From Awashimadai to Star Carr: A Japanese Jomon perspective on the subsistence strategies and settlement patterns of Early Mesolithic hunter–gatherers in the Vale of Pickering, UK

Quaternary International xxx (2015) 1e10

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From Awashimadai to Star Carr: A Japanese Jomon perspective on the subsistence strategies and settlement patterns of Early Mesolithic hunteregatherers in the Vale of Pickering, UK Junzo Uchiyama Research Institute for Humanity and Nature, 457-4 Kamigamo-motoyama, Kita-ku, Kyoto 603-8047, Japan

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Star Carr and other Mesolithic sites in the Vale of Pickering, North Yorkshire, UK, have seen long-standing interest from archaeologists since the 1950's, and offer a vivid picture of various aspects of post-glacial hunteregatherers in Northwest Europe. However, answers to several important aspects of prehistoric behavior still remain unclear, particularly concerning local subsistence and settlement strategies. This paper develops a comparative approach to these questions, and draws structured analogies between the British Mesolithic and the Jomon period of Holocene hunteregatherer archaeology in Japan, both of which occupied similar temperate/sub-boreal woodland environments. Thus the purpose of this paper is to better understand early Mesolithic socio-economic strategies in the Vale of Pickering, by: 1) reconsidering the organization of subsistence at Star Carr via careful comparison with the Jomon period site of Awashimadai in Kanto District, paying renewed attention to the two main features of Star Carr, i.e. the organization woodland deer hunting and the lack of evidence for use of aquatic resources; and 2) by re-examining overall land use strategies in the Vale of Pickering by re-analysis of faunal remains first recovered from excavations conducted in the late 1970's and 1980's. The results of this comparative analysis indicate that Star Carr was a summer hunting camp organized for deer, probably occupied exclusively by people socially specialized in hunting, and that Mesolithic land-use strategies probably extended well beyond the Vale of Pickering. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Mesolithic Jomon Star Carr Vale of Pickering Subsistence Settlement pattern

1. Introduction The Mesolithic sites in the Vale of Pickering that include Star Carr have been frequently investigated and restudied since the 1950's, offering a vivid picture of various aspects of post-glacial hunteregatherer behavioural strategies in Holocene Northwest Europe (Fig. 1a). However, several important questions still remain unclear, particularly concerning the organization of subsistence and settlement strategies in the wider North Yorkshire landscape. This paper argues that the Jomon period in Japan, which is the age of complex foragers living under similar temperate/sub-boreal woodland environments, could provide a good source of comparative analogical insights for developing better understandings of what was going on in post-glacial huntingegathering societies in Mesolithic Europe. Thus, the purpose of this paper is to understand early Mesolithic socio-economic conditions in the Vale of Pickering more clearly, by: 1) re-considering subsistence strategies at Star Carr by structured comparison with an analogous Jomon example of the Awashimadai 1989 site paying particular attention to the

organisation of two distinctive features of Star Carr activity, i.e. deer hunting in Holocene woodlands, combined with the lack of evidence for use of local aquatic resources; and 2) the structuring of forager land-use strategies across the Vale of Pickering by developing a reinterpretation of faunal assemblages recovered from earlier excavations. The Awashimadai Jomon site was occupied mainly ca. 3500e2300 cal BC and is located in the Kanto District of eastern Japan (Fig. 1b). “Awashimadai” is the name given to one of diluvial terraces of the Choshi Peninsula poking into the Pacific Ocean. The Awashimadai site is actually a group of Jomon sites discovered from the Awashimadai terrace, including a shell mound and several settlements. The excavation in 1989 revealed another stratum containing archaeological remains at the foot of the terrace, Awashimadai 1989 (Association for Archaeological Research of Awashimadai, 1990). A large amount of faunal assemblages were discovered, which are dominated by remains of sika deer (Cervus nippon). As a result of the transgression of sea level in the early Holocene, there was a shallow inlet to the south of the

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Please cite this article in press as: Uchiyama, J., From Awashimadai to Star Carr: A Japanese Jomon perspective on the subsistence strategies and settlement patterns of Early Mesolithic hunteregatherers in the Vale of Pickering, UK, Quaternary International (2015), http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1016/j.quaint.2014.12.066

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Fig. 1. Map showing the locations of Star Carr (a) and Awashimadai 1989 (b). Note that the two maps are to the same scale. The dotted lines mark the former shorelines of Lake Flixton in the Vale of Pickering (Schadla-Hall, 2000, Figure 1 and Milner et al., 2013, Figure 4.7) and the sea at Awashimadai (Komatsu, 2000, Figure 3).

Awashimadai terrace (Fig. 1b). This means that Awashimadai 1989 was on the shore of the inlet. Previous interpretations of the site (Uchiyama, 1996, 1998) have suggested that it was a specialized hunting camp used to intercept deer as they migrated during spring and summer through surrounding woodlands to the lagoon. Interestingly, these interpretations bear some striking similarities to conclusions drawn by Legge and Rowley-Conwy (1988) about the function and seasonality of the Star Carr site. Here, it was concluded that Star Carr was occupied only in summer mainly for the purpose of deer hunting, and the red deer anatomical part frequency resembles a hunting camp in the ethnographic patterns of Nunamiut Eskimo in Alsaska recorded by Binford (1978). Zooarchaeological analyses of several other Early Mesolithic sites in the Vale of Pickering, including those on Barry's Island and on Seamer Carr, enable a wider picture of Mesolithic land-use and settlement systems to be reconstructed. It appears that some sites in Seamer Carr were summer base camps, while Barry's Island served as a secondary processing transport and redistribution centre, used for processing meat prior to transport to remoter camps in preparation for the winter season (Uchiyama, 1996;; Uchiyama et al., in press).

2. Background: earlier research on Star Carr and the Mesolithic of the Vale of Pickering The waterlogged Mesolithic site of Star Carr was first excavated by Graeme Clark between 1949 and 1951 (Clark, 1954). The aim was to recover stone tools, organic materials, date in relation to postglacial vegetation patterns, discover food remains to determine subsistence strategies at the site, and understand the nature of the social group that had used the site. With an innovative emphasis on understanding ecological and economic aspects, Clark's pioneering approach set an entirely new standard for archaeological investigation of hunteregatherer sites (Trigger, 2006: 267e268), which formed part of his more general interest in reconstructing the economic development of Europe from late glacial times onwards (Clark, 1952). Over recent decades, the importance of the Star Carr Mesolithic site and the use of its surrounding landscape have increased. This is an important site because it offers uniquely rich insight into postglacial hunteregatherer lifeways in Britain and Northwest Europe. However, many fundamentally important aspects of the site's role in prehistoric lifeways remain uncertain, in particular, the nature of

Please cite this article in press as: Uchiyama, J., From Awashimadai to Star Carr: A Japanese Jomon perspective on the subsistence strategies and settlement patterns of Early Mesolithic hunteregatherers in the Vale of Pickering, UK, Quaternary International (2015), http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1016/j.quaint.2014.12.066

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subsistence strategies and settlement systems across the wider landscape, and of which Star Carr forms one part. Given the abundance of evidence from the site, some of the greatest debates have revolved around the socio-economic functions of Star Carr itself. Clark's original interpretation was that Star Carr was a winter base settlement, located on a lake edge, used by hunteregatherers who organized their lifestyle in order to follow the annual movements of red deer. In this case, seasonality was assigned on the basis of the abundance of the deer antlers recovered from the site (Clark, 1954: 93e95; 1972: 512). However, during the 1980s, and following refinements in zooarchaeological methods as part of the wider New Archaeology agenda, this interpretation was challenged. For example, by focusing on site formation processes and observing deer bones and antlers recovered during Clark's original excavations, Andresen et al. (1981) suggested that the site was a hunting and butchering place occupied frequently for short periods at various times of the year, not only in winter but also in summer. Legge and Rowley-Conwy (1988) also re-analysed the same faunal remains, but suggested that Star Carr was occupied only in summer, based mainly on analysis of pattering in tooth eruption in the deer jaws. They also re-examined the function of the site by comparing the anatomical part frequencies of four main species (red deer, aurochs, elk, and roe deer, of which red deer accounts for more than half) with that of the various ‘economic anatomy’ patterns of caribou documented by Binford's ethnoarchaeological research among the Nunamiut Eskimo in Alaska (Binford, 1978). This led them to conclude that Star Carr bore resemblances to the faunal and behavioural patterning that was characteristic of a Nunamiut hunting camp, suggesting that Star Carr might have functioned as a specialized hunting camp visited only during summer in the logistic mobility in Mesolithic Britain. Carter (1997, 1998) has used radiography on the red and roe deer jaws to suggest that the Star Carr site was probably still a summeroccupied hunting camp, but that occupation and activities had probably begun around a month or two earlier than concluded by Legge and Rowley-Conwy (1988:22e39; and see Fig. 7). Currently, this interpretation is widely accepted (see Mellars, 1998 for a broader discussion). Eruption patterns in deer jaws may be a more accurate indication of seasonality better than the antlers used by Clark (1952), because the antlers may also have been used as raw materials for tools, and so may have been affected by other taphonomic processes, including collection, storage, and transport. As a result, the antler evidence may be a poor overall indicator of the precise season of occupation at the site at which they are found. Given these debates, the current consensus is that the site was probably occupied in the spring and summer. However, although the body part representation of the Star Carr deer is consistent with the ethnographic hunting camp pattern identified by Binford, this understanding of the site's basic seasonality clearly still does not provide a complete picture of early Mesolithic subsistence strategies settlement systems in the Vale of Pickering, due to two main reasons. Several other themes now require fresh attention: 1) originally, little was known about other contemporary Mesolithic sites in the Vale of Pickering, and recent discoveries now make reconstructions of wider land-use strategies more feasible; 2) linked to this, several other important aspects of Star Carr subsistence have generally been neglected to date. These include the organization of deer hunting activities in early Holocene woodlands; and the notable absence of evidence for use of aquatic resources at Star Carr, despite the fact that it is located on a lake edge and relatively close to the sea coast. Clearly, deer hunting and carcass processing was central to life at Star Carr. Many investigations of the prehistoric environment around the site have shown that the landscape was covered mainly

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with pioneer birch woodlands (e.g. Cloutman, 1988; Cloutman and Smith, 1988; Day, 1993). However, interpretations of the site have rarely considered the organization of deer hunting activities in this kind of woodland (but see Legge and Rowley-Conwy, 1988). Generally, it has been assumed that Mesolithic deer behaved in similar ways to the deer inhabiting the modern and much more open countryside of present day Britain. However, one of the flaws in this model is that behaviour of red deer differs substantially between open country and woodlands (Chapman, 1991: 23e25). This makes it important re-consider organization of activities at the Star Carr site in relation to the behaviour of deer living in woodlands. With regard to use of aquatic resources at Star Carr, it remains puzzling, especially because the site would have faced out over a prehistoric lake (Fig. 1a). Furthermore, the distance of the site to the prehistoric North Sea might have been less than 15 km (i.e. only 3 h' walk away), even allowing for the sea level change during the early Holocene (e.g. Lambeck, 1995; also Mellars, 1998: 233). Even if Wheeler's (1978) explanation that freshwater fish would not yet have reached the Vale of Pickering so early in the postglacial is accepted, this raises the further question of why there is no evidence for use of maritime resources at Star Carr. Knowledge of how to use marine foodstuffs was certainly present at the time, and there is clear evidence for this in the near-contemporary Maglemosian sites located across the North Sea; seal bones are found on island sites such as Sværdborg and Øgaarde in Sjælland, Denmark (Søren H. Andersen, personal communication). The discovery and recent analyses of Maglemosian sites on the sea floor between Denmark and Sweden could suggest that coastal adaptations already existed in the earlier Mesolithic (e.g. Larsson, 1983; Larsson, 2003/4; Fischer, 2007; Lübke et al., 2011). Even though sieving was not employed at Star Carr, it is likely that the lack of aquatic resources at the site probably means that aquatic foodstuffs were definitely not used, neither sourced from the lake, nor from the nearby coastline. Therefore, the lack of evidence for use of aquatic resources at the site can be used to infer which socio-economic strategies were being deliberately maintained at the site and across the surrounding landscape. Two new research questions therefore emerge: 1) how was deer hunting organised in the wooded Mesolithic landscape; 2) why were aquatic resources not being exploited? More generally, how can renewed analysis of the faunal remains recovered from sites across the region during excavations conducted between 1977 and 86 contribute to a better understanding of Mesolithic land-use across the Vale of Pickering? The next section of this paper attempts a novel approach to this problem. Rather than focusing on the English data alone, it takes understanding of a Jomon site with a broadly similar economy and functional role to Star Carr, and seeks to work through the data as part of a structured and comparative exercise in understanding the archaeological implications of likely hunteregatherer behavioural strategies within a woodland environmental setting. Also, the role of the Japanese site is much better understood within the settlement system than Star Carr, owing to the abundance of archaeological sites and the rich datasets of the early Holocene society. 3. A new approach: looking for Mesolithic analogues in Jomon Japan The Jomon period in Japan, which extends from the end of the Pleistocene until the arrival of rice-based agriculture (ca. 14,000e800 cal BC), is characterized by a long-lasting huntingegathering economy under the environments in temperate/ sub-boreal woodlands, although some ‘Neolithic’ technologies such as pottery and polished axes existed from the beginning.

Please cite this article in press as: Uchiyama, J., From Awashimadai to Star Carr: A Japanese Jomon perspective on the subsistence strategies and settlement patterns of Early Mesolithic hunteregatherers in the Vale of Pickering, UK, Quaternary International (2015), http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1016/j.quaint.2014.12.066

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While occupation sites in the late glacial (the Incipient Jomon Phase, ca. 14,000e9000 cal BC) were rather small and sparsely distributed, entering the postglacial period, especially after the Early Jomon (5000e3500 cal BC) onwards, Jomon hunteregatherer sites became larger and also developed on the coast/lakeside, indicating that the lifeway became more sedentary, utilizing both terrestrial and aquatic resources. Consequently, as a postglacial huntingegathering based society adapted to temperate/sub-boreal woodlands, the Jomon sites, after the Early Phase in particular, provide a useful scope for this kind of comparative analysis. A good example is the Middle Jomon (3500e2300 cal BC) site of Awashimadai 1989 e the characteristics of location, occupational duration, conditions of preservation, and the composition of hunted animal species are quite similar to those of Star Carr. Both are located on a valley floor near an old lagoon or lake (Fig. 1). Secondly, the layers are thought to have been formed in a relatively short period, suggesting that Awashimadai 1989 was intermittently occupied during the two distinct episodes of at most 100 years, as similarly indicative is the recent research at Star Carr (Mellars, 1998: 224). In terms of preservation, at both sites a large mammal remains were excavated, and all remains were wellpreserved in lowlying waterlogged contexts. The entire assemblage of animal bones from Awashimadai 1989 were analysed (Uchiyama, 1996), indicating that the dominant species were medium sized deer, the sika (C. nippon) (Fig. 2, MNI of sika is 24 out of a total of 43); whereas the red deer (Cervus elaphus) is the main species of the Star Carr fauna (MNI of red deer is 26 out of a total of 75, Legge and Rowley-Conwy, 1988: 9). Sika was the only species of deer in Japan and one of the main prey with wild boar during the Jomon period. Sika ecology and behaviour (either in open grassland or in woodland) of which is almost exactly identical to that of red deer (Ohtaishi, 1983; Putman, 1988: 59e86). The similar location and occupational durations, and the high frequencies of deer with the similar ecology and behaviour may suggest that the two sites are a product of similar kinds of hunting strategies. On the other hand e and despite these broad behavioural similarities e one might also expect other contingent cultural differences between the lifeways of Jomon foragers and foragers living in Early Mesolithic Britain, and these could easily be emphasized in relation to other research questions (Trigger, 2006: 269e270). A good general example would be the widespread use of pottery noted among Jomon hunteregatherers, a technology entirely lacking from Mesolithic Britain (Zvelebil, 2008: 27e29).

Fig. 2. Histogram showing the Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) of the fauna from Awashimadai 1989.

However, despite such differences, this author believes that similar environments, economies and technologies can and do, at least at some conceptual levels, create opportunities and constraints that tend to generate broad similarities (Kelly, 1995) and explore the kinds of questions being raised here about the basic organization of subsistence activities. On this basis, that is, that there would be more socioeconomic similarities than differences, since the economic strategy adopted by post-glacial hunteregatherers in similar environments would be expected to have been more or less similar. Thus, the similarities between Awashimadai 1989 and Star Carr make the Japanese site a good choice for use in a carefully structured comparative exploration of the range of strategies being practiced at Star Carr. 4. The Awashimadai 1989 hunteregatherer site Awashimadai 1989 is a Middle Jomon site located on the Choshi Peninsula in eastern Kanto, 100 km east of Tokyo (Fig. 1b). Awashimadai 1989 is one of several sites belonging to the larger Awashimadai site group, which refers to group of sites distributing from a diluvial terrace named “Awashimadai” to a shallow valley to the south. The top of the Awashimadai terrace is about 20 m above sea level, the valley bottom only 7 m above sea level. At the time of occupation, the valley was flooded with brackish water. Pollen analysis has shown that the environment was a lagoon surrounded by a closed canopy of deciduous forest, consisting mainly of oak and walnut (Kase, 1990). Early research revealed that Awashimadai site group comprised at least two settlements on the top of the terrace including a shell mound, coincidentally making sure that archaeological assemblages dispersed in a wide range on the lower slope (Ohba, 1952). Pottery styles indicate that the main occupational period of these sites was the Middle Jomon phase (ca. 3500e2300 cal BC). During excavations in 1989 another site was found at the foot of the terrace, Awashimadai 1989 (Association for Archaeological Research of Awashimadai, 1990). At one of the 5 by 5 m trenches, many mammal remains were excavated from a single layer (0.3 m thick), sika deer being most common; all remains were wellpreserved in waterlogged contexts. Furthermore, traces of dog gnawing were rare, suggesting that dog disturbance was relatively low. In huntingegathering societies, dogs are normal domestic animals and dogs would be likely to be more or less fed from carcasses. Dog influences over bone assemblage could be problematic if gnawing traces had been recognized more frequently. Therefore, it can be expected that bone assemblages retain traces of human activities to a substantial degree. On the other hand, various styles of pottery belonging to the Middle Jomon phase were discovered from the layer containing bone assemblage; however, two pottery styles, i.e. Atamadai-1 type (Atamadai-1a&b, ca. 3400e3300 cal BC) and early Kasori-E type (Kasori-E1&2, ca. 2800e2700 cal BC) were dominant (Pottery dates: Kobayashi, 2008). This indicates that Awashimadai 1989 was intermittently visited during the Middle Jomon, but occupied mainly on two occasions for a relatively limited period of time. This author's initial study of seasonality was undertaken in 1989, based only on the antlers, and concluded that hunting was carried out from autumn to spring (Kaneko and Uchiyama, 1990). The assemblage was re-examined in 1996 using tooth eruption and bone growth. The conclusion was that the ageable juvenile deer and all other seasonally determinable resources could have been procured in a minimum period of April to July (Uchiyama, 1998). As at Star Carr, the antlers conflict with the rest of the seasonal indicators, which suggests that they were transported as a raw material for tools, thus making use of these data in reconstructions of site seasonality problematic.

Please cite this article in press as: Uchiyama, J., From Awashimadai to Star Carr: A Japanese Jomon perspective on the subsistence strategies and settlement patterns of Early Mesolithic hunteregatherers in the Vale of Pickering, UK, Quaternary International (2015), http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1016/j.quaint.2014.12.066

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What functions did Awashimadai 1989 spatially play in the subsistence system? Deer hunting was apparently one of the most important activities, as deer comprised over 80% of the number of identified fragments (MNI: 24 out of 43) (Fig. 2). Consequently, body part representation analysis should be useful. Binford (1978: 47e90, 169e449) recognized several different patterns in caribou at Nunamiut sites. For example, less useful parts were often abandoned at kill and processing sites, while elements with more meat, fat and marrow were taken back to the base camp e sometimes being processed on the way at a hunting camp. Based on this kind of behavioural approach, deer bones from Awashimadai 1989 are compared with the Nunamiut sites (Fig. 3). Four distinctive features of the bone assemblage can be noted at Awashimadai 1989. Firstly, mandibles are very common. Secondly, forelimbs except proximal humerus, and hindlimbs except femora and pelvis are moderately common. Thirdly, maxillae and vertebrae are scarce. Lastly, phalanges are rare: of these, the second point is most notable, because upper parts of limbs are the elements with higher values (more meat, fat and marrow) and thus are likely to be taken back to the base camp. The low frequencies of upper limb parts at Awashimadai 1989 are not the kind of pattern that would be expected at a base camp (Fig. 3a). The comparison with kill sites is also not very good, because the ethnological records suggest that elements with lower values such as maxillae and phalanges are relatively common in kill site assemblages (Fig. 3b). On the other hand, the pattern at Awashimadai 1989 corresponds to those of hunting sites more than to base camps and kill sites (Fig. 3c), indicating that the same conclusion as Star Carr proposed by Legge and Rowley-Conwy (1988) may be tentatively advanced from the perspective of body part representation: Awashimadai 1989 was a hunting camp, where the main prey was sika deer (Fig. 3d). Three other observations support this interpretation. Firstly, the high proportion of sika suggests that the site was used for one

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specific purpose. Secondly, no clear spatial separation of refuse can be observed either in faunal remains or in artefacts. As Andresen et al. (1981, 33e34) suggest from ethnoarchaeological observations, this could suggest that the site was only in use for a short, highly-targeted season during each year. This may also be supported by the author's impression that the degree of bone destruction is relatively low compared to larger Jomon shell mounds, which might have been occupied on a more sedentary basis for a longer period of each year. For example, limb bones were often found without any traces of artificial destruction which are thought to have occurred in extracting marrow (i.e. spiral fracture) and tool-making, whereas such damages are more commonly observed in shell mounds: that is, the intensity of animal use is comparatively low at Awashimadai 1989. Thirdly, the size of the site is small compared to the other sites in the Awashimadai Valley. The shell mound and dwelling pit on the top of the terrace might have been the residential base camps within a wider system, as both are contemporary with Awashimadai 1989, in turn suggesting that the latter was a hunting camp used in a logistic mobility system. Awashimadai 1989 was used as a hunting camp for sika in spring and summer. Sika deer never migrate far in woodlands; however, habitat seasonally changes in the forest area depending on changes in the diet availability. For instance, sika introduced into England (the New Forest) in the beginning of the 20th Century prefer to stay deeper in deciduous woodland areas in autumn and winter, where a rich food supply is expected, such as the fallen acorns and beech mast (Putman, 1988: 40e42). In Japan, it has been reported that they tend to aggregate on mountain slopes around 500 m altitude in winter, where there is less snow and food is more available during the cold season; whereas they spread out more widely at all altitudes in warmer seasons (Ohtaishi, 1983: 127). Thus it is quite feasible that Awashimadai 1989 was used for the hunting of deer coming to the lagoon in spring and summer.

Fig. 3. Charts comparing body part representation of sika deer from Awashimadai 1989 (solid line) with those of caribou from Nunamiut sites (a, b, c) and red deer from Star Carr (d). The method of quantification is %MAU (percent Minimum Animal Units) as put forward by Binford (1978, 1984). Data (a, b, c) from Binford (1978): table 8.1 column 11 (Bear Camp), table 7.13 column 12 (Kakinya total), table 7.13 column 14 (Kakinya less cache), table 2.9 column 2 (Anavik Mass Kill), table 2.9 column 4 (Anaktiqtauq Mass Kill), table 2.8 column 6 (Dispersed Kill), table 6.6 column 5 (Kongumuvuk Hunting Camp); and data (d) from Legge and Rowley-Conwy (1988): table 1A.

Please cite this article in press as: Uchiyama, J., From Awashimadai to Star Carr: A Japanese Jomon perspective on the subsistence strategies and settlement patterns of Early Mesolithic hunteregatherers in the Vale of Pickering, UK, Quaternary International (2015), http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1016/j.quaint.2014.12.066

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5. Structured comparisons between Awashimadai 1989 and Star Carr Other than the numerous general similarities between the two sites noted above, there is one other important similarity between the sites: a common abundance of ornaments. For example, Star Carr is characterized by antler frontlets, amber beads, perforated disc-like pebbles of Lias shale, and perforated deer canines (Clark, 1954: 165e178). At Awashimadai 1989 there are five kinds of ornaments: fine pottery, lacquered pottery, lacquered wooden wares, a wooden ear plug, and a worked wild boar canine. In addition, 13 half-finished amber objects were discovered. This is more than the total of amber ornaments from all the other excavations in the Awashimadai area (Harada, 1990: 30e31). On the whole, ornaments from Awashimadai 1989 are remarkably abundant compared with other Jomon sites in spite of the small scale of the excavation. Such finds are thought to be good indicators of social relationships. Unfortunately, Star Carr is rather ‘isolated’ due to the general poverty of information and sites in Early Mesolithic Britain, so it is still difficult to say anything about society on the basis only of Star Carr. On the other hand, Awashimadai 1989 is blessed with much synchronous information through the excavations of numerous Jomon sites, especially in the Kanto region, from the same period. Thus the study of Awashimadai 1989 from a more social perspective might then assist the understanding of social role of Star Carr, especially when considering the general behavioural similarities shared by the two sites. The abundance of ornaments at Awashimadai 1989 could indicate that the site had some kind of special social function within the wider complex of sites. There are two reasons. Firstly, the large number is in clear contrast to the sites on the top of the terrace, which were probably the residential base. The contrast might indicate that there was some kind of social difference between the group at Awashimadai 1989 and other people who occupied the Awashimadai terrace. Secondly, all the amber ornaments from Awashimadai 1989 are half-finished, and 37 amber fragments and 6 nodules were also found. These finds indicate that the working of amber was done here. Only finished amber ornaments were excavated from the sites on the terrace. While amber ornaments are found quite widely distributed throughout eastern Honshu, the Choshi Peninsula is one of the only three major source localities ever known in Japan. Awashimadai 1989 was apparently engaged in producing amber ornaments, which must have been valuable goods for exchange. Long distance exchanging of valuable materials was quite prevalent in the Jomon society. Apart from amber, other prestige goods such as jadeite ornaments and shells from the subtropical ocean have been found widely in Honshu from the Early Jomon (ca. 5300e3500 cal BC) onwards (e.g. Bausch, 2004, 2010). As Helms (1993) demonstrated, both possession of specialized craft skills and the acquisition of long distance goods imbued with esoteric powers may lead to personal prestige and political power in nonindustrial societies. On the basis of ethnographic data from the northern Pacific rim, Watanabe (1990) suggested that long distance trade shows that a prestige economy existed in the Jomon society. Thus it is concluded that the group at Awashimadai 1989 was socially specialized, distinguished by the possession of special ornaments. Other aspects of Jomon culture support the suggestion that there was a high degree of social specialization. These include specialized ritual places such as stone circles, and large settlements accompanied by cemeteries. Is there any connection between the fact that Awashimadai 1989 was a hunting camp, and that the occupants were a socially specialized task group? To answer this, it is necessary to consider how social differentiation occurs in huntingegathering society. As pointed out by Keeley (1988), the co-existence of complex

strategies of subsistence and social differentiation can be widely observed ethnographically. Watanabe (1972, 1990) investigated hunteregatherers in the northern Pacific. Some of these are clearly stratified, as seen in the Northwest Coast in America and the Ainu of Hokkaido in Japan. Among the Ainu, society is divided into two classes: freemen and slaves; and there are upper and lower strata among freemen. Watanabe states that the stratification among the freemen is caused by male subsistence specialization: there are two groups of families, hunting-oriented and fishing-oriented. The former are specialists carrying out prestige hunting of large dangerous game such as brown bears. They not only monopolize hunting technology but also have their own ritual systems and use some kinds of ornaments as symbols; they form the upper strata of society and organize and control the rituals for the whole group. The fishing families are engaged in easier subsistence activities, i.e. catching salmon. They form the lower stratum of society; however, the actual economic basis is mainly provided by this class. Watanabe concluded that 1) the specialization of subsistence among male adults is directly relevant to social stratification; and 2) such subsistence differentiation results from the intensive exploitation of the productive maritime/riverside temperate environment. He stated that this can be observed throughout northern Pacific hunters, and assumed that the Jomon had a similar social structure. As a result of these considerations, it is believed that there is a strong connection between subsistence and social structure in hunteregatherer society. Watanabe's suggestion could be summarized as saying that the class to which each group belongs is determined by the kind of subsistence its adult male members engage in. If so, people engaged in deer hunting would be socially specialized; and they might be archaeologically recognized by some specialized ornaments symbolizing their class. Thus it seems quite feasible that Awashimadai 1989 was a hunting camp occupied by task groups specializing in hunting, who were also engaged in amber production. This could also be the reason why aquatic food resources are so scarce in spite of the short distance to the sea: fishing was not their business. The idea of a direct causal relationship between subsistence and social specialization gives us a key to the question of Star Carr's social function: i.e. who occupied Star Carr? Jomon Japan and Early Mesolithic Britain had broadly similar environments and subsistence strategies. Consequently, it would be quite natural that Early Mesolithic society was socially specialized into task groups to some extent, as Jomon society was, and that this conveyed some kind of social identity. If so, this could also explain the abundance of ornaments and the lack of aquatic resources at Star Carr. These two phenomena might have been caused by the same social reason as argued for Awashimadai 1989: Star Carr was a hunting camp especially for deer, occupied by specialized hunting task groups who were characterized by the possession of the special ornaments discovered at the site. Likewise, the Star Carr site was not used for other general subsistence by such specialized groups e they were making careful choices, and these traditions of usage mean that aquatic resources were not being exploited, even though they were at hand. Other cultural business was e as at the Jomon site e more important. 6. Reinterpretation of the role of Star Carr within the wider Mesolithic landscape: new insights from Barry's Island and Seamer Carr Apart from Star Carr, several Early Mesolithic sites have been reported in the Vale of Pickering (Fig. 1a). Mammal bones are most numerous at Barry's Island and the various sites in Seamer Carr;

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and although the assemblages are smaller than from Star Carr, a comparative study of the sites has been possible. The author analyzed the faunal remains from Barry's Island in 1995, and from Seamer Carr in 1995e1996. In this section the author investigates the site complex in the Vale by comparing large mammal remains from these two sites with Star Carr. Barry's Island lies east of Star Carr, on a small hill thought to have been a small island in the Early Mesolithic, and was excavated by Tim Schadla-Hall and the Vale of Pickering Research Trust. Some bones were reported by Rowley-Conwy (1995), whilst more were retrieved by the 1995 excavation. The author added these to Rowley-Conwy's list and analyzed the whole assemblage (Uchiyama, 1996). More bones have been recovered since 1995, and the complete assemblage (but not including the mixed material from the overlying sand layer) is being used in some forthcoming publications (e.g. Rowley-Conwy, in press). Seamer Carr is about 1 km NE of Star Carr. This is the largest excavated area in the Vale, and contains several sites (Fig. 1a). The excavations recovered massive amounts of worked flints, scattered over an area about 400 m in diameter; some 8500 were recorded from Seamer Carr site C, spread over about 1000 m2, probably showing that this place was a series of activity areas (Schadla-Hall, 1989: 221). On the other hand, the density of both artefacts and faunal remains is comparatively lower than at Star Carr, and the bone assemblages are small (Uchiyama et al., in press). However, the wide distribution should mean that the site area is the key place for the Mesolithic of the Vale of Pickering. The location was on the north shore of the old lake, separated from it by a large area of reed swamp. This was different from Star Carr, which faced almost directly out onto the prehistoric lake, whereas the Seamer Carr sites were well away from the edge of the open water (Uchiyama et al., in press: 223). A horse premolar from Barry's Island has been dated to 10160 ± 90 BP uncalibrated (OxA-6330). The site is therefore several centuries older than Star Carr. From Seamer Carr site L, a horse mandible has been dated to 9790 ± 180 BP uncalibrated (BM2350) (Clutton-Brock and Burleigh, 1991), closer to the date for Star Carr. Site K has late glacial and late Mesolithic occupations as well as an early Mesolithic one. Sites B and C and trenches U and M all contain early Mesolithic material, though not necessarily all of the same date. Differences between the various sites may therefore in part be temporal, but for the purposes of this paper they will be considered together as examples of the site types and site concentrations used in the Early Mesolithic. This paper therefore makes assumptions about the chronology and integrity of the sites that must be tested by future work. The Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) from the main layer at Barry's Island is 100 (Rowley-Conwy, in press). The species represented are aurochs (Bos primigenius), red deer (C. elaphus), roe deer (Capreolus capreolus) and elk (Alces alces). The overlying sand layer in addition contains bones of horse and dog; these bones are of various dates and are not considered here e although the horse tooth providing the radiocarbon date was early postglacial. Red deer are more predominant than at Star Carr (Fig. 4). The samples from the various sites at Seamer Carr are even smaller. In order to provide a minimally acceptable sample, the following assemblages are lumped for inclusion in Fig. 4: sites C, K (phase 5 only) and L, and trenches U and M (information from Uchiyama et al. in press). When converted into Minimum Animal Units (MAU e see Binford, 1984) for comparison, the frequencies are quite different; aurochs are more common, and red deer are not so predominant. These may indicate that Barry's Island and Seamer Carr played different roles in hunting strategies from Star Carr. The bones from both sites are highly fragmented, but are fairly well preserved and show only minor frequencies of dog gnawing. Therefore, it can be expected

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that the bone assemblages retain traces of human activities to a substantial degree. At Barry's Island the anatomical part frequencies of red deer are different from those at Star Carr (Fig. 5). The proportion of pelvis is very high, and metapodials are relatively low compared to Star Carr. This result does not conform to the pattern of a hunting camp. The high proportion of pelvis could support the suggestion that Barry's Island was a base camp (Rowley-Conwy, 1995) e but another suggestion is put forward below. There are few red deer bones from Seamer Carr, but upper hindlimbs (i.e. pelvis and femora) are present. Aurochs skeletal part frequency at site C probably indicates a base camp (Uchiyama et al., in press). There are few seasonal indicators from Barry's Island. RowleyConwy (in press) identifies only two, mandibles of young elk and aurochs; he concluded that these animals were probably killed in winter. From Seamer Carr, one item from site B indicates summer, as do three or perhaps four from site C. In addition, the author discovered three red deer pelvis in trench Z441 (between sites C and K) of which the acetabula were unfused. Their sizes are very small compared to adults. The author's impression is thus that they were killed in an early stage of life, probably within just a couple of months of birth. These few indications might suggest that the Seamer Carr early Mesolithic sites were summer occupations similar to Star Carr. The seasonal indicators from these sites are too few to allow any firm conclusions to be drawn. These seasonal estimations are just a hypothesis and further work will be necessary. Given these results, Rowley-Conwy (1995) tentatively suggested that Barry's Island was a base camp, for two reasons: 1) The proportion of red deer pelvis is quite high, which is fairly consistent with the expected base camp pattern. 2) More intensive utilisation of animals can be seen at Barry's Island than at Star Carr, because many limb bone shaft splinters were found e though this category might have been discarded from the Star Carr assemblage after excavation (Rowley-Conwy pers. comm.). These two points are important, but are still not enough to conclude anything about the function of the site. We need to consider other aspects including location, species frequencies, and other remains from the site. Considering these factors, there are several points that argue against the hypothesis that this site was a base camp. Firstly, Barry's Island was on an island in the lake. If the site was a base camp, there must have been some special reason

Fig. 4. Relative frequencies of the six large mammal species at Star Carr, Barry's Island and Seamer Carr, expressed as percentages of total MAU. See text for references.

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a long period. Many suggestions would be possible; one for instance would be that some sites were summer base camps. Further excavations are necessary because the remains discovered by preceding investigations are rather scattered and not abundant enough for quantitative analysis. Perhaps the core area of settlement has not been excavated yet.

7. Discussion: reconstructing Mesolithic land use across the Vale of Pickering The examination so far has shown that the sites in the Vale are functionally very varied. This suggests that the subsistence strategy was more complex spatially than believed by Clark (1972). But reconstructing the exact nature of this hunteregatherer settlement system generates many challenges e even building in data from the Fig. 5. Chart comparing body part representation of red deer from Star Carr, and Barry's Island. See text for references. The method of quantification is %MAU (percent Minimum Animal Units) as put forward by Binford (1978, 1984).

why people chose such a place as their residential base. Secondly, the species frequency shows a strong inclination to red deer. As for the first point, there might be a possibility that the site was actually not so much isolated during winter, due to freezing of the lake. Even so, the concentration on red deer would be more problematic. It is the author's experience that the large shellmiddens in the Jomon rarely show such a concentration on one species. The base camp would be the terminus of a variety of food distribution systems, and this probably accounts for the lack of concentration on one species in the Jomon shell mounds. If so, the strong concentration on red deer would be an argument against the hypothesis that Barry's Island was a base camp. These two facts thus do not support Rowley-Conwy's interpretation. What kind of function can be envisaged for Barry's Island? As discussed above, body part frequencies do not match the hunting camp pattern; on the other hand, there is a strong concentration on red deer. This concentration suggests that the site was especially relevant to deer hunting. All the facts do not match any of Binford's (1978) site types based on ethnographic data from the Nunamiut. Probably the huntingegathering strategy in the Early Mesolithic was different from that of the Nunamiut. Therefore, what can be said is that: 1) Barry's Island was especially involved in red deer hunting, and the few indicators currently available suggest that it was a seasonal site occupied in winter. 2) This site was certainly one of the stages of the meat distribution network; however, it is apparently neither a kill site, nor a hunting camp, nor a base camp. This is only a hypothesis; but it is worth considering the possibility that this site was a secondary distribution centre for transporting meat to a place at a distance, as Chattopadhyaya (1996) has discussed for Mesolithic sites in the Ganges Valley in India. The function of Seamer Carr is also difficult to determine due to the shortage of data and the variety of sites. However, it appears that these sites differ from the others in three main ways: 1) There is less concentration on one species. 2) The anatomical part frequencies of aurochs (and perhaps red deer) seem more consistent with the base camp pattern. 3) The sites are well away from the water, separated from it by reed swamps. This means that they were not located on a 'specific' place such as the edge of open water (as at Star Carr) or an isolated small island (as at Barry's Island). We are just at the starting point of the study of the function of the Seamer Carr sites, but this area was certainly in intensive use for

Fig. 6. Maps showing the distribution of the two typological groups of fishing equipment in Kanto in the Late Jomon (ca. 2400e1200 cal BC) (a), and distances from the Vale of Pickering to possible winter base camp locations (b). The two maps are to the same scale. In the top map, the solid lines represent the old coastline, and the dotted lines mark the present coast. Note that there were two former bays that vanished in later periods: the northern half of Tokyo Bay and the Kokinu Former-Bay, the mouth of which is Choshi.

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sites examined above, it is clear that the data still allow several possible interpretations. It would be useful for future work to consider the question: where is the winter base camp? I have tentatively suggested that Barry's Island was a secondary distribution centre for deer, used only in winter. This might suggest that people needed to transport hunted deer to a greater distance in the colder season; consequently indicating that the winter base was located further away than the summer base e even outside the Vale. There is still the possibility that we may find the winter base camp in the Vale. However, there is no reason for us to limit our investigations only to within the Vale. A similar kind of comparative approach to the Star Carr function can also be applied when reconstructing the dynamics of the wider settlement system. The study of Jomon hunteregatherers indicates that the kinds of complex logistic mobility strategies that were likely present in the English Mesolithic very probably extended over unexpectedly large geographic areas. For instance, in the Kanto district the typology of fishing gear is clearly distinct between the two former bays, despite similar marine ecologies (Fig. 6) (Uchiyama, 1992, 1997). This suggests that two distinct traditions, and perhaps even two different social groups, were present within each large bay. There has been no consideration of the functions of each site, and the nature of the social groups is not known, but the phenomenon indicates that the spatial strategy of logistic hunters could have included an area more than 60 km in diameter. Fig. 6 also presents a map of Yorkshire (note that the two maps are drawn to the same scale to aid this exercise). Various environments were present within a radius of 60 km of Star Carr, from uplands to coastal areas. Hence, considering the Jomon Kanto example, it is possible that the subsistence area extended at least across a 60 km area, far beyond the Vale of Pickering itself. If so, which areas are the most feasible as the location for a winter residential base? Residential bases of logistic hunteregatherers often lie at ecojunctions, i.e. on the borderlines of different environments, so that resources could be acquired throughout the year with minimal residential mobility. One example is coastal and riverside areas, where both land and aquatic foods could be acquired (Akazawa, 1986: 78e80). Within a radius of 60 km of Star Carr, there were three main ecojunctions of land and aquatic environments: a) the confluence of the Rivers Derwent and Humber, b) the Tees estuary, and c) the Esk estuary. No direct evidence for the exploitation of marine resources has yet been found in the Vale of Pickering. Clutton-Brock and Noe-Nygaard (1990) suggested that the stable carbon isotope ratio in the dog bones from Seamer Carr site L indicated a marine diet for these dogs. More recently, Day (1996) has suggested that carbonates in the lake water might have produced such ratios without any marine dietary input, and Rowley-Conwy (1998) has questioned whether dog diets are necessarily a good indicator of human diets. This question therefore remains open. Based on these Jomon comparative insights, my working hypothesis is thus that the whole band occupied the Vale of Pickering during warmer seasons, whereas in winter they moved away, and only specialized logistic task groups of hunting activities visited the Vale. Thus, it seems likely that the wider Early Mesolithic strategy encompassed a much larger area than just the Vale of Pickering. Only more extended research can make it possible to test this model. 8. Conclusions The organization of hunteregatherer activities at Star Carr and its wider Mesolithic hinterland have seen intensive debate over recent decades. Current knowledge and understand about the Mesolithic of the Vale of Pickering still leaves unresolved the

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function of Star Carr, who went there, and how Star Carr fitted within wider settlement systems. This paper has taken a different tack, and sought to develop more detailed interpretations by undertaking a carefully structured comparative analysis of the organization of hunteregatherer landscapes in Holocene Japan and Mesolithic Yorkshire. This operates at two levels: at the site and at the landscape scale. Many behavioural similarities have been identified between Awashimadai 1989 and Star Carr: both appear to have been summer hunting camps, especially organized for interception of deer. Moreover, both sites are characterized by the abundance of ornaments, suggesting that the groups using and visiting these hunting sites were specialized task groups and may even have had special kinds of social identity e clearly, hunting and processing animals was not the only kinds of activity going on there, and many of the other objects hint at more ritualized activities, perhaps in relation to the perception, practice and commemoration of hunting activities. Whatever these activities were, little time was left over for acquisition of aquatic resources, despite their proximity to each site. Watanabe (1990) suggested that hunteregatherer societies were socially stratified depending upon the kind of subsistence the adult males were engaged in. This suggests that Awashimadai 1989 was occupied by hunting task groups or specialist kind of household units, specializing in the possession and production of amber ornaments. If we can expect analogous social phenomena in societies existing under similar economic/environmental conditions, then Star Carr was also occupied exclusively by socially specialized hunting groups. If it is accepted that both sites were occupied by people socially specialized in hunting, the scarcity of aquatic remains becomes quite understandable: both sites were organized for ritualized hunting activities, not for other purposes such as fishing. Finally, at the landscape scale, the comparative analysis of Star Carr is aided by the fact that Awashimadai is much better understood in its wider landscape. In contrast, landscape use in the Early Mesolithic is not well understood, but the structured Jomon comparison (Fig. 6) strongly suggests that it may well have involved a larger area than just the Vale of Pickering. This paper has aimed to open some new interpretive angles on the currently available materials from the Vale of Pickering. Much more work is needed in and around the Vale to take these ideas forwards. The preservation of waterlogged archaeological environments within the Vale of Pickering is therefore vital if the full details of English Mesolithic lifeways are to be developed further. Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude especially to Dr Peter Rowley-Conwy of Durham University and Mr Hiromasa Kaneko of Waseda University. Dr Rowley-Conwy gave me a chance to analyze the remains from Barry's Island and Seamer Carr and encouraged me to write this paper together with lots of advice and suggestions. Mr Kaneko did everything necessary for sending the remains at Awashimadai 1989 from Japan to Durham, and made it possible for me to re-analyze them there. I am also very thankful to all other people for their cooperation with me in my analysis and giving me useful information and advice, including Dr Juliet Clutton-Brock and Dr Richard Sabin at the Natural History Museum, and Dr Peter Jordan of University of Groningen. References Akazawa, T., 1986. Regional variation in procurement systems of jomon hunteregatherers. In: Akazawa, T., Aikens, C.M. (Eds.), Prehistoric HuntereGatherers

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Please cite this article in press as: Uchiyama, J., From Awashimadai to Star Carr: A Japanese Jomon perspective on the subsistence strategies and settlement patterns of Early Mesolithic hunteregatherers in the Vale of Pickering, UK, Quaternary International (2015), http://dx.doi.org/ 10.1016/j.quaint.2014.12.066