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Grandparenting and age identity
Journal of Aging Studies 17 (2003) 269 – 282
Grandparenting and age identity Gayle Kaufmana,*, Glen H. Elder Jr. b a
Department of Sociology, Davidson College, Davidson, NC 28035, USA b University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC 27516, USA
Abstract This study examines multiple dimensions of age identity, including how old people feel, how old people want to be, how old people hope to live to, and how old is old. We pay particular attention to the influence of the grandparent role and the timing of the transition to grandparenthood. We use data from a Midwestern sample of 666 elderly Americans included in the Iowa Youth and Families Project (IYFP). The analysis suggests that older people who enjoy being grandparents feel younger, believe that people become old at older ages, and hope to live longer than those who do not enjoy grandparenting. In addition, those who became grandparents at younger ages feel older than those who enter this role ‘‘on time.’’ While becoming a grandparent at a young age may in a sense accelerate aging, positive interaction with grandchildren can lead to a younger age identity. D 2003 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved. Keywords: Grandparenting; Transition to grandparenthood; Age identity; Subjective age
1. Introduction Age identity is a subjective measure of age, which encompasses more social and psychological meaning than chronological age per se. As a result, people of the same chronological age may report a wide range of subjective age identities. For example, a 65year-old may feel relatively young (e.g., 50) or relatively old (e.g., 80). Why such variation? What makes the difference in feeling young or old? In this paper, we focus on the significance of the grandparent role and its timing for age identity. As the longevity of successive birth cohorts increases, the change enlarges the time span for grandchildren in the lives of adults, whether active or not. However, the ‘‘time’’ itself may * Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-704-894-2485; fax: +1-704-894-2881. E-mail address: [email protected] (G. Kaufman). 0890-4065/03/$ – see front matter D 2003 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/S0890-4065(03)00030-6
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occur at vastly different points in the life course, from the 30s to later life. Some mothers in their 30s become grandmothers when their teenage children give birth, but this transition can occur as late as the 80s. Clearly, the timing of the first grandchild’s birth varies widely in populations. But what does it mean for younger and older adults? In all cases, we know the transition alters their status–role identity; they become a grandparent as well as a parent. A new stage of life is entered. This transition may convey meanings of ‘‘later life’’ that recast the self-concept and may influence self-perceptions of age status and age identity. This study investigates the relationship among the timing of the grandparent transition, the activities of grandparenting, and concepts of age identity—such as the age people feel and how old they want to be. In the social psychology of aging, the perceived age identity of an adult has much to do with when life transitions occur (Neugarten, 1997), including the birth of a grandchild. We hypothesize that adults with accelerated transitions (e.g., into grandparenthood) tend to think of themselves as significantly older than those with less rapid transitions. Data are obtained from the 1994 survey of grandparents in the Iowa Youth and Families Project (IYFP). In our assessment of the impact of life transitions and their timing, we give primary attention to the status–role of grandparent because it is a benchmark of later life, a role specifically linked to the lives of older people. We consider not only whether enjoyment of the grandparent role affects the age identity of adults, but also whether the timing of the transition to grandparenthood has an influence on how people think of themselves in the course of aging. Our approach to age identity moves beyond previous studies by including four domains—desired age, felt age, expected longevity, and perceived old age. In addition, we measure age identity as a continuous variable rather than as a categorical one. This allows us more precise estimates that are not influenced by labels such as ‘‘young’’ and ‘‘old.’’
2. Life transitions and changing age identities Aging is not simply an individual process but one that is ‘‘symbolically constructed’’ (Karp & Yoels, 1982). Goffman (1963) suggests that identity is not only subjective but is shaped by an individual’s social experiences. Specifically, the roles that individuals occupy affect how they age. Many of these roles are ‘‘age roles,’’ including that of grandparent (Riley, Foner, & Waring, 1988). According to Riley et al. (1988, p. 247), ‘‘The ways people age are affected by the social locations through which they move, by the social and cultural conditions to which they are exposed at particular ages, and by the life-course experiences of others with whom they interact as they grow older.’’ The social roles that people occupy and the transitions they experience throughout their lives are particularly important. Central to this study is the significance of the grandparent role for age identity. Stryker (1981) states that people determine which roles are most salient. The most salient roles then shape one’s status identity. If age identity works in a similar way, an individual’s most salient roles will have the greatest impact on their age identity. The grandparent role is a salient role for most older individuals (Cherlin & Furstenberg, 1986) and may be becoming more salient (Uhlenberg & Kirby, 1998). Whether this role is more important than the roles of spouse and parent is
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questionable but the impact of becoming a grandparent and taking on this role is likely to be of greater immediate significance to older individuals. Giarrusso, Silverstein, and Bengtson (1996) argue that the role of grandparent has taken on greater significance as a social role. The age grading of roles is also important for age identities (Riley, Johnson, & Foner, 1972). For example, various perceptions of age are bound up with the grandparent role. Therefore, the relevance of the grandparent role for age identity needs to be considered. Furthermore, identity comes not only from formal roles but from interpersonal relationships and informal roles as well (Mac Rae, 1990). For the elderly, these include relationships with grandchildren and involvement in community activities. As people age, there are corresponding changes in age identity. Karp (1988) suggests that people start becoming more aware of their own aging during their 50s because of certain events and ‘‘reminders.’’ These include generational reminders, such as the transition to grandparenthood. He argues that the timing of events, and not simply chronological age, is important for adult development. Therefore, the timing of grandparenthood as well as the role of grandparent may be important factors in determining how people define themselves in terms of age. According to role theory, the transition to grandparenthood is likely to be smoother if it occurs at the normatively expected time. In other words, those who become grandparents around the time their peers become grandparents will make more successful transitions (George, 1993). Indeed, women often anticipate this role (Johnson, 1983). Thus, the actual timing may influence grandmothers’ perceptions of themselves as they reflect on their entrance into a new role. Szinovacz (1998) points out the increasing diversity of grandparents, including the age at which people become grandparents. Since there are more grandparents but fewer grandchildren (Uhlenberg & Kirby, 1998), there may be a greater focus on becoming a grandparent. Being a grandmother has been found to be an important factor in age identity (Bastida, 1987). While being a parent and grandparent is important in itself, the number and ages of children and grandchildren have also been found to have an effect on age identity. Barak and Gould (1985) found that the more children and grandchildren one has, the older an individual’s age identity. The same study found that age of children and grandchildren is also an important predictor of subjective age. Having older children and grandchildren is associated with an older age identity. Sherman (1994) also found that one’s own age identity may be influenced by the aging of younger family members. She quotes a 75-year-old female as saying, ‘‘With the grandchildren growing up and getting married and the great-grandchildren. That makes you feel really ancient’’ (p. 403). A person’s current involvement in family, work, and community can be important for her or his identity. The literature on retirement and age identity shows mixed findings. On one hand, the loss of an economic role characterizes the image of old age (Achenbaum, 1978; Fischer, 1977), and Neugarten (1977) suggests that the loss of a critical role, such as that of a worker, can increase subjective age. Some studies show that retired persons perceive themselves to be older than those who are not (George, Mutran, & Pennybacker, 1980; Mutran & George, 1982; Peters, 1971; Ward, 1977). Other studies find patterns that are less clear. Mutran and Reitzes (1981) find no significant effect of retirement on age identity but suggest that retirement acts indirectly to increase age identity by reducing community
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involvement. Logan, Ward, and Spitze (1992) also find that retirement does not significantly affect age identity once age is controlled. Participating in community activities, activities more generally, contributes to the maintenance of a young age identity (Atchley, 1994; Mutran & Reitzes, 1981). Furthermore, Ward (1984) suggests that social networks reduce the importance of age to an individual. For example, Coupland, Coupland, Giles, and Henwood (1991) examined how individuals introduced themselves in conversations with people with whom they were not acquainted. They found that some use chronological age but many also refer to roles they occupy, such as grandmother, to identify themselves. Current events in one’s life are not the only important considerations for self-image and age identity. The ‘‘legitimation of biography’’ (Marshall, 1980) suggests that an overall consideration of one’s life is necessary in order to come to a greater understanding of age identity. Sherman (1994) found that older people often base their current identity on earlier experiences. In their conversational analysis, Coupland et al. (1991) discovered that individuals make reference to their age identity indirectly by mentioning the timing of events in their past (timepast perspective). For example, an older woman might refer to the fact that she has been a widow for a certain number of years. In writing about age norms and expectations, Neugarten, Moore, and Lowe (1965) suggest that people are aware of the expected timing of life course events and whether or not they are themselves ‘‘on time.’’ Indeed, most people perceive an age deadline for making family transitions, including the transition to grandparenthood (Settersten & Hagestad, 1996). Furthermore, Neugarten and Moore (1968) suggest that earlier marriage, childbearing, and retirement may be related to older subjective age. Those who are ‘‘early’’ may feel as though they are on an accelerated timetable that ages them at a faster pace, when compared to those who are ‘‘on time’’ or ‘‘late.’’ Because of their accelerated timetables, these individuals may adopt a different time perspective than would be predicted from their age (Carstensen, Isaaccowitz, & Charles, 1999). For example, ‘‘early’’ grandmothers often feel that they became grandmothers too soon (Burton, 1987). Experiencing this transition at a relatively young age may, therefore, speed the pace of aging. It is important to point out that these ‘‘early’’ transitions may be associated with social class. In fact, those who occupy a lower socioeconomic status tend to marry younger, become parents younger, and die younger than those with higher socioeconomic status (Abeles, Steele, & Wise, 1980). Our focus on grandparenting leads to two hypotheses. First, we expect that those who enjoy being a grandparent are likely to feel younger and hope to live longer. Being active with younger family members may help maintain a younger age identity since grandparenting can provide a positive source for views of one’s life (Kivnick, 1981). Furthermore, being involved with grandchildren provides grandparents with an additional reason to live and to look forward to upcoming events. In contrast, grandchildren who are seen as irritating or worrisome can diminish positive feelings (Fingerman, 1998). Second, we hypothesize that those who became grandparents at an early age are likely to feel older than those who entered this role ‘‘on time,’’ other things being equal. Having grandchildren at younger ages may entail additional responsibilities sooner than expected. Becoming a grandparent is particularly important in shaping the identities of older individuals since it is often considered a benchmark for the beginning of old age or at least a new stage in one’s life course.
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Finally, it is important to consider gender in any study of grandparents (Spitze & Ward, 1998). However, the connection is unclear. Some studies suggest that grandmothers are more satisfied with their relationships (Brubaker, 1990; Thomas, 1989) while other studies find no gender difference (Field & Minkler, 1988; Peterson, 1999). If we consider age identity, previous studies have not found gender differences in subjective age (Hubley & Hultsch, 1994; Mutran & George, 1982; Uotinen, 1998), but one study found ideal age to be lower among men (Uotinen, 1998). Given past research, it is difficult to determine whether the grandparent role and its timing will influence the age identity of grandmothers and grandfathers differently. Nevertheless, we test for gender effects.
3. Methods 3.1. Data This study is based on data from the IYFP and the Iowa Single Parent Project (ISPP). The IYFP was a rural study in the north-central region of Iowa. This project was launched in 1989 with parents, their 7th-grade child, and a near-age sibling (n = 451 two-parent households). The ISPP began approximately 2 years later among single-mother households and included single mothers, their 9th-grade child, and a near sibling (n = 207 single-mother households) (see Conger & Elder, 1994, for more details on data collection). The grandparents of these children were contacted in 1994 when the children were in 12th grade. Grandparents were called for phone interviews (n = 897) and mailed questionnaires (n = 694). The sample for this study is restricted to those grandparents who completed both the questionnaire and phone interview because important variables were contained in each instrument. A comparison of study participants and nonparticipants reveals that grandparents who participated in the study were in better health than those who did not participate, as might be expected. Approximately one half of the sample graduated from high school, one quarter did not finish high school, and one quarter obtained some college education. Participants also lived closer to their grandchildren—44% lived less than 10 miles from the target grandchild. Proximity was also accompanied by frequent contact (42% saw the target grandchild at least once a week), and 57% reported having an excellent relationship with the target grandchild. Given the rural sample, it is important to point out that family members tend to live close to one another. The greater variation in kin ties in urban areas (King, Russell, & Elder, 1998) suggests that any significant findings about grandparents in rural areas may be even more significant in settings with greater variance (for more details on sample selection, see King & Elder, 1997). The families in this sample are somewhat larger than those in more urban areas. However, it should be noted that the larger number of children may also be due to the fact that many of the participants experienced their childbearing years at the time of the Baby Boom. Farm experience is also a significant factor in many of the participants’ lives, and this is a factor we will consider in looking at age identity. An advantage of these data is the availability of several age identity measures. The data also include rich detail on current activities as well as past experiences and the timing of
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important life transitions. The final sample consists of 666 grandparents. Although these grandparents all have a grandchild in high school, the range in age is quite wide with grandparents as young as 51 years old and as old as 92 years old. 3.2. Measures 3.2.1. Age identity We examine four dimensions of age identity—subjective age, desired age, perceived old age, and desired longevity. Subjective age is measured as the age people ‘‘feel like most of the time.’’ Desired age is measured with this question: ‘‘If you could be any age you wanted to be right now, what age would that be?’’ Perceived old age attempts to measure the beginning of old age more generally by asking this: ‘‘At what age does the average man or woman become old?’’ Finally, respondents were asked about desired longevity: ‘‘To what age do you hope to live to, at the very least?’’ These four age identity variables are measured in years. In contrast to previous studies which have measured age identity with categories such as ‘‘young,’’ ‘‘middle aged,’’ and ‘‘old,’’ the age identity measures in this study are continuous. There are large differences between actual age and age identity. The average age of respondents is 70 years old compared with the mean subjective age of 62 years old and the mean desired age of 48 years old. Desired age is the only dimension of age identity that differs substantially for women and men (not shown). On the other hand, people believe old age begins around age 74. In addition, the mean desired longevity is 83 years old. Table 1 shows the means and standard deviations of the study variables. 3.2.2. Demographic characteristics We control for several demographic variables, including respondent’s age, sex, marital status (married or not), number of children, number of grandchildren, education, and income (coded as dummy variables for income between US$15,000 and US$25,000, US$25,000 and US$35,000, and US$35,000 or more, with income below US$15,000 as the reference category). Three variables indicate health, morale, and potential for longevity. The first is a measure of self-reported health (on a scale of 1 to 4). The second is a dummy variable for low morale. Respondents were asked 17 questions, including how often they experienced feeling lonely, feeling hopeless about the future, feeling worthless, feeling low in energy, and feeling no interest in things. Those who reported feeling a moderate amount, quite a bit, or extremely for any of the morale indicators were coded as having low morale. The third is a dummy variable indicating whether at least one parent is still living. 3.2.3. Current activities We include a dummy variable for whether the respondent is retired. Another dummy variable measures whether the respondent participated in volunteer activities or community service over the past month. The variable for friends measures contact in person and by phone/mail with close friends and ranges from 1 (not at all) to 6 (more than 10 times during a typical week).
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Table 1 Means and standard deviations of study variables Age variable Actual age Subjective age Desired age Perceived old age Desired longevity
Mean
S.D.
69.59 61.89 47.90 73.88 83.06
6.40 11.41 16.91 8.60 6.82
Demographic characteristics Male Married Number of children Number of grandchildren Education Income Below US$15,000 US$15,000 to US$25,000 US$25,000 to US$35,000 US$35,000 or more Self-reported health Low morale Parent still living
0.39 0.73 4.27 9.79 2.66
0.49 0.44 2.10 6.04 1.68
0.23 0.34 0.33 0.10 3.01 0.41 0.13
0.42 0.47 0.47 0.30 0.78 0.49 0.34
Current activities Retired Volunteer Contact with friends
0.79 0.48 3.02
0.40 0.50 1.07
Life history Ever work on or own farm Best times when young Best times when middle aged or older
0.69 0.27 0.12
0.46 0.45 0.33
Grandparenting Enjoy grandparenting Became grandparent early Became grandparent late
4.75 0.15 0.15
0.46 0.36 0.35
3.2.4. Life history Farm experience is measured with a dummy variable for whether or not the respondent ever worked on or owned a farm (or both). This is an important life experience for many of those in our rural sample. We also include two dummy variables for timing of best life experiences. Respondents were asked to indicate whether they consider a specific time in their life to be the best time and when this best time occurred. If a respondent indicated a time that occurred when they were younger than 40 years old, that respondent was coded as experiencing their best time when young. If a respondent indicated a time that occurred when
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they were 40 years old or older, then the respondent was coded as experiencing their best time when middle aged or older. Those who did not specify a time act as the comparison group. 3.2.5. Grandparenting Respondents were asked how much being a grandparent has been an enjoyable experience. The range for this variable is 1 to 5, where 5 indicates that the respondent strongly agrees that being a grandparent is an enjoyable experience. Respondents were asked at what age they became a grandparent for the first time. Those who became a grandparent at an age less than one standard deviation from the mean (calculated separately for men and women) were considered early while those who became a grandparent at an age more than one standard deviation from the mean were considered late. The reference category consists of those who became a grandparent within one standard deviation of the mean age at first grandparenthood.
4. Results Table 2 presents the results from a series of ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models predicting subjective age, desired age, perceived old age, and desired longevity by demographic characteristics, current activities, life history, and grandparenting. 4.1. Age and age identity Not surprisingly, age has a large positive influence on age identity. Compared with younger individuals, those who are older feel older, want to be older, and hope to live longer. However, the coefficients are less than 1, indicating that it is not a simple ratio of 1:1 for each year of life. For example, the coefficient for subjective age is .7, which means that for each year of actual age, a person only feels an average of .7 years older. Although age has a positive effect on subjective age, because the coefficient is less than 1, individuals are actually less likely to feel their age as they get older. A similar pattern occurs for desired age. As people age, their desired age increases but only by .4 year for each year they age. Therefore, desired age becomes younger relative to actual age as individuals grow older. Finally, age has a positive impact on desired longevity. Those who are older hope to live longer. 4.2. Other demographic characteristics Gender has a significant effect on desired age and perceived old age. On average, men would like to be almost 6 years younger than women would like to be. In addition, men feel that the average person becomes old at a younger age. The number of children and grandchildren has some impact on age identity. In general, the more children one has, the older one feels. Yet the more grandchildren one has, the greater one’s desired age, suggesting those with more grandchildren are somewhat more satisfied with their own age and less likely to long for younger days. Alternatively, those with fewer grandchildren may want to be younger in order to have more time for future grandchildren. Education has no significant
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Table 2 OLS models of age identity Independent variables Demographic characteristics Age Male Married Number of children Number of grandchildren Education Income US$15,000 to US$25,000a US$25,000 to US$35,000 US$35,000 or more Self-reported health Low morale Parent still living Current activities Retired Volunteer Contact with friends Life history Ever work on or own farm Best times when young Best times when middle aged or older Grandparenting Enjoy grandparenting Became grandparent early Became grandparent late R2 No. of observations
Subjective age
Desired age
Perceived old age
Desired longevity
0.720** 0.792 0.743 0.683* 0.193 0.094
0.406** 5.802** 0.039 0.753 0.500* 0.430
0.063** 2.703** 1.651 0.136 0.005 0.050
0.392** 0.400 1.197 0.070 0.033 0.215
1.016 0.614 1.057 2.305** 1.923 * 0.865
4.861** 2.749 4.959 2.695** 0.350 0.671
0.634 0.095 0.001 1.867** 0.342 0.592
0.686 1.022 0.927 0.917* 0.571 0.427
2.302 * 0.134 0.175
2.835 1.013 0.733
0.047 1.921* 0.472
1.397 0.207 0.042
2.186* 1.322 4.383**
0.111 3.640* 1.409
1.507 0.082 3.227*
0.553 0.645 1.902
2.053* 2.823* 0.249 .27 571
1.241 0.805 1.687 .11 562
1.902* 0.173 0.423 .11 479
1.242* 0.411 0.436 .16 527
a
Reference category is income below US$15,000. * P < .05. ** P < .01.
effect on age identity, and income has a significant effect on only one age identity measure. Those whose income is between US$15,000 and US$25,000 report an older desired age than those with less income (the coefficients are fairly strong and positive for those with higher incomes but not statistically significant). Self-reported health has a strong effect on all four aspects of age identity. Health has a negative effect on subjective age, indicating that healthier people feel younger. In addition, self-reported health positively influences desired age, perceived old age, and desired longevity. Healthier individuals have older desired ages than those in poor health. The counterpart to this is that those with poor health wish to be younger
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than those who are healthy. Those in poor health also believe that the average man or woman becomes old at a younger age. Finally, healthier individuals hope to live longer than individuals in poor health. Morale has a significant impact on subjective age—those who experience low morale feel almost 2 years older than those with high morale. 4.3. Current activities and life history Retirees feel older than people who are still working. Individuals who volunteer perceive old age to come at older ages than those who do not volunteer. Those who are active, either working or volunteering, tend to have younger age identities. Some events that occurred earlier in life are important in shaping age identity. For one, farm experience has a positive effect on subjective age. Those who have worked on or owned a farm feel older than those with no farm experience. Finally, the timing of positive life experiences has an influence on subjective and desired ages. Those who experienced their best times when they were middle aged or older feel younger and believe that old age begins later than those who do not remember any particular time as being the best. On the other hand, those who experienced their best times when they were young would like to be younger than those who did not mention a best time. 4.4. Grandparenting Grandparenting has a significant effect on age identity. Those who enjoy being a grandparent feel younger, perceive old age to start later, and hope to live longer. The effect on the latter age identity, desired longevity, is only significant for women. For illustration, we calculated predicted values for subjective age, perceived old age, and desired longevity based on regression models using the mean for all independent variables and varying grandparenting experience. Our examples use a 70-year-old woman since this represents the average person in our sample. However, the effect of grandparenting is similar for men (with the exception of desired longevity) and regardless of age. First, women who do not enjoy grandparenting feel their age while women who strongly enjoy this role feel several years younger (about 61). Second, women who dislike being a grandparent perceive old age to begin at around age 68 (keep in mind that these women are already 70). In contrast, women who enjoy being a grandparent very much perceive old age to start closer to age 76. Third, women who do not enjoy grandparenting hope to live to 78 while women who enjoy being a grandparent hope to live to 84. The timing of the grandparent transition is also important. Those who made the transition to grandparenthood relatively early feel older than those who made this transition ‘‘on time.’’ Models were run for those who have been grandparents less than 25 years and those who have been grandparents for 25 years or more. The importance for subjective age is that less experienced grandparents who became grandparents ‘‘early’’ feel older while more experienced grandparents who became grandparents later feel younger. In addition, experienced grandparents who enjoy grandparenting hope to live longer while this effect is not significant for less experienced grandparents. Finally, more experienced grandparents who became grandparents later feel old age occurs 7 years later than experienced grandparents who were ‘‘on time.’’
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5. Discussion We began this study by asking two questions: How does grandparenting experience influence age identity? Is the timing of the transition to grandparenthood important? We found that grandparenting is an important factor in age identity. Perhaps, one of the most important activities for older adults is grandparenting. Those who enjoy being a grandparent feel younger. They also believe that people become old at older ages and hope to live longer than those who do not enjoy grandparenting. The grandparent role may be special in that it keeps individuals actively involved with younger grandchildren. It also gives grandparents ‘‘something to live for.’’ This role has a great impact on how grandparents view aging. In addition, the timing of the transition to grandparenthood is significant in its influence on subjective age identity. Those who became grandparents at younger ages feel older than those who became grandparents ‘‘on time.’’ This is consistent with Linda Burton’s research on grandmothers. Those who become grandparents too quickly may feel as though they were not prepared for the role. Although those with lower socioeconomic status may experience the transition earlier, the effect of entering this role ‘‘early’’ exists regardless of education and income. The grandparent role may entail more involvement than expected, such as caring for a grandchild, at an age when a person was expecting to have more time for him/herself. In addition, people expect to become grandparents at certain times in their lives and often associate this role with being older. The timing of other transitions (marriage, first child, departure of last child) was examined, but none was as important as the timing of the transition to grandparenthood. In addition, those who have been grandparents for a longer time but entered this role relatively late in life feel that old age begins later. It may be that delaying entrance into the grandparent role means delaying old age. This particular transition may be more significant in the lives of older adults because it is most recent and directly indicates a conventional transition in later life. As Karp (1988) suggests, becoming a grandparent is an important reminder of aging. People are aware when transitions should occur (Settersten & Hagestad, 1996), and an accelerated timetable may act to accelerate aging (Neugarten & Moore, 1968). In addition, those who became grandparents ‘‘early’’ have older grandchildren which may also highlight one’s own age (Sherman, 1994). Two of the most consistent effects come from age and health. As people age, they feel older, though the increase is not a one-to-one match. In addition, desired longevity increases as people age. As expected, health has a strong effect on age identity. Not only do those who are healthier feel younger, but their desired age is older, they perceive old age to start later, and they hope to live longer. This parallels previous research that shows healthier people feel younger. Although they feel younger, they desire to be older than their less healthy counterparts which suggests that they are more satisfied with their age. On the other hand, those who are in poor health may have a younger desired age because youth is associated with health. Those in poor health also think that people become old at younger ages and do not hope to live as long as those in good health. In addition, those who experience low morale feel older, which suggests that a negative outlook is associated with older ages. Poor health affects several dimensions of age identity and colors how people view themselves and others who are aging.
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While men and women do not differ in how old they feel, there are significant gender differences in desired age and perceived old age. On average, men wish to be over 5 years younger than women do. This finding is consistent with that of Uotinen’s (1998) Finnish sample. It is an interesting finding given the negative images of older women (Sontag, 1979). It may be that more of the activities men engage in require characteristics associated with youth. Men’s image of themselves depends on being strong and vigorous, whereas women’s image shifts from one in which their worth is based on physical appearance to one in which their worth is based on other qualities. Many of the changes that occur as women get older are positive, such as increases in self-esteem and confidence. Men also believe that old age begins younger than women do. Men’s perception of what old age is may be different from women’s perception. Men may base more of their judgments about old age on physical appearance and may label people as old more easily than women. It was somewhat surprising that women do not hope to live longer than men do since life expectancy greatly favors women. However, men may be more likely to have a ‘‘nothing can harm me’’ attitude which translates into longer expected life. Lastly, the influence of grandparenting on desired longevity differs for women and men. Women who enjoy this role hope to live longer while this relationship is not significant for men. It may be that women are more invested in their grandchildren’s futures. If the desire to relive parenthood exists for grandmothers (Hagestad & Lang, 1986), the desire to experience their grandchildren’s entire childhood may also exist. Family characteristics have inconsistent effects. More grandchildren seem to promote satisfaction with one’s age. On the other hand, individuals with more children feel older than those with fewer children. More children may create more demands for aging adults. Social class does not appear to be a major factor in age identity. There is some evidence that those with more income are more satisfied with their age, but only one of the three coefficients is significant. Indeed, higher education and income do not generally lead to lower subjective age. Age identity is influenced by current activities. In general, those who are more active have younger age identities, whereas those who are less active have older age identities. Retired people feel older. While this is a rural sample in which one’s livelihood is the basis of one’s lifestyle and identity, this effect of retirement on age identity has been shown in several nonrural samples (George et al., 1980; Mutran & George, 1982). Furthermore, those who volunteer perceive old age to begin later. Those who volunteer keep active, and this influences their perception of when people become old. Past experiences and an overall view of one’s life are also important in considering a person’s current identity (Marshall, 1980; Sherman, 1994). Those with farm experience feel older than those without farm experience. While farming tends to be a healthy lifestyle, it is also a physically and mentally demanding occupation. These individuals endure years of physical labor and many have suffered economically and emotionally as they attempted, successfully or not, to keep their farms in difficult times. As we have seen, aging follows a course of diverse pathways and timetables. People construct their subjective age identities based on the particular circumstances of their lives in an attempt to situate themselves within a larger context. Not only current activities but also previous experiences and their timing help to shape subjective views of aging.
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Acknowledgements An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2000 American Sociological Association meetings in Washington, DC. During the past several years, support for this research has come from multiple sources including the National Institute of Mental Health (MH00567, MH19734, MH43270, MH48165, MH51361), the National Institute on Drug Abuse (DA05347), the Bureau of Maternal and Child Health (MCJ109572), the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Successful Adolescent Development among Youth in High-Risk Settings, and the Iowa Agriculture and Home Economics Experiment Station (Project No. 3320). We would like to thank Shannon Cavanagh, Linda George, Valarie King, Margaret Mueller, and Hiromi Taniguchi for helpful comments. References Abeles, R. P., Steele, L., & Wise, L. L. (1980). Patterns and implications of life-course organization. In P. Baltes, & O. G. Brim (Eds.), Life-span development and behavior, vol. 3 (pp. 307 – 337). New York: Academic Press. Achenbaum, W. A. (1978). Old age in the new land: the American experience since 1790. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Atchley, R. (1994). Social forces and aging (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. Barak, B., & Gould, S. (1985). Alternative age measures: a research agenda. In E. C. Hirshman, & M. B. Holbrook (Eds.), Advances in consumer research, vol. 12 (pp. 53 – 58). Provo, UT: Association for Consumer Research. Bastida, E. (1987). Sex-typed age norms among older Hispanics. Gerontologist, 27, 59 – 65. Brubaker, T. (1990). Families in later life: a burgeoning research area. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 52, 959 – 981. Burton, L. M. (1987). Young grandmothers: are they ready? Social Science, 72, 191 – 194. Carstensen, L. L., Isaaccowitz, D. M., & Charles, S. T. (1999). Taking time seriously: a theory of socioemotional selectivity. American Psychologist, 54, 165 – 181. Cherlin, A. J., & Furstenberg, F. F. (1986). The new American grandparent. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Conger, R. D., & Elder Jr., G. H. (1994). Families in troubled times: adapting to change in rural America. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Coupland, J., Coupland, N., Giles, H., & Henwood, K. (1991). Formulating age: dimensions of age identity in elderly talk. Discourse Processes, 14, 87 – 106. Field, D., & Minkler, M. (1988). Continuity and change in social support between young-old and old-old or veryold age. Journal of Gerontology: Psychological Sciences, 43, 100 – 106. Fingerman, K. L. (1998). The good, the bad, and the worrisome: emotional complexities in grandparents’ experiences with individual grandchildren. Family Relations, 47, 403 – 414. Fischer, D. (1977). Growing old in America. New York: Oxford University Press. George, L. K. (1993). Sociological perspectives on life transitions. Annual Review of Sociology, 19, 353 – 373. George, L. K., Mutran, E. J., & Pennybacker, M. R. (1980). The meaning and measurement of age identity. Experimental Aging Research, 6, 283 – 298. Giarrusso, R., Silverstein, M., & Bengtson, V. L. (1996). Family complexity and the grandparent role. Generations, 20, 17 – 23. Goffman, E. (1963). The presentation of self in everyday life. New York: Doubleday Anchor Books. Hagestad, G. O., & Lang, M. (1986). The transition to grandparenthood: unexplored issues. Journal of Family Issues, 7, 115 – 130. Hubley, A. M., & Hultsch, D. F. (1994). The relationship of personality trait variables to subjective age identity in older adults. Research on Aging, 16, 415 – 439.
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Johnson, C. (1983). A cultural analysis of the grandmother. Research on Aging, 5, 547 – 568. Karp, D. A. (1988). A decade of reminders: changing age consciousness between fifty and sixty years old. Gerontologist, 28, 727 – 738. Karp, D., & Yoels, W. (1982). Experiencing the life cycle: a social psychology of aging. Charles C. Thomas. King, V., & Elder Jr., G. H. (1997). The legacy of grandparenting: childhood experiences with grandparents and current involvement with grandchildren. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 59, 848 – 859. King, V., Russell, S. T., & Elder Jr., G. H. (1998). Grandparenting in family systems: an ecological perspective. In M. E. Szinovacz (Ed.), Handbook on grandparenthood. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Kivnick, H. Q. (1981). Grandparenthood and the mental health of grandparents. Ageing and Society, 1, 365 – 391. Logan, J. R., Ward, R., & Spitze, G. (1992). As old as you feel: age identity in middle and later life. Social Forces, 71, 451 – 467. Mac Rae, H. (1990). Older women and identity maintenance in later life. Canadian Journal on Aging, 9, 248 – 267. Marshall, V. W. (1980). Last chapters: a sociology of aging and dying. Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole. Mutran, E., & George, L. K. (1982). Alternative methods of measuring role/identity: a research note. Social Forces, 60, 866 – 875. Mutran, E., & Reitzes, D. C. (1981). Retirement, identity and well-being: realignment of role relationships. Journal of Gerontology, 36, 733 – 740. Neugarten, B. L. (1977). Personality and aging. In J. E. Birren, & K. W. Schaie (Eds.), Handbook of the psychology of aging. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Neugarten, B. L. (1997). The meanings of age: selected papers of Bernice L. Neugarten. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Neugarten, B. L., & Moore, J. W. (1968). The changing age status system. In B. L. Neugarten (Ed.), Middle age and aging. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Neugarten, B. L., Moore, J. W., & Lowe, J. C. (1965). Age norms, age constraints, and adult socialization. American Journal of Sociology, 70, 710 – 717. Peters, G. R. (1971). Self-conceptions of the aged, age identification, and aging. Gerontologist, 11, 69 – 73. Peterson, C. C. (1999). Grandfathers’ and grandmothers’ satisfaction with the grandparenting role: seeking new answers to old questions. International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 49, 61 – 78. Riley, M. W., Foner, A., & Waring, J. (1988). Sociology of age. In N. J. Smelser (Ed.), Handbook of sociology (pp. 243 – 290). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. Riley, M. W., Johnson, M., & Foner, A. (1972). A sociology of age stratification Aging and society, vol. 3. New York: Russell Sage. Settersten, R. A., & Hagestad, G. O. (1996). What’s the latest? Cultural age deadlines for family transitions. Gerontologist, 36, 178 – 188. Sherman, S. R. (1994). Changes in age identity: self perceptions in middle and late life. Journal of Aging Studies, 8, 397 – 412. Sontag, S. (1979). The double standard of aging. In S. Williams (Ed.), Psychology of women. Academic Press. Spitze, G., & Ward, R. A. (1998). Gender variations. In M. E. Szinovacz (Ed.), Handbook on grandparenthood. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Stryker, S. (1981). Symbolic interactionism: themes and variations. In M. Rosenberg, & R. Turner (Eds.), Social psychology: sociological perspectives. Basic Books. Szinovacz, M. E. (1998). Handbook on grandparenthood. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Thomas, J. L. (1989). Gender and perceptions of grandparenthood. International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 29, 269 – 282. Uhlenberg, P., & Kirby, J. B. (1998). Grandparenthood over time: historical and demographic trends. In M. E. Szinovacz (Ed.), Handbook on grandparenthood. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Uotinen, V. (1998). Age identification: a comparison between Finnish and North-American cultures. International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 46, 109 – 124. Ward, R. A. (1977). The impact of subjective age and stigma on older persons. Journal of Gerontology, 32, 227 – 232. Ward, R. A. (1984). The marginality and salience of being old: when is age relevant? Gerontologist, 23, 422 – 427.
Grandparenting and age identity Gayle Kaufmana,*, Glen H. Elder Jr. b a
Department of Sociology, Davidson College, Davidson, NC 28035, USA b University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, NC 27516, USA
Abstract This study examines multiple dimensions of age identity, including how old people feel, how old people want to be, how old people hope to live to, and how old is old. We pay particular attention to the influence of the grandparent role and the timing of the transition to grandparenthood. We use data from a Midwestern sample of 666 elderly Americans included in the Iowa Youth and Families Project (IYFP). The analysis suggests that older people who enjoy being grandparents feel younger, believe that people become old at older ages, and hope to live longer than those who do not enjoy grandparenting. In addition, those who became grandparents at younger ages feel older than those who enter this role ‘‘on time.’’ While becoming a grandparent at a young age may in a sense accelerate aging, positive interaction with grandchildren can lead to a younger age identity. D 2003 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved. Keywords: Grandparenting; Transition to grandparenthood; Age identity; Subjective age
1. Introduction Age identity is a subjective measure of age, which encompasses more social and psychological meaning than chronological age per se. As a result, people of the same chronological age may report a wide range of subjective age identities. For example, a 65year-old may feel relatively young (e.g., 50) or relatively old (e.g., 80). Why such variation? What makes the difference in feeling young or old? In this paper, we focus on the significance of the grandparent role and its timing for age identity. As the longevity of successive birth cohorts increases, the change enlarges the time span for grandchildren in the lives of adults, whether active or not. However, the ‘‘time’’ itself may * Corresponding author. Tel.: +1-704-894-2485; fax: +1-704-894-2881. E-mail address: [email protected] (G. Kaufman). 0890-4065/03/$ – see front matter D 2003 Elsevier Science Inc. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/S0890-4065(03)00030-6
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occur at vastly different points in the life course, from the 30s to later life. Some mothers in their 30s become grandmothers when their teenage children give birth, but this transition can occur as late as the 80s. Clearly, the timing of the first grandchild’s birth varies widely in populations. But what does it mean for younger and older adults? In all cases, we know the transition alters their status–role identity; they become a grandparent as well as a parent. A new stage of life is entered. This transition may convey meanings of ‘‘later life’’ that recast the self-concept and may influence self-perceptions of age status and age identity. This study investigates the relationship among the timing of the grandparent transition, the activities of grandparenting, and concepts of age identity—such as the age people feel and how old they want to be. In the social psychology of aging, the perceived age identity of an adult has much to do with when life transitions occur (Neugarten, 1997), including the birth of a grandchild. We hypothesize that adults with accelerated transitions (e.g., into grandparenthood) tend to think of themselves as significantly older than those with less rapid transitions. Data are obtained from the 1994 survey of grandparents in the Iowa Youth and Families Project (IYFP). In our assessment of the impact of life transitions and their timing, we give primary attention to the status–role of grandparent because it is a benchmark of later life, a role specifically linked to the lives of older people. We consider not only whether enjoyment of the grandparent role affects the age identity of adults, but also whether the timing of the transition to grandparenthood has an influence on how people think of themselves in the course of aging. Our approach to age identity moves beyond previous studies by including four domains—desired age, felt age, expected longevity, and perceived old age. In addition, we measure age identity as a continuous variable rather than as a categorical one. This allows us more precise estimates that are not influenced by labels such as ‘‘young’’ and ‘‘old.’’
2. Life transitions and changing age identities Aging is not simply an individual process but one that is ‘‘symbolically constructed’’ (Karp & Yoels, 1982). Goffman (1963) suggests that identity is not only subjective but is shaped by an individual’s social experiences. Specifically, the roles that individuals occupy affect how they age. Many of these roles are ‘‘age roles,’’ including that of grandparent (Riley, Foner, & Waring, 1988). According to Riley et al. (1988, p. 247), ‘‘The ways people age are affected by the social locations through which they move, by the social and cultural conditions to which they are exposed at particular ages, and by the life-course experiences of others with whom they interact as they grow older.’’ The social roles that people occupy and the transitions they experience throughout their lives are particularly important. Central to this study is the significance of the grandparent role for age identity. Stryker (1981) states that people determine which roles are most salient. The most salient roles then shape one’s status identity. If age identity works in a similar way, an individual’s most salient roles will have the greatest impact on their age identity. The grandparent role is a salient role for most older individuals (Cherlin & Furstenberg, 1986) and may be becoming more salient (Uhlenberg & Kirby, 1998). Whether this role is more important than the roles of spouse and parent is
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questionable but the impact of becoming a grandparent and taking on this role is likely to be of greater immediate significance to older individuals. Giarrusso, Silverstein, and Bengtson (1996) argue that the role of grandparent has taken on greater significance as a social role. The age grading of roles is also important for age identities (Riley, Johnson, & Foner, 1972). For example, various perceptions of age are bound up with the grandparent role. Therefore, the relevance of the grandparent role for age identity needs to be considered. Furthermore, identity comes not only from formal roles but from interpersonal relationships and informal roles as well (Mac Rae, 1990). For the elderly, these include relationships with grandchildren and involvement in community activities. As people age, there are corresponding changes in age identity. Karp (1988) suggests that people start becoming more aware of their own aging during their 50s because of certain events and ‘‘reminders.’’ These include generational reminders, such as the transition to grandparenthood. He argues that the timing of events, and not simply chronological age, is important for adult development. Therefore, the timing of grandparenthood as well as the role of grandparent may be important factors in determining how people define themselves in terms of age. According to role theory, the transition to grandparenthood is likely to be smoother if it occurs at the normatively expected time. In other words, those who become grandparents around the time their peers become grandparents will make more successful transitions (George, 1993). Indeed, women often anticipate this role (Johnson, 1983). Thus, the actual timing may influence grandmothers’ perceptions of themselves as they reflect on their entrance into a new role. Szinovacz (1998) points out the increasing diversity of grandparents, including the age at which people become grandparents. Since there are more grandparents but fewer grandchildren (Uhlenberg & Kirby, 1998), there may be a greater focus on becoming a grandparent. Being a grandmother has been found to be an important factor in age identity (Bastida, 1987). While being a parent and grandparent is important in itself, the number and ages of children and grandchildren have also been found to have an effect on age identity. Barak and Gould (1985) found that the more children and grandchildren one has, the older an individual’s age identity. The same study found that age of children and grandchildren is also an important predictor of subjective age. Having older children and grandchildren is associated with an older age identity. Sherman (1994) also found that one’s own age identity may be influenced by the aging of younger family members. She quotes a 75-year-old female as saying, ‘‘With the grandchildren growing up and getting married and the great-grandchildren. That makes you feel really ancient’’ (p. 403). A person’s current involvement in family, work, and community can be important for her or his identity. The literature on retirement and age identity shows mixed findings. On one hand, the loss of an economic role characterizes the image of old age (Achenbaum, 1978; Fischer, 1977), and Neugarten (1977) suggests that the loss of a critical role, such as that of a worker, can increase subjective age. Some studies show that retired persons perceive themselves to be older than those who are not (George, Mutran, & Pennybacker, 1980; Mutran & George, 1982; Peters, 1971; Ward, 1977). Other studies find patterns that are less clear. Mutran and Reitzes (1981) find no significant effect of retirement on age identity but suggest that retirement acts indirectly to increase age identity by reducing community
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involvement. Logan, Ward, and Spitze (1992) also find that retirement does not significantly affect age identity once age is controlled. Participating in community activities, activities more generally, contributes to the maintenance of a young age identity (Atchley, 1994; Mutran & Reitzes, 1981). Furthermore, Ward (1984) suggests that social networks reduce the importance of age to an individual. For example, Coupland, Coupland, Giles, and Henwood (1991) examined how individuals introduced themselves in conversations with people with whom they were not acquainted. They found that some use chronological age but many also refer to roles they occupy, such as grandmother, to identify themselves. Current events in one’s life are not the only important considerations for self-image and age identity. The ‘‘legitimation of biography’’ (Marshall, 1980) suggests that an overall consideration of one’s life is necessary in order to come to a greater understanding of age identity. Sherman (1994) found that older people often base their current identity on earlier experiences. In their conversational analysis, Coupland et al. (1991) discovered that individuals make reference to their age identity indirectly by mentioning the timing of events in their past (timepast perspective). For example, an older woman might refer to the fact that she has been a widow for a certain number of years. In writing about age norms and expectations, Neugarten, Moore, and Lowe (1965) suggest that people are aware of the expected timing of life course events and whether or not they are themselves ‘‘on time.’’ Indeed, most people perceive an age deadline for making family transitions, including the transition to grandparenthood (Settersten & Hagestad, 1996). Furthermore, Neugarten and Moore (1968) suggest that earlier marriage, childbearing, and retirement may be related to older subjective age. Those who are ‘‘early’’ may feel as though they are on an accelerated timetable that ages them at a faster pace, when compared to those who are ‘‘on time’’ or ‘‘late.’’ Because of their accelerated timetables, these individuals may adopt a different time perspective than would be predicted from their age (Carstensen, Isaaccowitz, & Charles, 1999). For example, ‘‘early’’ grandmothers often feel that they became grandmothers too soon (Burton, 1987). Experiencing this transition at a relatively young age may, therefore, speed the pace of aging. It is important to point out that these ‘‘early’’ transitions may be associated with social class. In fact, those who occupy a lower socioeconomic status tend to marry younger, become parents younger, and die younger than those with higher socioeconomic status (Abeles, Steele, & Wise, 1980). Our focus on grandparenting leads to two hypotheses. First, we expect that those who enjoy being a grandparent are likely to feel younger and hope to live longer. Being active with younger family members may help maintain a younger age identity since grandparenting can provide a positive source for views of one’s life (Kivnick, 1981). Furthermore, being involved with grandchildren provides grandparents with an additional reason to live and to look forward to upcoming events. In contrast, grandchildren who are seen as irritating or worrisome can diminish positive feelings (Fingerman, 1998). Second, we hypothesize that those who became grandparents at an early age are likely to feel older than those who entered this role ‘‘on time,’’ other things being equal. Having grandchildren at younger ages may entail additional responsibilities sooner than expected. Becoming a grandparent is particularly important in shaping the identities of older individuals since it is often considered a benchmark for the beginning of old age or at least a new stage in one’s life course.
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Finally, it is important to consider gender in any study of grandparents (Spitze & Ward, 1998). However, the connection is unclear. Some studies suggest that grandmothers are more satisfied with their relationships (Brubaker, 1990; Thomas, 1989) while other studies find no gender difference (Field & Minkler, 1988; Peterson, 1999). If we consider age identity, previous studies have not found gender differences in subjective age (Hubley & Hultsch, 1994; Mutran & George, 1982; Uotinen, 1998), but one study found ideal age to be lower among men (Uotinen, 1998). Given past research, it is difficult to determine whether the grandparent role and its timing will influence the age identity of grandmothers and grandfathers differently. Nevertheless, we test for gender effects.
3. Methods 3.1. Data This study is based on data from the IYFP and the Iowa Single Parent Project (ISPP). The IYFP was a rural study in the north-central region of Iowa. This project was launched in 1989 with parents, their 7th-grade child, and a near-age sibling (n = 451 two-parent households). The ISPP began approximately 2 years later among single-mother households and included single mothers, their 9th-grade child, and a near sibling (n = 207 single-mother households) (see Conger & Elder, 1994, for more details on data collection). The grandparents of these children were contacted in 1994 when the children were in 12th grade. Grandparents were called for phone interviews (n = 897) and mailed questionnaires (n = 694). The sample for this study is restricted to those grandparents who completed both the questionnaire and phone interview because important variables were contained in each instrument. A comparison of study participants and nonparticipants reveals that grandparents who participated in the study were in better health than those who did not participate, as might be expected. Approximately one half of the sample graduated from high school, one quarter did not finish high school, and one quarter obtained some college education. Participants also lived closer to their grandchildren—44% lived less than 10 miles from the target grandchild. Proximity was also accompanied by frequent contact (42% saw the target grandchild at least once a week), and 57% reported having an excellent relationship with the target grandchild. Given the rural sample, it is important to point out that family members tend to live close to one another. The greater variation in kin ties in urban areas (King, Russell, & Elder, 1998) suggests that any significant findings about grandparents in rural areas may be even more significant in settings with greater variance (for more details on sample selection, see King & Elder, 1997). The families in this sample are somewhat larger than those in more urban areas. However, it should be noted that the larger number of children may also be due to the fact that many of the participants experienced their childbearing years at the time of the Baby Boom. Farm experience is also a significant factor in many of the participants’ lives, and this is a factor we will consider in looking at age identity. An advantage of these data is the availability of several age identity measures. The data also include rich detail on current activities as well as past experiences and the timing of
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important life transitions. The final sample consists of 666 grandparents. Although these grandparents all have a grandchild in high school, the range in age is quite wide with grandparents as young as 51 years old and as old as 92 years old. 3.2. Measures 3.2.1. Age identity We examine four dimensions of age identity—subjective age, desired age, perceived old age, and desired longevity. Subjective age is measured as the age people ‘‘feel like most of the time.’’ Desired age is measured with this question: ‘‘If you could be any age you wanted to be right now, what age would that be?’’ Perceived old age attempts to measure the beginning of old age more generally by asking this: ‘‘At what age does the average man or woman become old?’’ Finally, respondents were asked about desired longevity: ‘‘To what age do you hope to live to, at the very least?’’ These four age identity variables are measured in years. In contrast to previous studies which have measured age identity with categories such as ‘‘young,’’ ‘‘middle aged,’’ and ‘‘old,’’ the age identity measures in this study are continuous. There are large differences between actual age and age identity. The average age of respondents is 70 years old compared with the mean subjective age of 62 years old and the mean desired age of 48 years old. Desired age is the only dimension of age identity that differs substantially for women and men (not shown). On the other hand, people believe old age begins around age 74. In addition, the mean desired longevity is 83 years old. Table 1 shows the means and standard deviations of the study variables. 3.2.2. Demographic characteristics We control for several demographic variables, including respondent’s age, sex, marital status (married or not), number of children, number of grandchildren, education, and income (coded as dummy variables for income between US$15,000 and US$25,000, US$25,000 and US$35,000, and US$35,000 or more, with income below US$15,000 as the reference category). Three variables indicate health, morale, and potential for longevity. The first is a measure of self-reported health (on a scale of 1 to 4). The second is a dummy variable for low morale. Respondents were asked 17 questions, including how often they experienced feeling lonely, feeling hopeless about the future, feeling worthless, feeling low in energy, and feeling no interest in things. Those who reported feeling a moderate amount, quite a bit, or extremely for any of the morale indicators were coded as having low morale. The third is a dummy variable indicating whether at least one parent is still living. 3.2.3. Current activities We include a dummy variable for whether the respondent is retired. Another dummy variable measures whether the respondent participated in volunteer activities or community service over the past month. The variable for friends measures contact in person and by phone/mail with close friends and ranges from 1 (not at all) to 6 (more than 10 times during a typical week).
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Table 1 Means and standard deviations of study variables Age variable Actual age Subjective age Desired age Perceived old age Desired longevity
Mean
S.D.
69.59 61.89 47.90 73.88 83.06
6.40 11.41 16.91 8.60 6.82
Demographic characteristics Male Married Number of children Number of grandchildren Education Income Below US$15,000 US$15,000 to US$25,000 US$25,000 to US$35,000 US$35,000 or more Self-reported health Low morale Parent still living
0.39 0.73 4.27 9.79 2.66
0.49 0.44 2.10 6.04 1.68
0.23 0.34 0.33 0.10 3.01 0.41 0.13
0.42 0.47 0.47 0.30 0.78 0.49 0.34
Current activities Retired Volunteer Contact with friends
0.79 0.48 3.02
0.40 0.50 1.07
Life history Ever work on or own farm Best times when young Best times when middle aged or older
0.69 0.27 0.12
0.46 0.45 0.33
Grandparenting Enjoy grandparenting Became grandparent early Became grandparent late
4.75 0.15 0.15
0.46 0.36 0.35
3.2.4. Life history Farm experience is measured with a dummy variable for whether or not the respondent ever worked on or owned a farm (or both). This is an important life experience for many of those in our rural sample. We also include two dummy variables for timing of best life experiences. Respondents were asked to indicate whether they consider a specific time in their life to be the best time and when this best time occurred. If a respondent indicated a time that occurred when they were younger than 40 years old, that respondent was coded as experiencing their best time when young. If a respondent indicated a time that occurred when
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they were 40 years old or older, then the respondent was coded as experiencing their best time when middle aged or older. Those who did not specify a time act as the comparison group. 3.2.5. Grandparenting Respondents were asked how much being a grandparent has been an enjoyable experience. The range for this variable is 1 to 5, where 5 indicates that the respondent strongly agrees that being a grandparent is an enjoyable experience. Respondents were asked at what age they became a grandparent for the first time. Those who became a grandparent at an age less than one standard deviation from the mean (calculated separately for men and women) were considered early while those who became a grandparent at an age more than one standard deviation from the mean were considered late. The reference category consists of those who became a grandparent within one standard deviation of the mean age at first grandparenthood.
4. Results Table 2 presents the results from a series of ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models predicting subjective age, desired age, perceived old age, and desired longevity by demographic characteristics, current activities, life history, and grandparenting. 4.1. Age and age identity Not surprisingly, age has a large positive influence on age identity. Compared with younger individuals, those who are older feel older, want to be older, and hope to live longer. However, the coefficients are less than 1, indicating that it is not a simple ratio of 1:1 for each year of life. For example, the coefficient for subjective age is .7, which means that for each year of actual age, a person only feels an average of .7 years older. Although age has a positive effect on subjective age, because the coefficient is less than 1, individuals are actually less likely to feel their age as they get older. A similar pattern occurs for desired age. As people age, their desired age increases but only by .4 year for each year they age. Therefore, desired age becomes younger relative to actual age as individuals grow older. Finally, age has a positive impact on desired longevity. Those who are older hope to live longer. 4.2. Other demographic characteristics Gender has a significant effect on desired age and perceived old age. On average, men would like to be almost 6 years younger than women would like to be. In addition, men feel that the average person becomes old at a younger age. The number of children and grandchildren has some impact on age identity. In general, the more children one has, the older one feels. Yet the more grandchildren one has, the greater one’s desired age, suggesting those with more grandchildren are somewhat more satisfied with their own age and less likely to long for younger days. Alternatively, those with fewer grandchildren may want to be younger in order to have more time for future grandchildren. Education has no significant
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Table 2 OLS models of age identity Independent variables Demographic characteristics Age Male Married Number of children Number of grandchildren Education Income US$15,000 to US$25,000a US$25,000 to US$35,000 US$35,000 or more Self-reported health Low morale Parent still living Current activities Retired Volunteer Contact with friends Life history Ever work on or own farm Best times when young Best times when middle aged or older Grandparenting Enjoy grandparenting Became grandparent early Became grandparent late R2 No. of observations
Subjective age
Desired age
Perceived old age
Desired longevity
0.720** 0.792 0.743 0.683* 0.193 0.094
0.406** 5.802** 0.039 0.753 0.500* 0.430
0.063** 2.703** 1.651 0.136 0.005 0.050
0.392** 0.400 1.197 0.070 0.033 0.215
1.016 0.614 1.057 2.305** 1.923 * 0.865
4.861** 2.749 4.959 2.695** 0.350 0.671
0.634 0.095 0.001 1.867** 0.342 0.592
0.686 1.022 0.927 0.917* 0.571 0.427
2.302 * 0.134 0.175
2.835 1.013 0.733
0.047 1.921* 0.472
1.397 0.207 0.042
2.186* 1.322 4.383**
0.111 3.640* 1.409
1.507 0.082 3.227*
0.553 0.645 1.902
2.053* 2.823* 0.249 .27 571
1.241 0.805 1.687 .11 562
1.902* 0.173 0.423 .11 479
1.242* 0.411 0.436 .16 527
a
Reference category is income below US$15,000. * P < .05. ** P < .01.
effect on age identity, and income has a significant effect on only one age identity measure. Those whose income is between US$15,000 and US$25,000 report an older desired age than those with less income (the coefficients are fairly strong and positive for those with higher incomes but not statistically significant). Self-reported health has a strong effect on all four aspects of age identity. Health has a negative effect on subjective age, indicating that healthier people feel younger. In addition, self-reported health positively influences desired age, perceived old age, and desired longevity. Healthier individuals have older desired ages than those in poor health. The counterpart to this is that those with poor health wish to be younger
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than those who are healthy. Those in poor health also believe that the average man or woman becomes old at a younger age. Finally, healthier individuals hope to live longer than individuals in poor health. Morale has a significant impact on subjective age—those who experience low morale feel almost 2 years older than those with high morale. 4.3. Current activities and life history Retirees feel older than people who are still working. Individuals who volunteer perceive old age to come at older ages than those who do not volunteer. Those who are active, either working or volunteering, tend to have younger age identities. Some events that occurred earlier in life are important in shaping age identity. For one, farm experience has a positive effect on subjective age. Those who have worked on or owned a farm feel older than those with no farm experience. Finally, the timing of positive life experiences has an influence on subjective and desired ages. Those who experienced their best times when they were middle aged or older feel younger and believe that old age begins later than those who do not remember any particular time as being the best. On the other hand, those who experienced their best times when they were young would like to be younger than those who did not mention a best time. 4.4. Grandparenting Grandparenting has a significant effect on age identity. Those who enjoy being a grandparent feel younger, perceive old age to start later, and hope to live longer. The effect on the latter age identity, desired longevity, is only significant for women. For illustration, we calculated predicted values for subjective age, perceived old age, and desired longevity based on regression models using the mean for all independent variables and varying grandparenting experience. Our examples use a 70-year-old woman since this represents the average person in our sample. However, the effect of grandparenting is similar for men (with the exception of desired longevity) and regardless of age. First, women who do not enjoy grandparenting feel their age while women who strongly enjoy this role feel several years younger (about 61). Second, women who dislike being a grandparent perceive old age to begin at around age 68 (keep in mind that these women are already 70). In contrast, women who enjoy being a grandparent very much perceive old age to start closer to age 76. Third, women who do not enjoy grandparenting hope to live to 78 while women who enjoy being a grandparent hope to live to 84. The timing of the grandparent transition is also important. Those who made the transition to grandparenthood relatively early feel older than those who made this transition ‘‘on time.’’ Models were run for those who have been grandparents less than 25 years and those who have been grandparents for 25 years or more. The importance for subjective age is that less experienced grandparents who became grandparents ‘‘early’’ feel older while more experienced grandparents who became grandparents later feel younger. In addition, experienced grandparents who enjoy grandparenting hope to live longer while this effect is not significant for less experienced grandparents. Finally, more experienced grandparents who became grandparents later feel old age occurs 7 years later than experienced grandparents who were ‘‘on time.’’
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5. Discussion We began this study by asking two questions: How does grandparenting experience influence age identity? Is the timing of the transition to grandparenthood important? We found that grandparenting is an important factor in age identity. Perhaps, one of the most important activities for older adults is grandparenting. Those who enjoy being a grandparent feel younger. They also believe that people become old at older ages and hope to live longer than those who do not enjoy grandparenting. The grandparent role may be special in that it keeps individuals actively involved with younger grandchildren. It also gives grandparents ‘‘something to live for.’’ This role has a great impact on how grandparents view aging. In addition, the timing of the transition to grandparenthood is significant in its influence on subjective age identity. Those who became grandparents at younger ages feel older than those who became grandparents ‘‘on time.’’ This is consistent with Linda Burton’s research on grandmothers. Those who become grandparents too quickly may feel as though they were not prepared for the role. Although those with lower socioeconomic status may experience the transition earlier, the effect of entering this role ‘‘early’’ exists regardless of education and income. The grandparent role may entail more involvement than expected, such as caring for a grandchild, at an age when a person was expecting to have more time for him/herself. In addition, people expect to become grandparents at certain times in their lives and often associate this role with being older. The timing of other transitions (marriage, first child, departure of last child) was examined, but none was as important as the timing of the transition to grandparenthood. In addition, those who have been grandparents for a longer time but entered this role relatively late in life feel that old age begins later. It may be that delaying entrance into the grandparent role means delaying old age. This particular transition may be more significant in the lives of older adults because it is most recent and directly indicates a conventional transition in later life. As Karp (1988) suggests, becoming a grandparent is an important reminder of aging. People are aware when transitions should occur (Settersten & Hagestad, 1996), and an accelerated timetable may act to accelerate aging (Neugarten & Moore, 1968). In addition, those who became grandparents ‘‘early’’ have older grandchildren which may also highlight one’s own age (Sherman, 1994). Two of the most consistent effects come from age and health. As people age, they feel older, though the increase is not a one-to-one match. In addition, desired longevity increases as people age. As expected, health has a strong effect on age identity. Not only do those who are healthier feel younger, but their desired age is older, they perceive old age to start later, and they hope to live longer. This parallels previous research that shows healthier people feel younger. Although they feel younger, they desire to be older than their less healthy counterparts which suggests that they are more satisfied with their age. On the other hand, those who are in poor health may have a younger desired age because youth is associated with health. Those in poor health also think that people become old at younger ages and do not hope to live as long as those in good health. In addition, those who experience low morale feel older, which suggests that a negative outlook is associated with older ages. Poor health affects several dimensions of age identity and colors how people view themselves and others who are aging.
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While men and women do not differ in how old they feel, there are significant gender differences in desired age and perceived old age. On average, men wish to be over 5 years younger than women do. This finding is consistent with that of Uotinen’s (1998) Finnish sample. It is an interesting finding given the negative images of older women (Sontag, 1979). It may be that more of the activities men engage in require characteristics associated with youth. Men’s image of themselves depends on being strong and vigorous, whereas women’s image shifts from one in which their worth is based on physical appearance to one in which their worth is based on other qualities. Many of the changes that occur as women get older are positive, such as increases in self-esteem and confidence. Men also believe that old age begins younger than women do. Men’s perception of what old age is may be different from women’s perception. Men may base more of their judgments about old age on physical appearance and may label people as old more easily than women. It was somewhat surprising that women do not hope to live longer than men do since life expectancy greatly favors women. However, men may be more likely to have a ‘‘nothing can harm me’’ attitude which translates into longer expected life. Lastly, the influence of grandparenting on desired longevity differs for women and men. Women who enjoy this role hope to live longer while this relationship is not significant for men. It may be that women are more invested in their grandchildren’s futures. If the desire to relive parenthood exists for grandmothers (Hagestad & Lang, 1986), the desire to experience their grandchildren’s entire childhood may also exist. Family characteristics have inconsistent effects. More grandchildren seem to promote satisfaction with one’s age. On the other hand, individuals with more children feel older than those with fewer children. More children may create more demands for aging adults. Social class does not appear to be a major factor in age identity. There is some evidence that those with more income are more satisfied with their age, but only one of the three coefficients is significant. Indeed, higher education and income do not generally lead to lower subjective age. Age identity is influenced by current activities. In general, those who are more active have younger age identities, whereas those who are less active have older age identities. Retired people feel older. While this is a rural sample in which one’s livelihood is the basis of one’s lifestyle and identity, this effect of retirement on age identity has been shown in several nonrural samples (George et al., 1980; Mutran & George, 1982). Furthermore, those who volunteer perceive old age to begin later. Those who volunteer keep active, and this influences their perception of when people become old. Past experiences and an overall view of one’s life are also important in considering a person’s current identity (Marshall, 1980; Sherman, 1994). Those with farm experience feel older than those without farm experience. While farming tends to be a healthy lifestyle, it is also a physically and mentally demanding occupation. These individuals endure years of physical labor and many have suffered economically and emotionally as they attempted, successfully or not, to keep their farms in difficult times. As we have seen, aging follows a course of diverse pathways and timetables. People construct their subjective age identities based on the particular circumstances of their lives in an attempt to situate themselves within a larger context. Not only current activities but also previous experiences and their timing help to shape subjective views of aging.
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