the effect of these activities at a more general level is less understood. However, past research has consistently shown that when people begin gambling in childhood, they are more likely to develop gambling problems in later life (Ide-Smith & Lea, 1988; Fisher, 1993; Winters, Stinchfield & Fulkerson, 1993; Griffiths, 1995). Furthermore, whether young people actually play or not, they are still subject to the cultural phenomenon that is the National Lottery. While the long-term impact of these activities is not yet fully understood, several studies have already identified many young people experiencing problems related to these activities and have been identified as probable pathological gamblers (Fisher & Balding, 1998; Wood & Griffiths, 1998). Research examining the link between attitudes and behaviour has led to the development of predictive models aimed at demonstrating how a person’s attitude can provide a reliable indication of their actual behaviour. The theory of reasoned action (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975) demonstrated how a person’s actions are controlled by their behavioural intentions. These behavioural intentions are, in turn, derived from a number of cognitive components including the following. Personal beliefs about the behaviour are derived from the person’s expectation of the outcome of performing the behaviour, and their evaluation of that outcome. The subjective norm concerns the person’s perception of how others would view the behaviour, and the individuals’ motivations to comply with social convention. The theory of reasoned action has shown to be an accurate predictor of a person’s behaviour in a number of areas including family planning behaviour (Davidson & Jaccard, 1975), cigarette smoking (Norman & Tedeschi, 1989), and gambling behaviour in adolescents (Moore & Keis, 1997). The theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1988) was later developed to include not only personal beliefs and subjective norms, but also a component of perceived behavioural control, that is the extent to which the person believes that a behaviour is actually attainable or possible. When this theory is applied to gambling attitudes we should be able to better predict a person initiating gambling behaviour. It could be argued that a high degree of association between attitudes and behaviour simply indicates that these attitudes are a rationalization of the preceding behaviour. However, it is our assertion that before embarking on any kind of behaviour a person must first of all have some knowledge about the activity, and must also be motivated to conduct the behaviour. In this sense the person will already have an attitude toward the behaviour. In addition it may well be that the behaviour itself will also shape these attitudes. Fazio (1986), suggests that direct behavioural experience with an object will affect attitudes far more strongly than will indirect experience alone. These experiences will by definition be more vivid and accessible than indirect experiences. For example, if you burn your hand on a cooker you are more likely to remember the event (and be more careful in future) than if a friend burns their hand and then tells you about it later. Therefore, the link between attitudes and behaviour are bidirectional. Basically, if a person has a negative attitude toward a specific behaviour, then they are far less likely to actually perform the behaviour. This stems from a fundamental need within individuals to maintain consistency between their thoughts and actions. If thoughts and actions contrast, the person will experience ‘cognitive dissonance’ (Festinger, 1957), a distressing state that is to be avoided whenever possible. It is perhaps this consistency between our
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thoughts and actions that allows the well-functioning individual to maintain a coherent sense of identity. This paper will demonstrate how recent research findings highlight the link between adolescent attitudes to lottery and scratchcard gambling and their actual consequent gambling behaviour. Suggestions will then be given on how adolescent problem lottery gambling could be reduced and how responsible gambling might be promoted by highlighting those structural and situational characteristics that influence the construction of adolescent gambling attitudes.
Method Participants The sample consisted of 1195 adolescents between the ages of 11 and 15 years (550 male, 641 female, 4 unspecified), derived from a postal request for participation sent out to 17 schools in the East Midlands area of the UK. Nine schools eventually agreed to participate (53% response rate). All the children who were asked to take part in the nine schools did so. Instruments A questionnaire was designed that utilized a combination of 5 open and 50 closed questions, incorporating a Likert type scale, and generating both quantitative and qualitative data. Questions related to age and gender of participants, level of parental play, frequency of lottery and scratchcard play, money spent on these activities, who bought the tickets, perceptions of winning, links to other forms of gambling and gaming, and participants’ views on gambling in general were incorporated. The questionnaire also included the DSM-IV-J addiction scale adapted from The American Psychiatric Association Diagnostic Criteria (Fisher, 1992) to identify possible problem gamblers. The data relating to the DSM-IV-J has been reported previously (Wood & Griffiths, 1998). Given that those scoring highly on the DSM-IV-J are individuals most likely to be ‘‘addicted’’ to gambling, it was considered by the authors that any significant associations between attitudes and ‘‘addictive’’ gambling would be spurious. This is because individuals experiencing gambling behaviour, which was outside of their own conscious control, would negate the predictive framework of the theory of planned behaviour. Furthermore, there were very low numbers of actual problem gamblers. Procedure The personal and social education (PSE) teachers in the schools administered the questionnaires during a normal classroom session. Participants were not required to write their names, in order to maintain anonymity. Instructions were provided at the top of the questionnaire, explaining its completion. Furthermore, a statement guaranteeing confidentiality to the participants was included. All participation in the questionnaire was voluntary and no-one declined in taking part at this stage.
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Results The data relating to the general frequency of both social and problem gambling has been reported at length elsewhere (see Wood & Griffiths, 1998). The focus of this paper is on those factors associated with adolescent attitudes toward the National Lottery and scratchcards, and the links with any subsequent gambling behaviour. The results revealed that 48% of the adolescents played the lottery and 30% played scratchcards, either directly themselves or with family and/or friends. The first indication of an attitude/behaviour link is demonstrated by a direct association between the participants’ overall evaluation of the lottery and scratchcards and their reported behaviour. There was a positive correlation between participants expressing that the lottery was a good idea and reported lottery play (r ¼ 0:171; po0:0001), and also between reporting that scratchcards were a good idea and reported scratchcard playing (r ¼ 0:242; po0:0001). However, by examining the overall findings in relation to the theory of planned behaviour (i.e. personal beliefs, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control) it can be demonstrated how each of three attitudinal dimensions (as noted earlier) contributes to the development of the behavioural intention to play these activities. Personal beliefs The first element of the participant’s attitudes examined was their personal beliefs about the activity itself. As noted, it was found that there was a correlation between expressing that the lottery/scratchcards were a good idea and reported playing of the lottery/scratchcards. However, it was also found that the majority of participants were opposed to gambling in general, in that they thought it was a bad idea (76%). This meant that of the participants who had indicated that gambling was a bad idea, 49% of them also thought that the lottery was a good idea, and 33% thought that scratchcards were a good idea. Subjective norms The second attitudinal element identified concerned subjective norms, that is, the extent to which the individual believed that the behaviour was socially acceptable. The strongest indication of this dimension was illustrated by a link between parental and child play, i.e. there was a strong correlation between parental and child gambling on both the lottery (r ¼ 0:26; po0:0005), and scratchcards (r ¼ 0:378; po0:0005) (if the parent was a gambler the child was more likely to be so). Furthermore, a large percentage of the participants had their lottery ticket and/or scratchcards bought for them by their parents (71% of the lottery playing participants and 57% of the scratchcard playing participants). Perceived behavioural control The final attitudinal element identified relates to the extent to which the participant’s believed that a particular behaviour was actually attainable. In relation to the lottery and scratchcards, this was demonstrated in two ways. First, we can examine whether or not the participant believes that
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they will be able to successfully purchase a lottery ticket or scratchcard, and secondly, the extent to which the participant believes that they will actually win anything on these activities. In relation to the purchasing of the products, the study found that vast the majority of purchases were made by relatives (lottery 71%, scratchcards 57%), although a significant minority purchased their own tickets and/or scratchcards underage (17% lottery, 26% scratchcards, respectively). In relation to perceptions of winning, the questionnaire asked whether or not the participants thought that they would ever win ‘‘a lot of money’’ on either the lottery or scratchcards (a lot of money was defined as over d1 million by 67% of participants). Results revealed that 21% of the participants who played the lottery and 25% of those who played scratchcards reported that one day they would indeed win a lot of money. There was also a significant difference between male and female perceptions of winning the National Lottery (r ¼ 0:177; po0:0005) and scratchcards (r ¼ 0:198; po0:005). Further analysis revealed that the male participants were more optimistic than females about winning a lot of money on the National Lottery (males 21%; females 14%) and scratchcards (males 25%; 19%). Female participants were more pessimistic about winning the National Lottery (males 27%; females 36%) and scratchcards (males 16%; females 30%).
Discussion Personal beliefs and subjective norms Findings from this study indicated that the majority of the participants did not regard lottery and scratchcard playing as bona fide forms of gambling, and it is perhaps easy to understand why this might be the case. First of all, young people appear to observe their family and friends using these products on a regular basis, and indeed many parents bought tickets and/or scratchcards for their children. The fact that adolescents have positive attitudes toward the lottery and scratchcards is perhaps not surprising. However, the fact that parents and others are buying tickets for underage minors may be far more important. Most other forms of gambling in the UK, by contrast, are clearly defined, and take place in easily identifiable establishments (e.g. betting shops, bingo halls, etc.). However, National Lottery products are widely accessible in popular and respectable outlets (e.g. Post Offices, supermarkets, etc.) and are often not perceived as gambling activities. Other legitimizing sources include live biweekly television programmes broadcast on the BBC channel (itself highly respected), links to charitable good causes and the promotion of these products by celebrities, of whom many appeal directly to young people including pop bands (e.g. Boyzone, 911, Spice Girls). This legitimization process can be explained using cognitive learning theory (Bandura, 1986). The observation of significant others (such as family, friends, pop stars, celebrities) associating themselves with these products can result in young people modelling this behaviour. This widespread social acceptability and availability may also explain why so many participants demonstrated a positive subjective norm toward these products. These activities are being positively promoted at a number of levels, from within the family to the popular media. This creates the impression that the lottery and scratchcards are approved by both society and, in many cases, the family. More specific results showed a correlation between lottery play and those that thought it a good idea. This finding suggests that participants who agreed that the National Lottery and/or scratch
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cards are a good idea were also the most likely to actually play. This finding, whilst significant, is a rather simplistic association that needs to be examined in more detail if it is to be considered useful. It was also found that the majority of participants were opposed to gambling in general, in that they thought it was a bad idea (76%). This meant that of the participants who had indicated that gambling was a bad idea, 49% of them also thought that the lottery was a good idea, and 33% thought that scratchcards were a good idea. Therefore, it was evident that many participants did not regard these activities as bona fide forms of gambling and/or that there was some ambivalence.
Perceived behavioural control One of the most startling results concerns the numbers of participants who thought that they would one day win a lottery or scratchcard jackpot. This suggests that adolescents have a high degree of perceived behavioural control towards these activities—both in terms of actually taking part, and, to a lesser extent, winning the jackpot (i.e. they believe that a behaviour is actually attainable or possible). Alternatively, ignorance may be a contributory factor. The availability heuristic (Kahneman & Tversky, 1982) suggests that such misperceptions about the chances of winning can occur when a person makes decisions based upon the availability of limited information. In relation to lottery play, it is far easier to recall jackpot winners, as they receive a lot of publicity, than it is to recall the losers. On a more individual level, we might predict that a family member actually winning a prize, constitutes a more memorable event than a regular pattern of losses. There is also evidence that some people have difficulty grasping the concepts of basic probability. It appears that many people focus on the amount that can be won rather than the actual chances of winning that amount. This is demonstrated (although by a predominantly adult population) when there is a rollover week (i.e. money carried over from a previous draw, and added to the current draw) where in the UK typically 20% more tickets are sold. The odds of winning are still the same. It is only the amount that can be won that has changed. It is also worth noting that the adolescents who indicated that they thought they would win a lot of money on either the National Lottery or scratchcards were predominantly male. This perhaps indicates that male adolescents are more optimistic than female adolescents in relation to gambling. Alternatively female adolescents may be more realistic in their prediction of the outcome of these events. The element of perceived behavioural control related to how easy the participants thought it would be to obtain a lottery ticket and/or scratchcards (i.e. accessibility). It has already been noted that the majority of the lottery and scratchcard playing participants had their tickets and/or scratchcards bought for them by family and/or friends. Presumably these young people must already have a high level of perceived behavioural control in relation to obtaining their tickets. Similarly the minority of participants who buy their own tickets must also experience a high level of control. Furthermore, a study by Fisher and Balding (1997) found that 58% of under-aged people (below the age of 16 years) in their survey thought that it would be easy to buy a lottery ticket in spite of age restrictions, and 63% thought the same would be true for scratchcards. It appears that many young people feel that they have a very good chance of being able to take part in these activities. For some this is also borne out by direct behavioural experience.
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Suggestions for change Having identified the attitudinal dimensions that can lead to the behavioural intention to perform these behaviours, and having demonstrated that they are indeed linked to the actual behaviour, the next question is how could these attitudes be modified to discourage under-aged gambling? The answer would logically be to address each of the attitudinal dimensions discussed above. Our suggestion is that these issues fall broadly into two areas; education and legislation/ intervention. Education The first step that might be taken is to ensure that young people are made aware that the lottery and scratchcards are ‘bona-fide’ forms of gambling. Considering that 72% of the participants suggested that gambling was a bad idea, this may well be enough to begin a major shift in their perception of these activities for adolescents to avoid or cease taking part. Educating parents in this respect may also be beneficial, as it seem likely that many of them do not regard these activities as gambling either. Such parental education could also outline the potential serious negative effects that gambling can have on young people. If parents were educated not to involve or encourage their children in these activities, this could reduce or prevent modelling behaviour by their children. In essence, playing the lottery and scratchcards need ‘re-branding’ as gambling. Research in the marketing literature has shown ‘re-branding’ to be very effective technique in changing peoples attitudes and behaviour towards specific products (see Banyard, 1996, Chapter 4 for an overview). There is also a need to educate young people about the nature of the probabilities involved, in a concrete way that they can understand. It is no good telling them that there is a 1 in 14 million chance of winning as this is often far too difficult to realistically comprehend. Informing young people that they are more likely to be struck by lightening than to win a lottery jackpot is far more understandable, and memorable. Ideally, this type of youth education should be part of a schoolbased awareness program that would discuss gambling issues in general. This type of program could easily fit into school PSE classes and would significantly aid informed choice. Indeed some UK schools already informally discuss some of these issues. Learning about probability is important as research has shown that problem gamblers have a poorer understanding of random events and probability compared to non-problem social gamblers (e.g. Turner & Lui, 1999; Turner, 2000). Turner (2000) advocates the use of teaching probability theory as an important part of both prevention and treatment. Legislation/intervention One of the main problems with perceptions of the lottery and scratchcards is the socially acceptable image that is endorsed by government and by celebrities alike. A great deal of this legitimizing effect comes from televised lottery programs. Showing these programs after a 9 pm watershed would decrease the child audience, and would help define it as an adult activity. This could also be applied to televised advertising although empirical evidence about such effects is sparse. Griffiths (2003) recently overviewed the literature on gambling advertising and concluded
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that the question of whether increased gambling advertising and television coverage leads to increased gambling problems could not be answered on the base of such a small pool of data. However, he also argued that there had to be a strong commitment to socially responsible behaviour across the gambling industry, and that socially responsible advertising should form one of the elements of protection afforded to ordinary customers and be reflected in codes of practice. Furthermore, he asserted that children deserve additional shielding from exposure to gambling products and premises, and their advertising. The authors additionally propose that any factors that may appeal directly to under-aged people should also be removed (e.g. teenage pop icons) to minimize modelling effects. One way that the media could be used in a positive way would be to run adverts promoting responsible gambling, and raising public awareness of problem gambling. This is the case with some US and Canadian lotteries (e.g. Ohio State Lottery, Loto Quebec). A government warning printed on all lottery/scratchcard products and at the start of any televised lottery programs would also help more clearly define the pitfalls of these activities as gambling. A simple statement along the lines of ‘‘Gambling is an activity that can sometimes lead to problems. Have fun, but don’t spend too much’’. would be sufficient. Finally, there needs to be tight controls on sales of lottery tickets/ scratchcards to ensure that under-aged people cannot buy these products. Existing statutes must therefore be enforced as it is clear that a small minority of underage youth buy lottery tickets and scratchcards. If these measures were introduced it is conceivable that adolescents would develop a more realistic perception of these activities. They would realize that these activities are forms of gambling and they would better understand their chances of actually winning a jackpot. Subsequently, they would be less likely to develop the behavioural intention to perform these behaviours. The long-term implications should be that when these adolescents reach 16-years of age, and if they decide to take part in these activities, that they will gamble in a more responsible and informed manner. Further longitudinal research is needed to examine the affects of taking part in these activities over time, and in particular the gambling behaviour of young people who have recently reached the age of 16 (the legitimate age for lottery and scratchcard purchasing in the UK). Research is also needed to examine the diversity of lottery and scratchcard gambling behaviour. Overall, the study suggests that gambling means different things to different people at different times in their lives. There is also the question of whether the playing of the lottery and scratchcards lead to serious problems by themselves. Although there is evidence that scratchcards and the lottery are addictive to a minority of adolescents (e.g. Wood & Griffiths, 1998; Griffiths, 2000), there are others who believe that activities like the lottery are a ‘gateway’ to other forms of gambling which has been associated with adolescent problem gambling (e.g. Jacobs, 2000). This is also an area worthy of further research. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank GamCare (formerly the UK Forum on Young People and Gambling) and the National Council for Social Concern for funding this research through a research studentship. We would also like to thank the staff and pupils from all the schools that took part in the study.
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References Ajzen, I. (1988). Attitudes, personality and behaviour. Milton Keynes, UK: Open University Press. Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and behaviour: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs. NJ: Prentice-Hall. Banyard, P. (1996). Applying psychology to health. London: Hodder and Stoughton. Camelot (1995). The National Lottery 1st anniversary press pack. London: Author. Davidson, A. R., & Jaccard, J. J. (1975). Population psychology: A new look at an old problem. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31, 1073–1082. Fazio, R. H. (1986). How do attitudes guide behaviour? In R. M. Sorrentino, & E. T. Higgins (Eds.), Handbook of motivation and cognition: Foundations of social behavior (pp. 204–243). New York: Guilford. Festinger, L. (1957). A theory of cognitive disonance. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Fishbein, M., & Ajzen, I. (1975). Belief, attitude, intention and behavior: An introduction to theory and research. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Fisher, S. E. (1992). Measuring pathological gambling in children: The case of fruit machines in the UK. Journal of Gambling Studies, 8, 263–285. Fisher, S. E. (1993). Gambling and pathological gambling in adolescents. Journal of Gambling Studies, 9, 277–288. Fisher, S. E., & Balding, J. (1996). Under sixteen’s find the lottery a good gamble. Education and Health, 13, 65–68. Fisher, S. E., & Balding, J. (1997). Underage participation in the national lottery. Study commissioned by the Office of the National Lottery. Fisher, S. E., & Balding, J. (1998). Gambling and problem gambling among young people in England and Wales. A report commissioned by the Office of the National Lottery. Griffiths, M. D. (1995). Adolescent gambling. London: Routledge. Griffiths, M. D. (2000). Scratchcard gambling among adolescent males. Journal of Gambling Studies, 16, 79–91. Griffiths, M. D. (2003). Does lottery advertising contribute to problem gambling? Paper presented at the World Lottery Association/European Lotteries Conference (Marketing Seminar), London. Gupta, R., & Derevensky, J. (1997). Familial and social influences on juvenile gambling behavior. Journal of Gambling Studies, 13, 179–192. Ide-Smith, S., & Lea, S. E. G. (1988). Gambling in young adolescents. Journal of Gambling Behaviour, 4, 110–118. Jacobs, D. F. (2000). Juvenile gambling in North America: An analysis of long-term trends and future prospects. Journal of Gambling Studies, 16, 119–152. Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1982). The psychology of preferences. Scientific American, January, 136–142. Moore, S. M., & Keis, O. (1997). Gambling activities of young Australians: Developing a model of behaviour. Journal of Gambling-Studies, 13, 207–236. Norman, N. M., & Tedeschi, J. T. (1989). Self-presentation, reasoned action, and adolescents’ decisions to smoke cigarettes. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 19, 543–558. Turner, N. (2000). Randomness, does it matter? Electronic Journal of Gambling Issues. Article located at: http:// www.camh.net/egambling/issue2/research/index.html Turner, N., & Lui, E. (1999). The na.ıve human concept of random events. Paper presented at the American Psychological Association Annual Conference, Boston, August. Winters, K. C., Stinchfield, R. D., & Fulkerson, J. (1993). Patterns and characteristics of adolescent gambling. Journal of Gambling Studies, 9, 371–386. Winters, K. C., Stinchfield, R. D., & Kim, L. G. (1995). Monitoring adolescent gambling in Minnesota. Journal of Gambling Studies, 11, 165–183. Wood, R. T. A., & Griffiths, M. D. (1998). The acquisition, development and maintenance of lottery and scratchcard gambling in adolescence. Journal of Adolescence, 21, 265–273.
Journal of Adolescence Journal of Adolescence 27 (2004) 467–475 www.elsevier.com/locate/jado
Adolescent lottery and scratchcard players: do their attitudes influence their gambling behaviour? Richard T.A. Wood, Mark D. Griffiths* Psychology Department, Nottingham Trent University, Burton Street, Nottingham NGI 4BU, UK
Abstract This paper examines the link between attitudes and behaviour in relation to adolescent participation on the National Lottery and scratchcards by applying the theory of planned behaviour. A questionnaire constructed by the authors was administered to a sample of 1195 adolescents between the ages of 11 and 15 years (550 male, 641 female, 4 unspecified). In this paper, all data relating to factors associated with adolescent attitudes toward the National Lottery and scratchcards, and the links with any subsequent gambling behaviour, were analysed. Results revealed that young people’s attitudes are an accurate predictor of their gambling behaviour on these activities, and that social cognitive theory provides an explanation of how these attitudes may develop. In light of these findings, a number of suggestions are given on how to discourage young people from gambling. r 2004 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Introduction The UK National Lottery began in November 1994 and was closely followed by National Lottery ‘Instants’ (i.e. scratchcards) in March 1995. They were the first forms of commercial gambling in the UK to have their own dedicated television program and to be allowed to advertise on television. Initial data from Camelot (the current National Lottery operator) indicate that 90% of the adult population has played at least once, and that 65% play on a weekly basis (Camelot, 1995). Several studies have indicated that large numbers of under-aged people (below the age of 16 years) are buying National Lottery tickets and scratchcards themselves, and that many regularly play these activities with their families (Fisher & Balding, 1996, 1998; Wood & Griffiths, 1998). Research in the UK (Wood & Griffiths, 1998), Canada (Gupta & Derevensky, 1997), and the *Corresponding author. Tel.: +44-115-948-5528; fax: +44-115-848-6826. E-mail address: mark.griffi[email protected] (M.D. Griffiths). 0140-1971/$30.00 r 2004 The Association for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.adolescence.2003.12.003
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United States (Winters, Stinchfield, & Kim, 1995) has found that parents often purchase lottery tickets for their children. Whilst a small minority of young lottery players are likely to develop patterns of problem gambling, the effect of these activities at a more general level is less understood. However, past research has consistently shown that when people begin gambling in childhood, they are more likely to develop gambling problems in later life (Ide-Smith & Lea, 1988; Fisher, 1993; Winters, Stinchfield & Fulkerson, 1993; Griffiths, 1995). Furthermore, whether young people actually play or not, they are still subject to the cultural phenomenon that is the National Lottery. While the long-term impact of these activities is not yet fully understood, several studies have already identified many young people experiencing problems related to these activities and have been identified as probable pathological gamblers (Fisher & Balding, 1998; Wood & Griffiths, 1998). Research examining the link between attitudes and behaviour has led to the development of predictive models aimed at demonstrating how a person’s attitude can provide a reliable indication of their actual behaviour. The theory of reasoned action (Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975) demonstrated how a person’s actions are controlled by their behavioural intentions. These behavioural intentions are, in turn, derived from a number of cognitive components including the following. Personal beliefs about the behaviour are derived from the person’s expectation of the outcome of performing the behaviour, and their evaluation of that outcome. The subjective norm concerns the person’s perception of how others would view the behaviour, and the individuals’ motivations to comply with social convention. The theory of reasoned action has shown to be an accurate predictor of a person’s behaviour in a number of areas including family planning behaviour (Davidson & Jaccard, 1975), cigarette smoking (Norman & Tedeschi, 1989), and gambling behaviour in adolescents (Moore & Keis, 1997). The theory of planned behaviour (Ajzen, 1988) was later developed to include not only personal beliefs and subjective norms, but also a component of perceived behavioural control, that is the extent to which the person believes that a behaviour is actually attainable or possible. When this theory is applied to gambling attitudes we should be able to better predict a person initiating gambling behaviour. It could be argued that a high degree of association between attitudes and behaviour simply indicates that these attitudes are a rationalization of the preceding behaviour. However, it is our assertion that before embarking on any kind of behaviour a person must first of all have some knowledge about the activity, and must also be motivated to conduct the behaviour. In this sense the person will already have an attitude toward the behaviour. In addition it may well be that the behaviour itself will also shape these attitudes. Fazio (1986), suggests that direct behavioural experience with an object will affect attitudes far more strongly than will indirect experience alone. These experiences will by definition be more vivid and accessible than indirect experiences. For example, if you burn your hand on a cooker you are more likely to remember the event (and be more careful in future) than if a friend burns their hand and then tells you about it later. Therefore, the link between attitudes and behaviour are bidirectional. Basically, if a person has a negative attitude toward a specific behaviour, then they are far less likely to actually perform the behaviour. This stems from a fundamental need within individuals to maintain consistency between their thoughts and actions. If thoughts and actions contrast, the person will experience ‘cognitive dissonance’ (Festinger, 1957), a distressing state that is to be avoided whenever possible. It is perhaps this consistency between our
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thoughts and actions that allows the well-functioning individual to maintain a coherent sense of identity. This paper will demonstrate how recent research findings highlight the link between adolescent attitudes to lottery and scratchcard gambling and their actual consequent gambling behaviour. Suggestions will then be given on how adolescent problem lottery gambling could be reduced and how responsible gambling might be promoted by highlighting those structural and situational characteristics that influence the construction of adolescent gambling attitudes.
Method Participants The sample consisted of 1195 adolescents between the ages of 11 and 15 years (550 male, 641 female, 4 unspecified), derived from a postal request for participation sent out to 17 schools in the East Midlands area of the UK. Nine schools eventually agreed to participate (53% response rate). All the children who were asked to take part in the nine schools did so. Instruments A questionnaire was designed that utilized a combination of 5 open and 50 closed questions, incorporating a Likert type scale, and generating both quantitative and qualitative data. Questions related to age and gender of participants, level of parental play, frequency of lottery and scratchcard play, money spent on these activities, who bought the tickets, perceptions of winning, links to other forms of gambling and gaming, and participants’ views on gambling in general were incorporated. The questionnaire also included the DSM-IV-J addiction scale adapted from The American Psychiatric Association Diagnostic Criteria (Fisher, 1992) to identify possible problem gamblers. The data relating to the DSM-IV-J has been reported previously (Wood & Griffiths, 1998). Given that those scoring highly on the DSM-IV-J are individuals most likely to be ‘‘addicted’’ to gambling, it was considered by the authors that any significant associations between attitudes and ‘‘addictive’’ gambling would be spurious. This is because individuals experiencing gambling behaviour, which was outside of their own conscious control, would negate the predictive framework of the theory of planned behaviour. Furthermore, there were very low numbers of actual problem gamblers. Procedure The personal and social education (PSE) teachers in the schools administered the questionnaires during a normal classroom session. Participants were not required to write their names, in order to maintain anonymity. Instructions were provided at the top of the questionnaire, explaining its completion. Furthermore, a statement guaranteeing confidentiality to the participants was included. All participation in the questionnaire was voluntary and no-one declined in taking part at this stage.
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Results The data relating to the general frequency of both social and problem gambling has been reported at length elsewhere (see Wood & Griffiths, 1998). The focus of this paper is on those factors associated with adolescent attitudes toward the National Lottery and scratchcards, and the links with any subsequent gambling behaviour. The results revealed that 48% of the adolescents played the lottery and 30% played scratchcards, either directly themselves or with family and/or friends. The first indication of an attitude/behaviour link is demonstrated by a direct association between the participants’ overall evaluation of the lottery and scratchcards and their reported behaviour. There was a positive correlation between participants expressing that the lottery was a good idea and reported lottery play (r ¼ 0:171; po0:0001), and also between reporting that scratchcards were a good idea and reported scratchcard playing (r ¼ 0:242; po0:0001). However, by examining the overall findings in relation to the theory of planned behaviour (i.e. personal beliefs, subjective norms, and perceived behavioural control) it can be demonstrated how each of three attitudinal dimensions (as noted earlier) contributes to the development of the behavioural intention to play these activities. Personal beliefs The first element of the participant’s attitudes examined was their personal beliefs about the activity itself. As noted, it was found that there was a correlation between expressing that the lottery/scratchcards were a good idea and reported playing of the lottery/scratchcards. However, it was also found that the majority of participants were opposed to gambling in general, in that they thought it was a bad idea (76%). This meant that of the participants who had indicated that gambling was a bad idea, 49% of them also thought that the lottery was a good idea, and 33% thought that scratchcards were a good idea. Subjective norms The second attitudinal element identified concerned subjective norms, that is, the extent to which the individual believed that the behaviour was socially acceptable. The strongest indication of this dimension was illustrated by a link between parental and child play, i.e. there was a strong correlation between parental and child gambling on both the lottery (r ¼ 0:26; po0:0005), and scratchcards (r ¼ 0:378; po0:0005) (if the parent was a gambler the child was more likely to be so). Furthermore, a large percentage of the participants had their lottery ticket and/or scratchcards bought for them by their parents (71% of the lottery playing participants and 57% of the scratchcard playing participants). Perceived behavioural control The final attitudinal element identified relates to the extent to which the participant’s believed that a particular behaviour was actually attainable. In relation to the lottery and scratchcards, this was demonstrated in two ways. First, we can examine whether or not the participant believes that
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they will be able to successfully purchase a lottery ticket or scratchcard, and secondly, the extent to which the participant believes that they will actually win anything on these activities. In relation to the purchasing of the products, the study found that vast the majority of purchases were made by relatives (lottery 71%, scratchcards 57%), although a significant minority purchased their own tickets and/or scratchcards underage (17% lottery, 26% scratchcards, respectively). In relation to perceptions of winning, the questionnaire asked whether or not the participants thought that they would ever win ‘‘a lot of money’’ on either the lottery or scratchcards (a lot of money was defined as over d1 million by 67% of participants). Results revealed that 21% of the participants who played the lottery and 25% of those who played scratchcards reported that one day they would indeed win a lot of money. There was also a significant difference between male and female perceptions of winning the National Lottery (r ¼ 0:177; po0:0005) and scratchcards (r ¼ 0:198; po0:005). Further analysis revealed that the male participants were more optimistic than females about winning a lot of money on the National Lottery (males 21%; females 14%) and scratchcards (males 25%; 19%). Female participants were more pessimistic about winning the National Lottery (males 27%; females 36%) and scratchcards (males 16%; females 30%).
Discussion Personal beliefs and subjective norms Findings from this study indicated that the majority of the participants did not regard lottery and scratchcard playing as bona fide forms of gambling, and it is perhaps easy to understand why this might be the case. First of all, young people appear to observe their family and friends using these products on a regular basis, and indeed many parents bought tickets and/or scratchcards for their children. The fact that adolescents have positive attitudes toward the lottery and scratchcards is perhaps not surprising. However, the fact that parents and others are buying tickets for underage minors may be far more important. Most other forms of gambling in the UK, by contrast, are clearly defined, and take place in easily identifiable establishments (e.g. betting shops, bingo halls, etc.). However, National Lottery products are widely accessible in popular and respectable outlets (e.g. Post Offices, supermarkets, etc.) and are often not perceived as gambling activities. Other legitimizing sources include live biweekly television programmes broadcast on the BBC channel (itself highly respected), links to charitable good causes and the promotion of these products by celebrities, of whom many appeal directly to young people including pop bands (e.g. Boyzone, 911, Spice Girls). This legitimization process can be explained using cognitive learning theory (Bandura, 1986). The observation of significant others (such as family, friends, pop stars, celebrities) associating themselves with these products can result in young people modelling this behaviour. This widespread social acceptability and availability may also explain why so many participants demonstrated a positive subjective norm toward these products. These activities are being positively promoted at a number of levels, from within the family to the popular media. This creates the impression that the lottery and scratchcards are approved by both society and, in many cases, the family. More specific results showed a correlation between lottery play and those that thought it a good idea. This finding suggests that participants who agreed that the National Lottery and/or scratch
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cards are a good idea were also the most likely to actually play. This finding, whilst significant, is a rather simplistic association that needs to be examined in more detail if it is to be considered useful. It was also found that the majority of participants were opposed to gambling in general, in that they thought it was a bad idea (76%). This meant that of the participants who had indicated that gambling was a bad idea, 49% of them also thought that the lottery was a good idea, and 33% thought that scratchcards were a good idea. Therefore, it was evident that many participants did not regard these activities as bona fide forms of gambling and/or that there was some ambivalence.
Perceived behavioural control One of the most startling results concerns the numbers of participants who thought that they would one day win a lottery or scratchcard jackpot. This suggests that adolescents have a high degree of perceived behavioural control towards these activities—both in terms of actually taking part, and, to a lesser extent, winning the jackpot (i.e. they believe that a behaviour is actually attainable or possible). Alternatively, ignorance may be a contributory factor. The availability heuristic (Kahneman & Tversky, 1982) suggests that such misperceptions about the chances of winning can occur when a person makes decisions based upon the availability of limited information. In relation to lottery play, it is far easier to recall jackpot winners, as they receive a lot of publicity, than it is to recall the losers. On a more individual level, we might predict that a family member actually winning a prize, constitutes a more memorable event than a regular pattern of losses. There is also evidence that some people have difficulty grasping the concepts of basic probability. It appears that many people focus on the amount that can be won rather than the actual chances of winning that amount. This is demonstrated (although by a predominantly adult population) when there is a rollover week (i.e. money carried over from a previous draw, and added to the current draw) where in the UK typically 20% more tickets are sold. The odds of winning are still the same. It is only the amount that can be won that has changed. It is also worth noting that the adolescents who indicated that they thought they would win a lot of money on either the National Lottery or scratchcards were predominantly male. This perhaps indicates that male adolescents are more optimistic than female adolescents in relation to gambling. Alternatively female adolescents may be more realistic in their prediction of the outcome of these events. The element of perceived behavioural control related to how easy the participants thought it would be to obtain a lottery ticket and/or scratchcards (i.e. accessibility). It has already been noted that the majority of the lottery and scratchcard playing participants had their tickets and/or scratchcards bought for them by family and/or friends. Presumably these young people must already have a high level of perceived behavioural control in relation to obtaining their tickets. Similarly the minority of participants who buy their own tickets must also experience a high level of control. Furthermore, a study by Fisher and Balding (1997) found that 58% of under-aged people (below the age of 16 years) in their survey thought that it would be easy to buy a lottery ticket in spite of age restrictions, and 63% thought the same would be true for scratchcards. It appears that many young people feel that they have a very good chance of being able to take part in these activities. For some this is also borne out by direct behavioural experience.
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Suggestions for change Having identified the attitudinal dimensions that can lead to the behavioural intention to perform these behaviours, and having demonstrated that they are indeed linked to the actual behaviour, the next question is how could these attitudes be modified to discourage under-aged gambling? The answer would logically be to address each of the attitudinal dimensions discussed above. Our suggestion is that these issues fall broadly into two areas; education and legislation/ intervention. Education The first step that might be taken is to ensure that young people are made aware that the lottery and scratchcards are ‘bona-fide’ forms of gambling. Considering that 72% of the participants suggested that gambling was a bad idea, this may well be enough to begin a major shift in their perception of these activities for adolescents to avoid or cease taking part. Educating parents in this respect may also be beneficial, as it seem likely that many of them do not regard these activities as gambling either. Such parental education could also outline the potential serious negative effects that gambling can have on young people. If parents were educated not to involve or encourage their children in these activities, this could reduce or prevent modelling behaviour by their children. In essence, playing the lottery and scratchcards need ‘re-branding’ as gambling. Research in the marketing literature has shown ‘re-branding’ to be very effective technique in changing peoples attitudes and behaviour towards specific products (see Banyard, 1996, Chapter 4 for an overview). There is also a need to educate young people about the nature of the probabilities involved, in a concrete way that they can understand. It is no good telling them that there is a 1 in 14 million chance of winning as this is often far too difficult to realistically comprehend. Informing young people that they are more likely to be struck by lightening than to win a lottery jackpot is far more understandable, and memorable. Ideally, this type of youth education should be part of a schoolbased awareness program that would discuss gambling issues in general. This type of program could easily fit into school PSE classes and would significantly aid informed choice. Indeed some UK schools already informally discuss some of these issues. Learning about probability is important as research has shown that problem gamblers have a poorer understanding of random events and probability compared to non-problem social gamblers (e.g. Turner & Lui, 1999; Turner, 2000). Turner (2000) advocates the use of teaching probability theory as an important part of both prevention and treatment. Legislation/intervention One of the main problems with perceptions of the lottery and scratchcards is the socially acceptable image that is endorsed by government and by celebrities alike. A great deal of this legitimizing effect comes from televised lottery programs. Showing these programs after a 9 pm watershed would decrease the child audience, and would help define it as an adult activity. This could also be applied to televised advertising although empirical evidence about such effects is sparse. Griffiths (2003) recently overviewed the literature on gambling advertising and concluded
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that the question of whether increased gambling advertising and television coverage leads to increased gambling problems could not be answered on the base of such a small pool of data. However, he also argued that there had to be a strong commitment to socially responsible behaviour across the gambling industry, and that socially responsible advertising should form one of the elements of protection afforded to ordinary customers and be reflected in codes of practice. Furthermore, he asserted that children deserve additional shielding from exposure to gambling products and premises, and their advertising. The authors additionally propose that any factors that may appeal directly to under-aged people should also be removed (e.g. teenage pop icons) to minimize modelling effects. One way that the media could be used in a positive way would be to run adverts promoting responsible gambling, and raising public awareness of problem gambling. This is the case with some US and Canadian lotteries (e.g. Ohio State Lottery, Loto Quebec). A government warning printed on all lottery/scratchcard products and at the start of any televised lottery programs would also help more clearly define the pitfalls of these activities as gambling. A simple statement along the lines of ‘‘Gambling is an activity that can sometimes lead to problems. Have fun, but don’t spend too much’’. would be sufficient. Finally, there needs to be tight controls on sales of lottery tickets/ scratchcards to ensure that under-aged people cannot buy these products. Existing statutes must therefore be enforced as it is clear that a small minority of underage youth buy lottery tickets and scratchcards. If these measures were introduced it is conceivable that adolescents would develop a more realistic perception of these activities. They would realize that these activities are forms of gambling and they would better understand their chances of actually winning a jackpot. Subsequently, they would be less likely to develop the behavioural intention to perform these behaviours. The long-term implications should be that when these adolescents reach 16-years of age, and if they decide to take part in these activities, that they will gamble in a more responsible and informed manner. Further longitudinal research is needed to examine the affects of taking part in these activities over time, and in particular the gambling behaviour of young people who have recently reached the age of 16 (the legitimate age for lottery and scratchcard purchasing in the UK). Research is also needed to examine the diversity of lottery and scratchcard gambling behaviour. Overall, the study suggests that gambling means different things to different people at different times in their lives. There is also the question of whether the playing of the lottery and scratchcards lead to serious problems by themselves. Although there is evidence that scratchcards and the lottery are addictive to a minority of adolescents (e.g. Wood & Griffiths, 1998; Griffiths, 2000), there are others who believe that activities like the lottery are a ‘gateway’ to other forms of gambling which has been associated with adolescent problem gambling (e.g. Jacobs, 2000). This is also an area worthy of further research. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank GamCare (formerly the UK Forum on Young People and Gambling) and the National Council for Social Concern for funding this research through a research studentship. We would also like to thank the staff and pupils from all the schools that took part in the study.
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